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See also:BOETIUS (or BoETxlus), ANICIUS See also:MANLIUS See also:SEVERINUS (c. A.D. 480–524) , See also:Roman philosopher and statesman, described by See also:Gibbon as " the last of the See also:Romans whom See also:Cato or Tully could have acknowledged for their countryman." The historians of the See also:day give us but imperfect records or make unsatisfactory allusions . Later chroniclers indulged in the fictitious and the marvellous, and it is almost exclusively from his own books that trustworthy See also:information can be obtained . There is considerable diversity among authorities as to his name . One editor of his De Consolatione, Bertius, thinks that he See also:bore the praenomen of Flavius, but there is no authority for this supposition . His See also:father was Flavius See also:Manlius See also:Boetius, and it is probable that the Flavius Boetius, the praetorian See also:prefect who was put to See also:death in A.D . 455 by See also:order of Valentinian III., was his grandfather, but these facts do not prove that he also had the praenomen of Flavius . Many of the earlier See also:editions inserted the name of Torquatus, but it is not found in any of the best See also:manuscripts . The last name is commonly written Boethius, from the See also:idea that it is connected with the See also:Greek (3o17Oos; but the best manuscripts agree in See also:reading Boetius . His boyhood was spent in See also:Rome during the reign of See also:Odoacer . We know nothing of his See also:early years . A passage in a See also:treatise falsely ascribed to him (De Disciplina Scholarium) and a misinterpretation of a passage in See also:Cassiodorus led early scholars to suppose that he spent some eighteen years in See also:Athens pursuing his studies, but there is no See also:foundation for this See also:opinion . His father, See also:consul in 487, seems to have died soon after; for Boetius states that, when he was bereaved of his See also:parent, men of the highest See also:rank took him under their See also:charge (De See also:Con. See also:lib. ii. c . 3), especially the senator Q . Aur . See also:Memmius See also:Symmachus, whose daughter Rusticiana he married . By her he had two sons, Anicius Manlius See also:Severinus Boetius and Q . Aurelius Memmius Symmachus . He became a favourite with See also:Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, who ruled in Rome from 500, and was one of his intimate See also:friends . Boetius was consul in 510, and his sons, while still See also:young, held the same See also:honour together (522) . Boetius regarded it as the height of his See also:good See also:fortune when he witnessed his two sons, consuls at the same See also:time, convoyed from their See also:home to the See also:senate-See also:house amid the See also:enthusiasm of the masses . On that day, he tells us, while his sons occupied the See also:curule chairs in the senate-house, he himself had the honour of pronouncing a See also:panegyric on the monarch . But his good fortune did not last, and he attributes the calamities that came upon him to the See also:ill-will which his bold See also:maintenance of See also:justice had caused, and to his opposition to every oppressive measure . Of this he mentions particular cases . A See also:famine had begun to rage .
The prefect of the praeforium was determined to satisfy the soldiers, regardless altogether of the feelings of the provincials
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He accordingly issued an See also:edict for a coemptio, that is, an order compelling the provincials to sell their See also:corn to the See also:government, whether they would or not
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This edict would have utterly ruined See also:Campania
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Boetius interfered
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The See also:case was brought before the See also: The knowledge of this fact may have rendered Theodoric suspicious . But Boetius denied the accusation in unequivocal terms . He did indeed wish the integrity of the senate . He would See also:fain have desired liberty, but all See also:hope of it was gone . The letters addressed by him to Justin were forgeries, and he had not been guilty of any See also:conspiracy . Notwithstanding his innocence he was condemned and sent to See also:Ticinum (See also:Pavia) where he was thrown into See also:prison . It was during his confinement in this prison that he wrote his famous See also:work De Consolatione Philosophiae . His goods were confiscated, and after an imprisonment of considerable duration he was put to death in 524 . See also:Procopius relates that Theodoric soon repented of his cruel See also:deed, and that his death, which took place soon after, was hastened by remorse for the See also:crime he had committed against his great counsellor . Two or three centuries after the death of Boetius writers began to view his death as a martyrdom . Several See also:Christian books were ascribed to him, and there was one especially on the Trinity (see below) which was regarded as See also:proof that he had taken an active See also:part against. the See also:heresy of Theodoric . It was therefore for his orthodoxy that Boetius was put to death .
And these writers delight to paint with minuteness the horrible tortures to which he was exposed and the marvellous actions which the See also:saint performed at his death
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He was locally regarded as a saint, but he was not canonized
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The See also:brick See also:tower in Pavia in which he was confined was, and still is, an See also:object of reverence to the See also:country See also:people
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Finally, in the See also:year 996, See also:Otho III. ordered the bones of Boetius to be taken out of the place in which they had lain hid, and to be placed in the See also: Cassiodorus, magister officiorum under Theodoric and the intimate acquaintance of the philosopher, employs See also:language equally strong, and See also:Ennodius, the See also:bishop of Pavia, knows no See also:bounds for his admiration . Theodoric had a profound respect for his scientific abilities . He employed him in setting right the coinage . When he visited Rome with Gunibald, king of the Burgundians, he took him to Boetius, who showed them, amongst other See also:mechanical contrivances, a See also:sun-See also:dial and a See also:water-See also:clock . The See also:foreign monarch was astonished, and, at the See also:request of Theodoric, Boetius had to prepare others of a similar nature, which were sent as presents to Gunibald . The fame of Boetius increased after his death, and his See also:influence during the See also:middle ages was exceedingly powerful . His circumstances peculiarly favoured this influence . He appeared at a time when contempt for intellectual pursuits had begun to pervade society . In his early years he was seized with a passionate enthusiasm for Greek literature, and this continued through See also:life . Even amidst the cares of the consulship he found time for commenting on the Categories of See also:Aristotle . The idea laid hold of him of reviving the spirit of his countrymen by imbuing them with the thoughts of the great Greek writers . He formed the See also:resolution to translate all the See also:works of Aristotle and all the dialogues of See also:Plato, and to reconcile the See also:philosophy of Plato with that of Aristotle . He did not succeed in all that he designed; but he did a great part of his work . He translated into Latin Aristotle's Analytica Priora et Posteriora, the Topica, and Elenchi Sophistici; and he wrote commentaries on Aristotle's Categories, on his See also:book 7repi Epµ gve(as, also a commentary on the Isagoge of Porphyrius . These works formed to a large extent the source from which the middle ages derived their knowledge of Aristotle . (See Stahr, Aristoteles bei den Romern, pp . 196-234.) Boetius wrote also a commentary on the Topica of See also:Cicero; and he was also the author of See also:independent works on See also:logic:—Introductio ad Categoricos Syllogismos, in one book; De Syllogismis Categoricis, in two books; De Syllogismis Hypotheticis, in two books; De Divisione, in one book; De Definitione, in one book; De Differentiis Topicis, in four books . We see from a statement of Cassiodorus that he furnished manuals for the quadrivium of the See also:schools of the middle ages (the "quattuor matheseos disciplinae," as Boetius calls them) on See also:arithmetic, See also:music, See also:geometry and See also:astronomy . The statement of Cassiodorus that he translated See also:Nicomachus is rhetorical . Boetius himself tells us in his See also:preface addressed to his father-in-See also:law Symmachus that he had taken liberties with the See also:text of Nicomachus, that he had abridged the work when necessary, and that he had introduced formulae and diagrams of his own where he thought them useful for bringing out the meaning . His work on music also is not a See also:translation from See also:Pythagoras, who See also:left no See also:writing behind him . But Boetius belonged to the school of musical writers who based their See also:science on the method of Pythagoras . They thought that it was not sufficient to See also:trust to the See also:ear alone, to determine the principles of music, as did See also:practical musicians like See also:Aristoxenus, but that along with the ear, See also:physical experiments should be employed . The work of Boetius is in five books and is a very See also:complete exposition of the subject . It See also:long remained a text-book of music in the See also:universities of See also:Oxford and See also:Cambridge . It is still very valuable as a help in ascertaining the principles of See also:ancient music, and gives us the opinions of some of the best ancient writers on the See also:art . The manuscripts of the geometry of Boetius differ widely from each other . One editor, Godofredus Friedlein, thinks that there are only two manuscripts which can at all See also:lay claim to contain the work of Boetius . He published the Ars Gcometriae, in two books, as given in these manuscripts; but critics are generally inclined to doubt the genuineness even of these . See also:Professor See also:Rand, Georgius See also:Ernst and A . P . McKinlay regard the Ars as certainly inauthentic, while they accept the Interpretatio Euclidis (see works quoted in bibliography) . By far the most important and most famous of the worksI17 of Boetius is his book De Consolatione Philosophiae . Gibbon justly describes it as " a See also:golden See also:volume, not unworthy of the leisure of Plato or Tully, but which claims incomparable merit from the barbarism of the times and the situation of the author." The high reputation it had in See also:medieval times is attested by the numerous See also:translations, commentaries and imitations of it which then appeared . Among others See also:Asser, the instructor of See also:Alfred the Great, and See also:Robert See also:Grosseteste, bishop of See also:Lincoln, commented on it . Alfred translated it into Anglo-Saxon .
Versions of it appeared in See also:German, See also:French, See also:Italian, See also:Spanish and Greek before the end of the s5th See also:century
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See also:Chaucer translated it into See also:English See also:prose before the year 1382; and this translation was published by See also:Caxton at See also:Westminster, 1480
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See also:Lydgate followed in the See also:wake of Chaucer
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It is said that, after the invention of See also:printing, amongst others See also:Queen See also: She finds that he believes that See also:God rules the See also:world, but does not know what he himself is; and this See also:absence of self-knowledge is the cause of his weakness . In the second book Philosophy presents to Boetius Fortune, who is made to See also:state to him the blessings he has enjoyed, and after that proceeds to discuss with him the See also:kind of blessings that fortune can bestow, which are shown to be unsatisfactory and uncertain . In the third book Philosophy promises to See also:lead him to true happiness, which is to be found in God alone, for since God is the highest good, and the highest good is true happiness, God is true happiness . Nor can real evil exist, for since God is all-powerful, and since he does not wish evil, evil must be non-existent . In the See also:fourth book Boetius raises the question, Why, if the See also:governor of the universe is good, do evils exist, and why is virtue often punished and See also:vice rewarded ? Philosophy proceeds to show that in fact vice is never unpunished nor virtue unrewarded . From this Philosophy passes into a discussion in regard to the nature of See also:providence and See also:fate, and shows that every fortune is good . The fifth and last book takes up the question of man's See also:free will and God's foreknow-ledge, and, by an exposition of the nature of God, attempts to show that these doctrines are not subversive of each other; and the conclusion is See also:drawn that God remains a foreknowing spectator of all events, and the ever-See also:present eternity of his See also:vision agrees with the future quality of our actions, dispensing rewards to the good and punishments to the wicked . Several theological works have been ascribed to Boetius, as has been already mentioned . The Consolatio affords conclusive proof that the author was not a practical believer in See also:Christianity . The book contains expressions such as daemones, See also:angelica virtus, and purgatoria dementia, which have been thought to be derived from the Christian faith; but they are used in a See also:heathen sense, and are explained sufficiently by the circumstance that Boetius was on intimate terms with Christians . The writer nowhere finds See also:consolation in any Christian belief, and See also:Christ is never named in the work .
It is not impossible, however, that Boetius may have been brought up a Christian, and that in his early years he may have written some Christian books
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Peiper thinks that the first three See also:treatises are the productions of the early years of Boetius
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The first, De Sancta Trinitate, is addressed to Symmachus (Domino Patri Symmacho), and the result of the See also:short discussion, which is of an abstract nature, and deals partly with the ten categories, is that unity is predicated absolutely, or, in regard to the substance of the Deity, trinity is predicated relatively
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The second treatise is addressed to See also: A See also:council is mentioned, in which a See also:letter was read, expounding the opinion of the Eutychians for the first time . The novelty of the opinion is also alluded to . All these circumstances point to the council of See also:Chalcedon (451) . The treatise was therefore written before the See also:birth of Boetius, if it be not a See also:forgery; but there is no See also:reason to suppose that the treatise was not a genuine See also:production of the time to which it professes to belong . The fourth treatise, De Fide Catholica, does not contain any distinct See also:chronological data; but the See also:tone and opinions of the treatise produce the impression that it probably belonged to the same See also:period as the treatise against Eutyches and Nestorius . Several inscriptions ascribe both these treatises to Boetius . It will be seen from this statement that Peiper bases his conclusions on grounds far too narrow; and on the whole it is perhaps more probable that Boetius wrote none of the four Christian treatises, particularly as they are not ascribed to him by any of his contemporaries . Three of them See also:express in the strongest language the orthodox faith of the church in opposition to the Arian heresy, and these three put in unmistakable language the procession of the See also:Holy Spirit from both Father and Son . The fourth argues for the orthodox belief of the two natures and one See also:person of Christ . When the See also:desire arose that it should be believed that Boetius perished from his opposition to the heresy of Theodoric, it was natural to ascribe to him works which were in See also:harmony with this supposed fact . The works may really have been written by one Boetius, a bishop of See also:Africa, as Jourdain supposes, or by some Saint Severinus, as See also:Nitzsch conjectures, and the similarity of name may have aided the transference of them to the heathen or neutral Boetius . Important and, if genuine, decisive evidence upon this point is afforded by a passage in the Anecdoton Holderi, a fragment contained in a loth-century MS . (ed . H . Usener, See also:Leipzig, 1877) . The fragment gives an See also:extract from a previously unknown letter of Cassiodorus, the important words being " Scripsit (i.e . Boetius) librum de sancta trinitate, et capita quaedam dogmatica, et librum contra Nestorium." Nitzsch, however, held that this was a copyist's See also:gloss, harmonizing with the received Boetius See also:legend, which had been transferred to the text, and did not consider that it outweighed the opposing See also:internal evidence from De Cons . Phil . |
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