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See also:CONGRESS (See also:Lat. congressus, coming together, from congredi; cum, with, and See also:gradus, step)
, in See also:diplomacy, a See also:solemn See also:assembly of sovereigns or their plenipotentiaries met together for the purpose of definitely settling See also:international questions of See also:common See also:interest
.
In this See also:political See also:connotation the word first came into use in the 17th See also:century; an isolated instance occurs in 1636, when it was applied to the See also:meeting of delegates summoned by the See also:pope to See also:Cologne, to See also:attempt to put an end to the See also:Thirty Years' See also:War
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In 1647 the meetings of delegates for the conclusion of See also:peace, assembled at See also:Osnabruck and See also:Munster, were termed a See also:congress; and in spite of objections to it on the ground that it was "coarse and inappropriate," based on the physiological sense of the word, it continued thenceforward in use
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The See also:adoption of the name Congress for the See also:national legislative See also:body in the See also:United States (and so for other See also:American countries) was simply a development from this usage, for the " See also:Continental Congresses " of 1774 and 1775-1781, and the "Congress of the See also:Confederation" (1781-1788), were, as inter-See also:state representative deliberative bodies, analogous to international congresses, and the Congress of 1789 onwards ultimately consists of representatives of the See also:sovereign states composing the See also:Union; this body is, however, dealt with under UNITED STATES: Political Institutions
.
The more See also:general analogous use of the See also:term (See also: But this principle, though affirmed by the See also:Powers at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, has rarely been translated into practice . At the congress of Vienna (1814-1815), the decisions of which affected every state in See also:Europe, a See also:committee of the five See also:great Powers claimed and exercised the right to See also:settle every-thing of importance; and this set the precedent which has been followed ever since . At the congresses of Paris and Berlin, as at that of Vienna, the great Powers regulated the affairs of lesser states without consulting the representatives of the latter . Similarly, at the conference of 1869 on the affairs of See also:Crete no representative of See also:Greece was present; and at the conference of See also:London (1883), on the international regulation of the See also:Danube, the sovereign state of See also:Rumania, though a Danubian Power, was not represented . It was only with great difficulty that See also:Cavour obtained See also:admission to the congress of Paris in 1856, and the proposal of a congress in 1859 See also:broke down on the refusal of See also:Austria to admit the right of See also:Sardinia to be represented . M . See also:Pradier-Fodere deplores the consistent See also:breach of the "fundamental See also:rule" in this respect; but since every sovereign state, great and small, once admitted, has an equal See also:voice, it is difficult to see how a principle, equitable in theory, could be established in practice . The failure of the See also:Hague conferences to arrive at any substantial results was in fact due, more than anything else, to the admission on equal terms of a See also:crowd of very unequal Powers . It may then be laid down that all congresses and conferences that have effected settlements of importance have been summoned and dominated by Powers strong enough to enforce respect for their views . Preliminaries.—Before a congress meets it is customary, not only to agree on the See also:place of meeting (a question often of first-class importance) and on the Powers to whom invitations are to be sent, but to define very carefully the nature and See also:scope of the business to be transacted . This is done sometimes by an elaborate See also:exchange of diplomatic correspondence issuing in preliminary conventions, sometimes by the summoning of conferences, e.g. those at Vienna in 1855 preliminary to the congress of Paris in 1856 . Procedure.—When the congress assembles the first business-is the verification of powers, which is done by a See also:commission specially appointed to examine the See also:credentials of the plenipotentiaries . It is usual for the Powers, for obvious See also:practical reasons, to be represented by two or three plenipotentiaries . If the foreign See also:minister himself attend, he needs no credentials; those of his colleagues are countersigned by him . The verification being completed, questions of procedure, of See also:precedence and the like, are settled . In earlier times this was a See also:matter of extreme difficulty and delicacy, since there was no norm by which the respective dignity of the representatives of first-class Powers could be established; an incredible amount of See also:time was wasted in futile questions of precedence, and not seldom negotiations for a peace that every one desired broke down on a point of See also:etiquette . All this has been obviated by the rule observed at the congress of Berlin (1878), according to which the plenipotentiaries took their seats at a See also:horse-See also:shoe table in the alphabetical See also:order of the states they represented, according to the See also:French See also:alphabet . The See also:presidency of the congress is by See also:courtesy reserved for the minister for foreign affairs of the state in which the meeting is held; if, however, he decline to serve, a See also:president is elected; or, if there be a mediating Power, the minister representing this presides . At the first session the president takes his seat and delivers a speech welcoming the delegates and sketching the See also:objects of the meeting; the See also:bureau of the congress (secretary, assistant secretaries, and archivist) is then elected on the nomination of the president, and its members are introduced to the assembly . Finally the president impresses on all present the See also:obligation of keeping the proceedings See also:secret, and adjourns the session for a See also:day or two, in order that the ministers may have an opportunity of making each others' acquaintance and talking matters over in private . Serious business begins with the second session . The discussions are governed by carefully defined rules . Thus every proposition must be presented in See also:writing, and all decisions to be binding on all must be unanimous . The secretary keeps the minutes (proses-verbal) of each session, which are signed by all present and read at the next meeting .
This See also:protocol—as it has been called since the congress of Vienna—takes the See also:form of a bald, but very exact resume of important points discussed, ending with a See also:record of the conclusions and resolutions arrived at
.
If there be no such results, opinions are recorded
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If any plenipotentiary dissent from the general See also:opinion, such dissent must be recorded in the protocol
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Sometimes See also:short signed memoranda, known as a See also:vote or opinion, are attached to the protocol, stating the reasons that have governed the Powers in question in agreeing to a given conclusion
.
Individual Powers may See also:express their dissent in two ways: either by placing such dissent on record, as See also:Lord See also: A . |
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