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1ST EARL OF JOHN FITZGIBBON CLARE (17...

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Originally appearing in Volume V06, Page 426 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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EARL OF See also:JOHN FITZGIBBON See also:CLARE (1749-1802)  , See also:lord See also:chancellor of See also:Ireland, was the second son of See also:John Fitzgibbon, who had abandoned the See also:Roman See also:Catholic faith in See also:order to pursue a legal career . He was educated at Trinity See also:College, See also:Dublin, where he was highly distinguished as a classical See also:scholar, and at See also:Christ See also:Church, See also:Oxford, where he graduated in 1770 . In 1772 he was called to the Irish See also:bar, and quickly acquired a very lucrative practice; he also inherited his See also:father's large See also:fortune on the See also:death of his See also:elder See also:brother . In 1778 he entered the Irish See also:House of See also:Commons as member for Dublin University, and at first gave a See also:general support to the popular party led by See also:Henry See also:Grattan (q.v.) . He was, however, from the first hostile to that See also:part of Grattan's policy which aimed at removing the disabilities of the Roman Catholics; he endeavoured to impede the See also:Relief See also:Bill of 1778 by raising difficulties about its effect on the See also:Act of See also:Settlement . He especially distrusted the priests, and many years later explained that his See also:life-See also:long resistance to all concession to the Catholics was based on his " unalterable See also:opinion " that " a conscientious Popish ecclesiastic never will become a well-attached subject to a See also:Protestant See also:state, and that the Popish See also:clergy must always have a commanding See also:influence on every member of that communion." As See also:early as 1780 Fitzgibbon began to See also:separate himself from the popular or See also:national party, by opposing Grattan's See also:declaration of the Irish See also:parliament's right to See also:independence . There is no See also:reason to suppose that in this See also:change of view he was influenced by corrupt or See also:personal motives . His See also:cast of mind naturally inclined to authority rather than to democratic See also:liberty; his hostility to the Catholic claims, and his distrust of See also:parliamentary reform as likely to endanger the connexion of Ireland with See also:Great See also:Britain, made him a sincere opponent of the aims which Grattan had in view, In reply, however, to a remonstrance from his constituents Fitzgibbon promised to support Grattan's policy in the future, and described the claim of Great Britain to make See also:laws for Ireland as " a daring usurpation of the rights of a See also:free See also:people." For some See also:time longer there was no actual See also:breach between him and Grattan . Grattan supported the See also:appointment of Fitzgibbon as See also:attorney-general in 1783, and in 1785 the latter highly eulogized Grattan's See also:character and services to the See also:country in a speech in which he condemned See also:Flood's volunteer See also:movement . He also opposed Flood's Reform Bill of 1784; and from this time forward he was in fact the leading spirit in the Irish See also:government, and the stiffest opponent of all concession to popular demands . In 1784 the permanent See also:committee of revolutionary reformers in Dublin, of whom Napper See also:Tandy was the most conspicuous, invited the sheriffs of counties to See also:call meetings for the See also:election of delegates to attend a See also:convention for the discussion of reform; and when the See also:sheriff of the See also:county of Dublin summoned a See also:meeting for this purpose Fitzgibbon procured his imprisonment for contempt of See also:court, and justified this See also:procedure in parliament, though Lord See also:Erskine declared it grossly illegal . In the course of the debates on See also:Pitt's commercial propositions in 1785, which Fitzgibbon supported in masterly speeches, he referred to See also:Curran in terms which led to a See also:duel between the two lawyers, when Fitzgibbon was accused of a deliberation in aiming at his opponent that was contrary to See also:etiquette .

His antagonism to Curran was life-long and See also:

bitter, and after he became chancellor his hostility to the famous See also:advocate was said to have driven the latter out of practice . In See also:January 1787 Fitzgibbon introduced a stringent bill for repressing the Whiteboy outrages . It was supported by Grattan, who, however, procured the omission of a clause enacting that any Roman Catholic See also:chapel near which an illegal See also:oath had been tendered should be immediately demolished . His influence with the See also:majority in the Irish parliament defeated Pitt's proposed reform of the tithe See also:system in Ireland, Fitzgibbon refusing even to See also:grant a committee to investigate the subject . On the regency question in 1789 Fitzgibbon, in opposition to Grattan, supported the See also:doctrine of Pitt in a See also:series of powerfulspeeches which proved him a great constitutional lawyer; he intimated that the choice for Ireland might in certain eventualities See also:rest between See also:complete separation from See also:England and legislative See also:union; and, while he exclaimed as to the latter alternative, " See also:God forbid that I should ever see that See also:day!" he admitted that separation would be the worse evil of the two . In the same See also:year Lord See also:Lifford resigned the chancellorship, and Fitzgibbon was appointed in his See also:place, being raised to the See also:peerage as See also:Baron Fitzgibbon . His removal to the House of Lords greatly increased his See also:power . In the Commons, though he had exercised great influence as attorney-general, his position had been secondary; in the House of Lords and in the privy See also:council he was little less than despotic . " He was," says See also:Lecky, " by far the ablest Irishman who had adopted without restriction the doctrine that the Irish legislature must be maintained in a See also:condition of permanent and unvarying subjection to the See also:English executive." But the English See also:ministry were now embarking on a policy of conciliation in Ireland . The Catholic Relief Bill of 1793 was forced on the Irish executive by the See also:cabinet in See also:London, but it passed rapidly and easily through the Irish parliament . Lord Fitzgibbon, while accepting the bill as inevitable under the circumstances that had arisen, made a most violent though exceedingly able speech against the principle of concession, which did much to destroy the conciliatory effect of the measure; and as a consequence of this act he began persistently to urge the See also:necessity for a legislative union . From this date until the union was carried, the career of Fitzgibbon is practically the See also:history of Ireland .

True to his inveterate hostility to the popular claims, he was opposed to the appointment of Lord See also:

Fitzwilliam (q.v.) as See also:viceroy in 1795, and was probably the See also:chief influence in procuring his recall; and it was Fitzgibbon who first put it into the See also:head of See also:George III. that the See also:king would violate his See also:coronation oath if he consented to the See also:admission of Catholics to parliament . When Lord See also:Camden, Fitzwilliam's successor in the viceroyalty, arrived in Dublin on the 31st of See also:March 1795, Fitzgibbon's See also:carriage was violently assaulted by the See also:mob, and he himself was wounded; and in the riots that ensued his house was also attacked . But as if to impress upon the Catholics the hopelessness of their See also:case, the government who had made Fitzgibbon a See also:viscount immediately after his attack on the Catholics in 1793 now bestowed on him a further See also:mark of See also:honour . In See also:June 1795 he was created See also:earl of See also:Clare . On the See also:eve of the See also:rebellion he warned the government that while emancipation and reform might be the See also:objects aimed at by the better classes, the See also:mass of the disaffected had in view " the separation of the country from her connexion with Great Britain, and a fraternal See also:alliance with the See also:French See also:Republic." Clare advocated stringent See also:measures to prevent an outbreak; but he was neither cruel nor immoderate, and was inclined to See also:mercy in dealing with individuals . He attempted to See also:save Lord See also:Edward See also:Fitzgerald (q.v.) from his See also:fate by giving a friendly warning to his See also:friends, and promising to facilitate his See also:escape from the country; and Lord Edward's aunt, See also:Lady Louisa See also:Conolly, who was See also:con-ducted to his death-See also:bed in See also:prison by the chancellor in See also:person, declared that " nothing could exceed Lord Clare's kindness." His moderation and humanity after the rebellion was extolled by See also:Cornwallis . He threw his great influence on the See also:side of clemency, and it was through his intervention that See also:Oliver See also:Bond, when sentenced to death, was reprieved; and that an arrangement was made by which See also:Arthur O'See also:Connor, See also:Thomas See also:Emmet and other state prisoners were allowed to leave the country . In See also:October 1798 Lord Clare, who since 1793 had been convinced of the necessity for a legislative union if the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland was to be maintained, and who was equally determined that the union must be unaccompanied by Catholic emancipation, crossed to England and successfully pressed his views on Pitt . In 1799 he induced the Irish House of Lords to throw out a bill for providing a permanent endowment of See also:Maynooth . On the loth of See also:February 1800 Clare in the House of Lords moved the See also:resolution approving the union in a long and powerful speech, in which he reviewed the history of Ireland since the Revolution, attributing the evils of See also:recent years to the See also:independent constitution of 1782, and speaking of Grattan in See also:language of deep personal hatred . He was not aware of the assurance which Cornwallis had been authorized to convey to the Catholics that the union was to pave the way for emancipation, and when he heard of it after the passing of the act he bitterly complained that Pitt and Castlereagh had deceived him . After the union Clare became more violent than ever in his opposition to any policy of concession in Ireland .

He died on the 28th of January 1802; his funeral in Dublin was the occasion of a See also:

riot organized " by a gang of about fourteen persons under orders of a See also:leader." His wife, in compliance with his death-bed See also:request, destroyed all his papers . His two sons, John (1792–1851) and See also:Richard See also:Hobart (1793–1864), succeeded in turn to the earldom, which became See also:extinct on the death of the latter, whose only son, John See also:Charles Henry, Viscount Fitzgibbon (1829–1854), was killed in the See also:charge of the See also:Light See also:Brigade at See also:Balaklava . Lord Clare was in private life an estimable and even an amiable See also:man; many acts of generosity are related of him; the determination of his character swayed other See also:wills to his purpose, and his courage was such as no danger, no obloquy, no public hatred or violence could disturb . Though not a great orator like Flood or Grattan, he was a skilful and ready debater, and he was by far the ablest Irish supporter of the union . He was, however, arrogant, overbearing and intolerant to the last degree . He was the first Irishman since the Revolution to hold the See also:office of lord chancellor of Ireland . " Except where his furious personal antipathies and his ungovernable arrogance were called into See also:action, he appears to have been," says Lecky, " an able, upright and energetic See also:judge "; but as a politician there can be little question that Lord Clare's bitter and unceasing resistance to reasonable measures of reform did See also:infinite See also:mischief in the history of Ireland, by inflaming the passions of his countrymen, See also:driving them into rebellion, and perpetuating their See also:political and religious divisions . See W . E . H . Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth See also:Century (5 vols., London, 1892) ; J . R .

O'Flanagan, The Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Great See also:

Seal in Ireland (2 vols., London, 1870) ; Cornwallis See also:Correspondence, ed. by C . See also:Ross (3 vols., London, 1859) ; Charles See also:Phillips, Recollections of Curran and some of his Contemporaries (London, 1822) ; Henry Grattan, See also:Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Right Honble . Henry Grattan (5 vols., London, 1839–1846) ; Lord See also:Auckland, See also:Journal and Correspondence (4 vols., London, 1861); Charles See also:Coote, History of the Union of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1802) . (R . J .

End of Article: 1ST EARL OF JOHN FITZGIBBON CLARE (1749-1802)
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