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Online Encyclopedia
Originally appearing in Volume V02, Page 276 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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AUTHORITIBS.—D. G. Hogarth, Penetration of Arabia (London, 1904) ; C. Niebuhr, Travels and Description of Arabia (Amsterdam, 1774) ; A. Zehme, Arabien and die Araber seit Hundert Jahren (Halle, 1875) ; J. L. Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia (London, 1829) ; R. F. Burton, Pilgrimage to El Medinah and Meccah (London, 1855), Midian revisited (187 ); W. G. Palgrave, Central and Eastern Arabia (London, 1865); C. Doughty, Arabia Deserta (Cambridge,` 1888), and an abridgment, containing mainly the personal narrative, under the title of Wanderings in Arabia (London, 1908) ; L. van den Berg, Le Hadramut et les colonies arabes, &c. (Batavia, 1885); C. Huber, Journal d'un voyage en Arabie (Paris, 1891); J. Eating, Reise in inner Arabien (Leiden; 1896) ; E. Nolde, Reise nach inner Arabien (Brunswick, 1895) ; L. Hirsch, Reise in Sud Arabien (Leiden, 1897) ; J. T. Bent, Southern Arabia (1895); R. Manzoni, Il Yemen (Rome, 1884) ; A. Deflers, Voyage en Yemen (Paris, 1889); J. Halevy, Journal Asiatique (1872); Lady Anne Blunt, Pilgrimage to Nejd (London, 1881) ; E. Glaser, Petermann's Mitt. (1886, 1888 and 1889); W. B. Harris, Journey through Yemen (Edinburgh, 1893) ; J. R. Wellsted, Travels in Arabia (London, 1838) ; Capt. F. M. Hunter, Aden (London, 1877). Consult also Proc. R.G.S. and Geogr. Journal. For geology see H. J. Carter, " Memoir on the Geology of the South-East Coast of Arabia, Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. iv. pp. 21-96 (1852); Doughty's Arabia Deserta; W. F. Hume, The Rift Valleys and Geology of Eastern Sinai (London, 1901). For ancient geography of Arabia:—A. Sprenger, Alte Gebgraphie Arabiens (Berne, 1875); E. H. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography (London, 1883) ; D. H. Muller, Hamd.ani's Geographie (Leiden, 1884) ; E. Glaser, Geschichte and Geographic Arabiens (Berlin, 189o). (R. A. W.) British intervention in Oman. British sphere of influence. Yemen revolt: LITERATURE The literature of Arabia has its origin in the songs, improvisations, recitations and stories of the pre-Mahommedan Arabs. Of written literature in those days there was, so far as we know, none. But where books failed memory was strong and the power of retaining things heard was not confined to a professional class. At every festive meeting many could contribute a poem or a story, many could even improvise the one or the other. When members of different tribes met in peace (as at the fair of 'Ukaz) the most skilful reciters strove to maintain the honour of their own people, and a ready improviser was held in high esteem. The smartest epigrams, the fairest similes, the keenest satires, spoken or sung on such occasions, were treasured in the memory of the hearers and carried by them to their homes. But the experience of all peoples in that memory requires to be helped by form. Sentences became balanced and were made clear by some sort of definite ending. The simplest form of this in Arabian literature is the saj' or rhymed prose, in which the sentences are usually (though not always) short and end in a rhyme or assonance. Mahomet used this form in many parts of the Koran (e.g. Sura, 81). The next step was the introduction of metre into the body of the sentence and the restriction of the passages to a definite length. This in its simplest form gave rise to the rajaz verses, where each half-line ends in the same rhyme and consists of three feet of the measure – v – . Other metres were introduced later until sixteen altogether were re-cognized. In all forms the rhyme is the same throughout the poem, and is confined to the second half of the line except in the first line where the two halves rhyme. While, however, these measures were in early use, they were not systematically analysed or their rules enunciated until the time of Khalil ibn Ahmad in the 8th century. Two other features of Arabian poetry are probably connected with the necessity for aiding the memory. The first of these is the requirement that each line should have a complete sense in itself; this produces a certain jerkiness, and often led among the Arabs to displacement in the order of the lines in a long poem. The other feature, peculiar to the long poem (qasida, elegy), is that, whatever. its real object, whatever its metre, it has a regular scheme in the arrangement of its material. It begins with a description of the old camping-ground, before which the poet calls on his companion to stop, while he bewails the traces of those who have left for other places. Then he tells of his love and how be had suffered from it, how he had journeyed through the desert (this part often contains some of the most famous descriptions and praises of animals) until his beast became thin and worn-out. Then at last comes the real subject of the poem, usually the panegyric of some man of influence or wealth to whom the poet has come in hope of reward and before whom he recites the poem. Poetry.—The influence of the poet in pre-Mahommedan days was very great. As his name, ash-Sha'ir, " the knowing man," indicates, he was supposed to have more than natural knowledge and power. Panegyric and satire (hija') were his chief instruments. The praise of the tribe in well-chosen verses ennobled it throughout the land, a biting satire was enough to destroy its reputation (cf. I. Goldziher's Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie, i. pp. 1-105). Before Mahomet the ethics of the Arabs were summed up in muruwwa (custom). Hospitality, generosity, personal bravery were the subjects of praise; meanness and cowardice those of satire. The existence of poetry among the northern Arabs was known to the Greeks even in the 4th century (cf. St Nilos in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, vol. 79, col. 648, and Sozomen's Ecclesiastical History, bk. 6, ch. 38). Women as well as men composed and recited poems before the days of the Prophet (cf. L. Cheikho's Poetesses of the Jahiliyya, in Arabic, Beirut, 1897). The transmission of early Arabic poetry has been very imperfect. Many of the reciters were slain in battle, and it was not till the 8th to the loth centuries and even later that the earliest collections of these poems were made. Many have to be recovered from grammars, dictionaries, &c., where singlelines or groups of lines are quoted to illustrate the proper use of words, phrases or idioms. Moreover, many a reciter was not content to declaim the genuine verses of ancient poets, but interpolated some of his own composition, and the change of religion introduced by Islam led to the mutilation of many verses to suit the doctrines of the new creed.' The language of the poems, as of all the best Arabian literature, was that of the desert Arabs of central Arabia; and to use it aright was the ambition of poets and scholars even in the Abbasid period. For the man of the towns its vocabulary was too copious to be easily understood, and in the age of linguistic studies many commentaries were written to explain words and idioms. Of the pre-Mahommedan poets the most famous were the six whose poems were collected by Asma'i about the beginning of the 9th century (ed. W. Ahlwardt, The Diwans of the Six Ancient Arabic Poets, London, 1870). Single poems of four of these—Amru-ul-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhair and 'Antara—appear in the Mo'allakat (q.v.). The other two were Nabigha (q.v.) and 'Alqama (q.v.). But besides these there were many others whose names were famous; such as Ta'abbata Sharran, a popular hero who recites his own adventures with great gusto; his companion Shanfara, whose fame rests on a fine poem which has been translated into French by de Sacy (in his Chrestomathie Arabe) and into English by G. Hughes (London, 1886); Aus ibn Hajar of the Bani Tamin, famous for his descriptions of weapons and hunting scenes (ed. R. Geyer, Vienna, 1892); Ilatim Ta'i, renowned for his open-handed generosity as well as for his poetry (ed. F. Schulthess, Leipzig, 1897, with German translation); and 'Urwa ibn ul-Ward of the tribe of 'Abs, rival of IIatim in generosity as well as in poetry (ed. Th. Noldeke, Gottingen, 1863). Among these early poets are found one Jew of repute, Samau'al (Samuel) ibn Adiya (cf. Th. Noldeke's Beitrage, pp. 52-86; art. s.v. " Samuel ibn Adiya " in Jewish Encyc. and authorities there quoted), and some Christians such as 'Adi'ibn Zaid of Hira, who sang alike of the pleasures of drink and of death (ed. by Louis Cheikho in his Les Pates arabes chretiens, pp. 439-474, Beirut, 1890; in this work many Arabian poets are considered to be Christian without sufficient reason). One poet, a younger contemporary of Mahomet, has attracted much attention because his poems were religious and he was a mono-theist. This is Umayya ibn Abi-s-Salt, a Meccan who did not accept Islam and died in 630. His poems are discussed by F. Schulthess in the Orientalische Studien dedicated by Th. Noldeke, Giessen, 19(36, and his relation to Mahomet by E. Power in the Melanges de la faculte orientale de l'universite Saint-Joseph, Beirut, 1906). Mahomet's relation to the poets generally was one of antagonism because of their influence over the Arabs and their devotion to the old religion and customs. Ka'b ibn Zuhair, however, first condemned to death, then pardoned, later won great favour for himself by writing a panegyric of the Prophet (ed. G. Freytag, Halle, 1823). Another poet, A'sha (q.v.), followed his example. Labid (q.v.) and Hassan ibn Thabit (q.v.) were also contemporary. Among the poetesses of the time Khansa (q.v.) is supreme. In the scarcity of poets at this time two others deserve mention; Abu Mihjan, who made peace with Islam in 63o but was exiled for his love of wine, which he celebrated in his verse (ed. L. Abel, Leiden, 1887; cf. C. Land-berg's Primeurs arabes, 1, Leiden, 1886), and Jarwal ibn Aus, known as al-IJutai'a, a wandering poet whose keen satires led to his imprisonment by Omar (Poems, ed. by I. Goldziher in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, vols. 46 and 47). Had the simplicity and religious severity of the first four caliphs continued in their successors, the fate of poetry would have been hard. Probably little but religious poetry would have been allowed. But the Omayyads (with one exception) were not religious men and, while preserving the outward forms of Islam, allowed full liberty to the pre-Islamic customs of the Arabs and the beliefs and practices of Christians. At the same time the ' On the subject of transmission cf. Th. NSldeke's Beitrdge zus Kenntniss der Poesie der alien Araber (Hanover, 18o4); and W. Ahlwardt's Bemerkungen fiber die Aechtheit der alten arabischea Gedickte (Greifswald, 1872). circumstances of the poet's life were altered. Poetry depended on patronage, and that was to be had now chiefly in the court of the caliph and the residences of his governors. Hence the centre of attraction was now the city with its interests, not the desert. Yet the old forms of poetry were kept. The qasida still required the long introduction (see above), which was entirely occupied with the affairs of the desert. Thus poetry became more and more artificial, until in the Abbasid period poets arose who felt themselves strong enough to give up the worn-out forms and adopt others more suitable. The names of three great poets adorn the Omayyad period: Akhtal, Farazdaq and Jarir were contemporaries (see separate articles). The first was a Christian of the tribe of Taghlib, whose Christianity enabled him to write many verses which would have been impossible to a professing Moslem. Protected by the caliph he employed the old weapons of satire to support them against the " Helpers " and to exalt his own tribe against the Qaisites. Farazdaq of the Bani Tamim, a good Moslem but loose in morals, lived chiefly in Medina and Kuf a, and was renowned for his command of language. Jarir of another branch of the Bani Tamim lived in Irak and courted the favour of Hajjaj, its governor. His satires were so effective that he is said to have crushed forty-three rivals. His great efforts were against Farazdaq, who was supported by Akhtal (cf. The Naka'id of Jarir and al-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden, 1906 foil.). Among many minor poets one woman is conspicuous. Laila ul-Akhyaliyya (d. 706) was married to a stranger. On the death of her lover in battle, she wrote numerous elegies bewailing him, and so became famous and devoted the rest of her life to the writing of verse. Two poets of the Koreish attained celebrity in Arabia itself at this time. Qais ur-Ruqayyat was the poet of 'Abdallah ibn uz-Zubair (Abdallah ibn Zobair) and helped him until circumstances went against him, when he made his peace with the caliph. His poems are chiefly panegyrics and love songs (ed. N. Rhodonakis, Vienna, 1902). 'Umar ibn Abi Rabi'a (c. 643-719) was a wealthy man, who lived a life of ease in his native town of Mecca, and devoted himself to intrigues and writing love songs (ed. P. Schwarz, Leipzig, 1901-1902). His poems were very popular throughout Arabia. As a dweller in the town he was independent of the old forms of poetry, which controlled all others, but his influence among poets was not great enough to perpetuate the new style. One other short-lived movement of the Omayyad period should be mentioned. The rajaz poems (see above) had been a subordinate class generally used for improvisations in pre-Mahommedan times. In the 7th and 8th centuries, however, a group of poets employed them more seriously. The most celebrated of these were 'Ajjaj and his son Ru'ba of the Bani Tamim (editions by W. Ahh*rardt, Berlin, 1903; German trans. of Ru'ba's poems by Ahlwardt, Berlin, 1904). With the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty, a new epoch in Arabian poetry began. The stereotyped beginning of the qasida had been recognized as antiquated and out of place in city life even in the Omayyad period (cf. Goldziher, Abhandlungen, i. 144 ff.). This form had been ridiculed but now it lost its hold altogether, and was only employed occasionally by way of direct imitation of the antique. The rise of Persian influence made itself felt in much the same way as the Norman influence in England by bringing a newer refinement into poetry. Tribal feuds are no longer the main incentives to verse. Individual experiences of life and matters of human interest become more usual subjects. Cynicism, often followed by religion in a poet's later life, is common. The tumultuous mixture of interests and passions to be found in a city like Bagdad are the subjects of a poet's verse. One of the earliest of these poets, Muti' ibnAyas, shows the new depth of personal feeling and refinement of expression. Bashshar ibn Burd (d. 783), a blind poet of Persian descent, shows the ascendancy of Persian influence as he openly rails at the Arabs and makes clear his own leaning to the Persian religion. In the 8th century Abu Nuwas (q.v.) is the greatest poet of his time. His language has the purity of the desert, his morals are those of the city, his universalism is that of the man of the world. Abu-l-'Atahiya (q.v.), his contemporary, is fluent,simple and often didactic. Muslim ibn ul-Walid (ed. de Goeje, Leiden, 1875), also contemporary, is more conservative of old forms and given to panegyric and satire. In the 9th century two of the best-known poets—Abu Taminam (q.v.) and Buhturi (q.v.) —were renowned for their knowledge of old poetry (see HAMASA) and were influenced by it in their own verse. On the other hand Ibn ul-Mo'tazz (son of the caliph) was the writer of brilliant occasional verse, free of all imitation. In the loth century the centre of interest is in the court of Saif ud-Daula (addaula) at Aleppo. Here in Motanabbi (q.v.) the claims of modern poetry not only to equal but to excel the ancient were put forward and in part at any rate recognized. Abu Firas (932-968) was a member of the family of Saif ud-Daula, a soldier whose poems have all the charm that comes from the fact that the writer has lived through the events he narrates (ed. by R. Dvorak, Leiden, 1895). Many Arabian writers count Motanabbi the last of the great poets. Yet Abu-l--'Ala ul-Ma'arri (q.v.) was original alike in his use of rhymes and in the philosophical nature of his poems. Ibn Farid (q.v.) is the greatest of the mystic poets, and Busiri (q.v.) wrote the most famous poem extant in praise of the Prophet. In the provinces of the caliphate there were many poets, who, however, seldom produced original work. Spain, however, produced Ibn 'Abdun (d. 1126), famous for the grace and finish of his style (ed. with commentary of Ibn Badrun by R. P. A. Dozy, Leiden, 1846). The Sicilian Ibn Hamdis (1048-1132) spent the last fifty years of his life in Spain (Diwdn, ed. Moagada, Palermo, 1883; Canzoniere, ed. Schiaparelli, Rome, 1897). It was also apparently in this country that the strophe form was first used in Arabic poems (cf. M. Hartmann's Das arabische Strophengedicht, Weimar, 1897), and Ibn Quzman (12th century), a wandering singer, here first used the language of everyday life in the form of verse known as Zajal. Anthologies.—As supplemental to the account of poetry may be mentioned here some of the chief collections of ancient verse; sometimes made for the sake of the poems themselves, sometimes to give a locus classicus for usages of grammar or lexicography; sometimes to illustrate ancient manners and customs. The earliest of these is the Mo'allakat (q.v.). In the 8th century Ibn Mofaddal compiled the collection named after him the Mofaddaliydt. From the 9th century we have the Hamasas of Abu Tammam and Bubturi, and a collection of poems of the tribe Hudhail (second half ed. in part by J.G.L.Kosegarten, London, 1854; completed by J. Wellhausen in Skizzen and Vorarbeiten, is Berlin, 1884). The numerous quotations of Ibn Qutaiba (q.v.) in the ' Uyun ul-Akhbdr (ed. C. Brockelmann, Strassburg, 1900 ff.) and the Book of Poetry and Poets (ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1904) bring these works into this class. In the loth century were compiled the Jamharat ash'ar at Arab, containing forty-nine poems (ed. Bulaq, 1890), the work al-'Iqd ul-Farid of Ibn'Abdi-r-Rabbihi (ed. Cairo, various years), and the greatest work of all this class, the Kitab ul-Aghdni ( " Book of Songs ") (cf. Asu-L FARAJ). The 12th century contributes the Diwdn Mukhtardt ush-Shu'ara'i with fifty qasidas. The Khizanat ul-Adab of Abdulqadir, written in the 17th century in the form of a commentary on verses cited in a grammar, contains much old verse (ed. 4 vols., Bulaq, 1882). Belles-Lettres and Romances.—Mahomet in the Koran had made extensive use of sal or rhymed prose (see above). This form then dropped out of use almost entirely for some time. In the loth century, however, it was revived, occurring almost simultaneously in the Sermons of Ibn Nubata (946-984) and the Letters of Abu Bakr ul-Khwarizmi. Both have been published several times in the East. The epistolary style was further cultivated by Hamadhani (q.v.) and carried to perfection by Abu-l'Ala ul-Ma'arri. Hamadhani was also the first to write in this rhymed prose a new form of work, the Magama (" assembly "). The name arose from the fact that scholars were accustomed to assemble for the purpose of rivalling one another in orations showing their knowledge of Arabic language, proverb and verse. In the Magdmas of Hamadhani a narrator describes how in various places he met a wandering scholar who in these assemblies puts all his rivals to shame by his eloquence, Each oration forms the substance of a Magama,whiletheMagamas themselves are united to one another by the constant meetings of narrator and scholar. Hariri (q.v.) quite eclipsed the fame of his predecessor in this department, and his Magamas retain their influence over Arabian literature to the present day. As late as the 19th century the sheik Nasif ul Yaziji (1800–1871) distinguished himself by writing sixty clever Maqdmas in the style of Hariri (ed. Beirut, 1856, 1872). While this class of literature had devoted itself chiefly to the finesses of the language, another set of works was given to meeting the requirements of moral education and the training of a gentleman. This, which is known as " Adab literature," is anecdotic in style with much quotation of early poetry and proverb. Thus government, war, friendship, morality, piety, eloquence, are some of the titles under which Ibn Qutaiba groups his stories and verses in the `U}yen ul Akhbar. Jahiz (q.v.) in the 9th century and Baihagi. (The Kitdb al-Mahasin val-Masawi, ed. F. Schwally, Giessen, 1900–1902) early in the loth, wrote works of this class. A little later a Spaniard, Ibn `Abdrabbihi (Abdi-r-Rabbihi), wrote his `Iqd ul-Farid (see section Anthologies). The growth of city life in the Abbasid capital led to the desire for a new form of story, differing from the old tales of desert life. This was met in the first place by borrowing. In the 8th century Ibn Mugaffa`, a convert from Mazdaism to Islam, translated the Pahlavi version of Bidpai's fables (itself a version of the Indian Panchatantra) into Arabic with the title Kalila wa Dimna (ed. Beirut, various years). Owing to the purity of its language and style it has remained a classic work. The Book of the root Nights (Arabian Nights) also has its basis in translations from the Indian through the Persian, made as early as the 9th century. To these stories have been added others originating in Bagdad and Egypt and a few others, which were at first in independent circulation. The whole work seems to have taken its present form (with local variations) about the 13th century. Several other romances of considerable length are extant, such as the Story of `Antar (ed. 32 vols., Cairo, 1869, &c., translated in part by Terrick Hamilton, 4 vols., London, 1820), and the Story of Sail' ibn Dhi Yezen (ed. Cairo, 1892). (G. W. T.) Historical Literature.—Arabian historians differ from all others in the unique form of their compositions. Each event is related in the words of eye-witnesses or contemporaries transmitted to the final narrator through a chain of intermediate reporters (rawis), each of whom passed on the original report to his successor. Often the same account is given in two or more slightly divergent forms, which have come down through different chains of reporters. Often, too, one event or one important detail is told in several ways on the basis of several con-temporary statements transmitted to the final narrator through distinct lines of tradition. The writer, therefore, exercises no independent criticism except as regards the choice of authorities; for he rejects accounts of which the first author or one of the inter-mediate links seems to him unworthy of credit, and sometimes he states which of several accounts seems to him the best. A second type of Arabian historiography is that in which an author combines the different traditions about one occurrence into one continuous narrative, but prefixes a statement as to the lines of authorities used and states which of them he mainly follows. In this case the writer recurs to the first method, already described, only when the different traditions are greatly at variance with one another. In yet a third type of history the old method is entirely forsaken and we have a continuous narrative only occasionally interrupted by citation of the authority for some particular point. But the principle still is that what has been well said once need not be told again in other words. The writer, therefore, keeps as close as he can to the letter of his sources, so that quite a late writer often reproduces the very words of the first narrator. From very early times story-tellers and singers found their subjects in the doughty deeds of the tribe on its forays, and sometimes in contests with foreign powers and in the impression produced by the wealth and might of the sovereigns of Persia and Constantinople. The appearance of the Prophet with thegreat changes that ensued, the conquests that made the Arabs lords of half the civilized world, supplied a vast store of new matter for relations which men were never weary of hearing and recounting. They wished to know everything about the apostle of God. Every one who had known or seen him was questioned and was eager to answer. Moreover, the word of God in the Koran left many practical points undecided, and therefore it was of the highest importance to know exactly how the Prophet had spoken and acted in various circumstances. Where could this be better learned than at Medina, where he had lived so long and where the majority of his companions continued to live ? So at Medina a school was gradually formed, where the chief part of the traditions about Mahomet and his first successors took a form more or less fixed. Soon men began to assist memory by making notes, and pupils sought to take written jottings of what they had heard from their teachers. Thus by the close of the 1st century many dictata were already in circulation. For example, Hasan of Basra (d. 728 A.D.) had a great mass of such notes, and he was accused of sometimes passing off as oral tradition things he had really drawn from books; for oral tradition was still the one recognized authority, and it is related of more than one old scholar, and even of Masan of Basra himself, that he directed his books to be burned at his death. The books were mere helps. Long after this date, when all scholars drew mainly from books, the old forms were still kept up. Tabari, for example, when he cites a book expresses himself as if he had heard what he quotes from the master with whom he read the passage or from whose copy he transcribed it. He even ex-presses himself in this wise: "`Omar b. Shabba has related to me in his book on the history of Basra." No independent book of the 1st century from the Flight (i.e. 622–719) has come down to us. It is told, however, that Moawiya summoned an old man named `Abid ibn Sharya from Yemen to Damascus to tell him all he knew about ancient history and that he induced him to write down his information. This very likely formed the nucleus of a book which bore the name of that sheik and was much read in the 3rd century from the Flight. It seems to be lost now. But in the 2nd century (719--816) real books began to be composed. The materials were supplied in the first place by oral tradition, in the second by the dictata of older scholars, and finally by various kinds of documents, such as treaties, letters, collections of poetry and genealogical lists. Genealogical studies had become necessary through Omar's system of assigning state pensions to certain classes of persons according to their kinship with the Prophet, or their deserts during his lifetime. This subject received much attention even in the 1st century, but books about it were first written in the 2nd, the most famous being those of Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 763), of his son Hisham (d. 819), and of Al-Shargi ibn al-Qutami. Genealogy, which often called for elucidations, led on to history. Baladhuri's excellent Ansab al-Ashraf (Genealogies of the Nobles) is a history of the Arabs on a genealogical plan. The oldest extant history is the biography of the Prophet by Ibn Ishaq (d. 767). This work is generally trustworthy. Mahomet's life before he appeared as a prophet and the story of his ancestors are indeed mixed with many fables illustrated by spurious verses. But in Ibn Ishaq's day these fables were generally accepted as history—for many of them had been first related by contemporaries of Mahomet—and no one certainly thought it blameworthy to put pious verses in the mouth of the Prophet's forefathers, though, according to the Fihrist (p. 92), Ibn Ishaq was duped by others with regard to the poems he quotes. The original work of Ibn Ishaq seems to be lost. That which we possess is an edition of it by Ibn Hisham (d. 834) with additions and omissions (text ed. by F. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen, 1858–1860; German translation by Weil, Stuttgart, 1864). The Life of the Prophet by Ibn Oqba (d. 758), based on the statements of two very trustworthy men, `Urwa ibn az-Zubair (d. 713) and Az-zuhri (d. 742), was, still much read in Syria in the 14th century. Fragments of this have been edited by E. Sachau, Berlin, 1904. We fortunately possess the Book of the Campaigns of the Prophet by al-Wagidi (d. 822) and the important Book of Classes of his disciple Ibn Sa'd (q.v.). Waqidi had much more copious materials than Ibn Isbaq, but gives way much more to a popular and sometimes romancing style of treatment. Nevertheless he sometimes helps us to recognize in Ibn Ishaq's narrative modifications of the genuine tradition made for a purpose, and the additional details he supplies set various events before us in a clearer light. Apart from this his chief merits lie in his studies on the subject of the traditional authorities, the results of which are given by Ibn Sa'd, and in his chronology, which is often excellent. A special study of the traditions about the conquest of Syria made by M. J. de Goeje in 1864 (Memoires sur la conquese de la Syrie, and ed., Leiden, 1900), led to the conclusion that Wagidi's chronology is sound as regards the main events, and that later historians have gone astray by forsaking his guidance. This result has been confirmed by certain contemporary notices found by Th. Noldeke in 1874 in a Syriac MS. of the British Museum. And that Ibn Isliaq agrees with Waqidi in certain main dates is important evidence for the trustworthiness of the former also. For the chronology before the year to of the Flight Waqidi did his best, but here, the material being defective, many of his conclusions are pre-carious. Waqidi had already a great library at his disposal. He is said to have had 600 chests of books, chiefly dictata written by or for himself, but in part real books by Abu Mikhnaf (d. 748), Ibn Isbaq (whom he uses but does not name), 'Awana (d. 764), Abu Mashar (d. 791) and other authors. Abu Mikhnaf left a great number of monographs on the chief events from the death of the Prophet to the caliphate of Walid II. These were much used by later writers, and we have many extracts from them, but none of the works themselves except a sort of romance based on his account of the death of Hosain (l usain) of which Wflstenfeld has given a translation. With regard to the history of Irak in particular he was deemed to have the best information, and for this subject he is Tabari's chief source, just as Madaini, a younger contemporary of Wagidi, is followed by preference in all that relates to Khorasan. Madaini's History of the Caliphs is the best, if not the oldest, published before Tabari; but this book is known only by the excerpts given by later writers, particularly Baladhuri and Tabari. From these we judge that he had great narrative power, with much clear and exact learning, and must be placed high as a critical historian. His plan was to record the various traditions about an event, choosing them with critical skill; sometimes, however, he fused the several traditions into a continuous narrative. A just estimate of the relative value of the historians can only be reached by careful comparison in detail. This has been essayed by Brunnow in his study on the Kharijites (Leiden, 1884), in which the narrative of Mubarrad in the Kamil is compared with the excerpts of Madaini given by Baladhuri and those of Abu Mikhnaf given by Tabari. The conclusion reached is that Abu Mikhnaf and Madaini are both well informed and impartial. Among the contemporaries of Waqidi and Madaini were Ibn Khidash (d. 838), the historian of the family Muhallab, whose work was one of Mubarrad's sources for the History of the Kharijites; Haitham ibn 'A& (d. 822), whose works, though now lost, are often cited; and Saif ibn 'Omar at-Tamimi, whose book on the revolt of the tribes under Abu-Bekr and on the Mahommedan conquests was much used by Tabari. His narratives are detailed and often tinged with romance, and he is certainly much inferior to Wagidi in accuracy. Wellhausen has thoroughly examined the work of Saif in Skizzen and Vorarbeiten, vi. Besides these are to be mentioned Abu 'Ubaida (d. 825), who was celebrated as a philologist and wrote several historical monographs that are often cited, and Azraqi, whose excellent History of Mecca was published after his death by his grandson (d. 858). With these writers we pass into the 3rd century of Islam. But we have still an important point to notice in the and century; for in it learned Persians began to take part in the creation of Arabic historical literature. Ibn Muqaffa' translated the great Book of Persian Kings, and others followed his example. Tabari and his contemporaries, senior and junior, such as Ibn Qutaiba, Ya'qubi, Dinawari, preserve to us a goodpart of the information about Persian history made known through such translations). But even more important than the knowledge conveyed by these works was their influence on literary style and composition. Half a century later began versions from the Greek either direct or through the Syriac. The pieces translated were mostly philosophical; but the Arabs also learned something, however superficially, of ancient history. The 3rd century (816–913) was far more productive than the and. Abu 'Ubaida was succeeded by Ibn al-Arabi (d. 846), who in like manner was chiefly famous as a philologist, and who wrote about ancient poems and battles. Much that he wrote is quoted in Tabrzi's commentary on the Ijamdsa, which is still richer in extracts from the historical elucidations of early poems given by ar-Riyashi (d. 871). Of special fame as a genealogist was ibn Habib (d. 859), of whom we have a booklet on Arabian tribal names (ed. Wustenfeld, i85o). Azraqi again was followed by Fakihi, who wrote a History of Mecca in 885,2 and 'Omar b. Shabba (d. 876), who composed an excellent history of Basra, known to us only by excerpts. Of the works of Zubair b. Bakkar d . 870), one of Tabari's teachers, a learned historian and genealogist much consulted by later writers, there is a fragment in the Kopriilii library at Constantinople, and another in Gottingen, part of which has been made known by Wustenfeld (Die Familie Al-Zobair, Gottingen, 1878). Ya'qubi (Ibn Waelih) wrote a , short general history of much value (published by Houtsma, Leiden, 1883). About India he knows more than his predecessors and more than his successors down to Beruni. Ibn Khordadhbeh's historical works are lost. Ibn 'Abdalhakam (d. 871) wrote of the conquest of Egypt and the West. Extracts from this book are given by M'G. de Slane in his Histoire des Berberes, from which we gather that it was a medley of true tradition and romance, and must be reckoned, with the book of his slightly senior contemporary, the Spaniard Ibn IJabib, in the class of historical romances. A high place must be assigned to the historian Ibn Qutaiba or Kotaiba (d. 889), who wrote a very useful Handbook of History (ed. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1850). Much more eminent is Baladhuri (d. 893), whose book on the Arab conquest (ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1865–1866) merits the special praise given to it by Mas'udi, and who also wrote a large work, the Ansdb al-Ashrdf. A contemporary, Ibn abi Tahir Taifur (d. 894), wrote on the Abbasid caliphs and was drawn on by Tabari. The sixth part of his work is in the British Museum. The universal history of Dinawari (d. 896), entitled The Long Narratives, has been edited by Girgas (1887). All these histories are more or less thrown into the shade by the great work of Tabari (q.v.), whose fame has never faded from his own day to ours. The Annals (ed. M. de Goeje, Leiden, 1879–1901) are a general history from the creation to 302 A.H. (=A.D. 915). As a literary composition they do not rank very high, which may be due partly to the author's years, partly to the inequality of his sources, sometimes superabundant, some-times defective, partly perhaps to the somewhat hasty condensation of his original draft. Nevertheless the value of the book is very great: the author's selection of traditions is usually happy, and the episodes of most importance are treated with most fulness of detail, so that it deserves the high reputation it has enjoyed from the first. This reputation rose steadily; there were twenty copies (one of them written by Tabari's own hand) in the library of the Fatimite caliph 'Aziz (latter half of the 4th century), whereas, when Saladin became lord of Egypt, the princely library contained 1200 copies (Magrizi, 408 seq.). The Annals soon came to be dealt with in various ways. They were published in shorter form with the omission of the names of authorities and of most of the poems cited; some passages quoted by later writers are not found even in the Leiden edition. On the other hand, some interpolations took place, one in the • For details see the introduction to Naldeke's translation of Tabari's Geschichte der Perser and Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden (Leiden, 1879). 2 Published in excerpt by Wustenfeld along with Azraqi (Leipzig, 1857-1859). author's lifetime and perhaps by his own hand. Then many supplements were written, e.g. by Ferghani (not extant) and by Hamadhani (partly preserved in Paris). 'Arib of Cordova made an abridgment, adding the history of the West and continuing the story to about 975.1 Ibn Mashkawaih wrote a history from the creation to 98o, with the purpose of drawing the lessons of the story, following Tabari closely, as far as his book is known, and seldom recurring to other sources before the reign of Moqtadir; what follows is his own composition and shows him to be a writer of talent .2 In 963 an abridgment of the Annals was translated into Persian by Bal'ami, who, however, interwove many fables.3 Ibn al-Athir (d. 1234) abridged the whole work, usually with judgment, but sometimes too hastily. Though he sometimes glided lightly over difficulties, his work is of service in fixing the text of Tabari. He also furnished a continuation to the year 1224. Later writers took Tabari as their main authority, but sometimes consulted other sources, and so add to our knowledge—especially Ibn al-Jauzi (d. 1201), who adds many important details. These later historians had valuable help from the biographies of famous men and special histories of countries and cities, dynasties and princes, on which much labour was spent from the 4th century from the Flight onwards. The chief historians after Tabari may be briefly mentioned in chronological order. Razi (d. A.D. 932) wrote a History of Spain; Eutychius (d. 940) wrote Annals (ed. L. Cheikho, Paris, 1906), which are very important because he gives the Christian tradition; Suli (d. 946) wrote on the Abbasid caliphs, their viziers and court poets; Mas'udi (q.v.) composed various historical and geographical works (d. 956). Of Tabari's contemporary Hamza Ispahani (c. 940) we have the Annals (ed. Gottwaldt, St Petersburg, 1844); Ibn al-Qutiya wrote a History of Spain; Ibn Zulaq (d. 997) a History of Egypt; 'Otbi wrote the History of Mahmud of Ghazna, at whose court he lived (printed on the margin of the Egyptian edition of Ibn al-Athir); Tha'labi (d. 1036) wrote a well-known History of the Old Prophets; Abu Nu'aim al-Ispahani (d. 1039) wrote a History of Ispahan, chiefly of the scholars of that city; Tha'alibi (d. c. 1038) wrote, inter alia, a well-known History of the Poets of his Time, published at Damascus, 1887; Birfini (q.v.) (d. 1048) takes a high place among historians; Koda'i (d. 1062) wrote a Description of Egypt and also various historical pieces, of which some are extant; Ibn Sa'id of Cordova (d. 1070) wrote a View of the History of the Various Nations. Bagdad and its learned men found an excellent historian in al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (d. 1071), and Spain in Ibn Ijayan (d. 1076), and half a century later in Ibn Khagan (d. 1135) and Ibn Bassam (d. 1147). Sam'ani (d. '167) wrote an excellent book on genealogies; 'Umara (d. 1175) wrote a History of Yemen (ed. H. C. Kay, London, '892); Ibn 'Asaqir (d.' 176) a History of Damascus and her Scholars, which is of great value, and exists in whole or in part in several libraries. The Biographical Dictionary of the Spaniard Ibn Pascual (d. 1182) and that of Dabbi, a somewhat junior contemporary, are edited in Codera's Bibliotheca Arab. Hisp. (1883-1885); Saladin found his historian in the famous 'Imad uddin (d. 1201) (Arabic text, ed. C. Landberg, Leiden, 1888). Ibn ul-Jauzi, who died in the same year, has been already mentioned. Abdulwahid's History of the Almohades, written in 1224, was published by Dozy (2nd ed., '881). Abdullatif or Abdallatif (d. 1232) is known by his writings about Egypt (trans. de Sacy, 181o); Ibn al-Athir (d. 1233) wrote, in addition to the Chronicle already mentioned, a Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries of the Prophet. Qifti (d. 1248) is especially known by his History of Arabic Philologists. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi (d. 1256), grandson of the Ibn al-Jauzi already mentioned, wrote a great Chronicle, of which much the larger part still exists. Codera has edited (Madrid, '886) Ibn al-'Abbar's (d. '26o) Biographical Lexicon, already Of this work the Gotha Library has a portion containing 29o–32o A.H., of which the part about the West has been printed by Dozy in the Bayon, and the rest was published at Leiden in '897. 2 A fragment (198–251 A.H.) is printed in de Goeje, Fragm. Hist. Ar. (vol. ii., Leiden, 187'). ' The first part was rendered into French by Dubeux in '836. There is an excellent French translation by Zotenberg (1874).known by Dozy's excerpts from it. Ibn al-'Adim (d. 1262) is famed for his History of Aleppo, and Abu Shama (d. 1267) wrote a well-known History of Saladin and Nureddin, taking a great deal from 'Imad uddin. Ibn abi Usaibia (d. 1269) wrote a History of Physicians, ed. A. Muller. The History of Ibn al-'Amid (d. 1276), better known as Elmacin, was printed by Erpenius in 1625. Ibn Said al-Maghribi (d. 1274 or '286) is famous for his histories, but still more for his geographical writings. The noted theologian Nawawi (q.v.; d. 1278) wrote a Biographical Dictionary of the Worthies of the First Ages of Islam. Pre-eminent as a biographer is Ihn Khallikan (q.v.; d. 1282), whose much-used work was partly edited by de Slane and completely by Wiistenfeld (1835-1840), and translated into English by the former scholar (4 vols., 1843-1871). Abu 'l-Faraj, better known as Bar-Hebraeus (d. '286), wrote, besides his Syriac Chronicle, an Arabic History of Dynasties (ed. E. Pocock, Oxford, '663, Beirut, 1890). Ibn 'Adhari's History of Africa and Spain has been published by Dozy (2 vols., Leiden, '848-1851), and the Qartas of Ibn abi Zar' by Tornberg (1843). One of the best-known of Arab writers is Abulfeda (d. '331) (q.v.). Not less famous is the great Encyclopaedia of his contemporary Nuwairi (d. 1332), but only extracts from it have been printed. Ibn Sayyid an-Nas (d. 1334) wrote a full biography of the Prophet; Mizzi (d. 1341) an extensive work on the men from whom traditions have been derived. We still possess, nearly complete, the great Chronicle of Dhahabi (d. 1347), a very learned biographer and historian. The geographical and historical Masalik al-Abskr of Ibn Fadlallah (d. 1348) is known at present by extracts given by Quatremere and Amari. Ibn al-Wardi (d. c. 1349), best known by his Cosmography, wrote a Chronicle which has been printed in Egypt. Safadi (d., 1363) got a great name as a biographer. Yafi'i (d. 1367) wrote a Chronicle of Islam and Lives of Saints. Subki (d. '369) published Lives of the Theologians of the Shafi'ite School. Of Ibn Kathir's History the greatest part is extant. For the history of Spain and the Maghrib the writings of Ibn al-Khatib (d. 1374) are of acknowledged value. Another history, of which we possess the greater part, is the large work of Ibn al-Furat (d. 1404). Far superior to all these; however, is the famous Ibn Khaldun (q.v.) (d. 1406). Of the historical works of the famous lexicographer Fairuzabadi (q.v.) (d. 1414) only a Life of the Prophet remains. Magrizi (d. 1442) is the subject of a separate article; Ibn Hajar (d. 1448) is best known by his Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries of the Prophet, published in the Bibliotheca Indica. Ibn 'Arabshah (d. 1450) is known by his History of Timur (Leeuwarden, 1767). 'Aini (d. 1451) wrote a General History, still extant. Abu'l-Mahasin ibn Taghribirdi (d. 1459) wrote at length on the history of Egypt; the first two parts have been published by Juynboll and Matthes, Leiden, 1855-186'. Fliigel has published Ibn Kotlubogha's Biographies of the Hanifite Jurists. Ibn Shihna (d. 1485) wrote a History of Aleppo. Of Sakhawi we possess a bibliographical work on the historians. The polymath Suyuti (q.v.) (d. 1505) contributed a History of the Caliphs and many biographical pieces. Samhudi's History of Medina is known through the excerpts of Wfistenfeld (1861). Ibn Iyas (d. '524) wrote a History of Egypt, and Diarbekri (d. '559) a Life of Mahomet. To these names must be added Maqqari (Makkari) (q.v.) and Hajji Khalifa (q.v.) (d. x658). He made use of European sources, and with him Arabic historiography may be said to cease, though he had some unimportant successors. A word must be said of the historical romances, the beginnings of which go back to the first centuries of Islam. The interest in all that concerned Mahomet and in the allusions of the Koran to old prophets and races led many professional narrators to choose these subjects. The increasing veneration paid to the Prophet and love for the marvellous soon gave rise to fables about his childhood, his visit to heaven, &c., which have found their way even into sober histories, just as many Jewish legends told by the converted Jew Ka'b al-Ahbar and by Wahb ibn Monabbih, and many fables about the old princes of Yemen told by 'Abid, are taken as genuine history (see, however, Mas'udi, iv. 88 seq.). A fresh field for romantic legend was found in the history of the victories of Islam, the exploits of the first heroes of the faith, the fortunes of 'Ali and his house. Then, too, history was often expressly forged for party ends. The people accepted all this, and so a romantic tradition sprang up side by side with the historical, and had a literature of its own, the beginnings of which must be placed as early as the 2nd century of the Flight. The oldest specimens still extant are the fables about the conquest of Spain ascribed to Ibn Habib (d. 852), and those about the conquest of Egypt and the West by Ibn `Abd al-Hakam (d. 871). In these truth and falsehood are mingled. But most of the extant literature of this kind is, in its present form, much more recent; e.g. the Story of the Death of Hosain by the pseudo-Abu Mikhnaf (translated by Wustenfeld); the Conquest of Syria by Abu Ismail al-Basri (edited by Nassau Lees, Calcutta, 1854, and discussed by de Goeje, 1864); the pseudo-Wagidi (see Hamaker, De Expugnatione Memphidis et Alexandriae, Leiden, 1835); the pseudo-Ibn Qutaiba (see Dozy, Recherches) ; the book ascribed to A`sam Kufi, &c. Further inquiry into the origin of these works is called for, but some of them were plainly directed to stirring up fresh zeal against the Christians. In the 6th century of the Flight some of these books had gained so much authority that they were used as sources, and thus many untruths crept into accepted history (M. J. DE G.; G. W. T.) Geography.—The writing of geographical books naturally began with the description of the Moslem world, and that for practical purposes. Ibn Khordadhbeh, in the middle of the 9th century, wrote a Book of Roads and Provinces to give an account of the high-ways, the posting-stations and the revenues of the provinces. In the same century Ya'qubi wrote his Book of Countries. describing specially the great cities of the empire. A similar work describing the provinces in some detail was that of Qudama or Kodama (d. 922). Hamdani (q.v.) was led to write his great geography of Arabia by his love for the ancient history of his land. Muqaddasi (Mokaddasi) at the end of the loth century was one of the early travellers whose works were founded on their own observation. The study of Ptolemy's geography led to a wider outlook, and the writing of works on geography (q.v.) in general. A third class of Arabian geographical works were those written to explain the names of places which occur in the older poets. Such books were written by Bakri (q.v.) and Yaqut (q.v.)' Grammar and Lexicography.—Arab tradition ascribes the first grammatical treatment of the language to Abu-l-Aswad ud-Du'ali (latter half of the 7th century), but the certain beginnings of Arabic grammar are found a hundred years later. The Arabs from early times have always been proud of their language, but its systematic study seems to have arisen from contact with Persian and from the respect for the language of the Koran. In Irak the two towns of Basra and Kufa produced two rival schools of philologists. Bagdad. soon had one of its own (cf. G. Flugel's Die grammatischen Schulen der Araber, Leipzig, 1862). Khalil ibn Ahmad (718-991), an Arab from Oman, of the school of Basra, was the first to enunciate the laws of Arabic metre and the first to write a dictionary. His pupil Sibawaihi (q.v.), a Persian, wrote the grammar known simply as The Book, which is generally regarded in the East as authoritative and almost above criticism. Other members of the school of Basra were Abu 'libaida (q.v.), Asma'i (q.v.), Mubarrad (q.v.) and Ibn Duraid (q.v.). The school of Kufa claimed to pay more attention to the living language (spoken among the Bedouins) than to written laws of grammar. Among its teachers were Kisa'i, the tutor of Harun a1-Rashid's sons, Ibn Arabi, Ibn as-Sikkit (d. 857) and Ibn ul-Anbari (885-939). In the fourth century of Islam the two schools of Kufa and Basra declined in importance before the increasing power of Bagdad, where Ibn Qutaiba, Ibn Jinni (941–1002) and others carried on the work, but without the former rivalry of the older schools. Persia from the beginning of the Loth century produced some outstanding students of Arabic. Hamadhani (d. 932) wrote a book of synonyms (ed. L. Cheikho, Beirut, 1885). Jauhari (q.v.) wrote his great dictionary the Salta,. Tha'alibi (q.v.) and Jurjani (q.v.) were almost contemporary, and a little later came Zamakhshari (q.v.), whose philological works are almost as famous as his commentary on the Koran. The most important dictionaries of Arabic are late in origin. The immense work, Lisan ul Arab (ed. 20 vols., Bulaq, 1883-1889), was compiled by Ibn Manzur (1232-1311), the Q¢mus by Fairuzabadi, the Taj ul'Arils (ed. ro vols., Bulaq, 189o), founded on the Qamus, by Murtada uz-Zabidi (1732-1790). Scientific Literature.—The literature of the various sciences is dealt with elsewhere. It is enough here to mention that such existed, and that it was not indigenous. It was in the early Abbasid period that the scientific works of Greece were translated into Arabic, ' The chief Arabian geographical works have been edited by M. J. de Goeje in his Bibliotheca Geographorum arabicorum (Leiden, 1874 ff).often through the Syriac, and at the same time the influence of Sanskrit works made itself felt. Astronomy seems in this way to have come chiefly from India. The study of mathematics learned from Greece and India was developed by Arabian writers, who in turn became the teachers of Europe in the 16th century. Medical literature was indebted for its origin to the works of Galen and the medical school of Gondesapur. Many of the Arabian philosophers were also physicians and wrote on medicine. Chemistry proper was not understood, but Arabian writings on alchemy led Europe to it later. So also the literature of the animal world (cf. Damiri) is not zoological but legendary, and the works on minerals are practical and not scientific. See ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY and historical sections of such scientific articles as ASTRONOMY, &c. (G. W. T.)
End of Article: AUTHORITIBS

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