See also:king of
See also:Judah and
See also:Israel, and founder of the royal Judaean
See also:dynasty at Jerusalem . The chronology of his
See also:period is uncertain: the usual date, 1055—1015 B.C., is probably 1 See further the third edition of
See also:Schrader's Keilinschr. u. das Alte Test. pp . 225, 483 .
See also:thirty years to
See also:half a century too early . The books of
See also:Samuel (strictly, i Sam. xvi.–I
See also:Kings ii.), which are our
See also:principal source for the
See also:history of
See also:David, show how deep an impres- Source .
See also:sion the
See also:personality of the king, his character, his
See also:genius and the romantic
See also:story of his early years had
See also:left on the mind of the nation . Of no hero of antiquity do we possess so
See also:life-like a portrait . Minute details and traits of character are portrayed with a vividness which bears all the marks of contemporary narrative . But the record is by no means all of one piece or of one date . This history, as we now have it, is extracted from various
See also:sources of unequal value, which are fitted together in a way which offers considerable difficulties to the critic . In the history of David's early adventures, for example, the narrative is not seldom disordered, and sometimes seems to repeat itself with puzzling variations of detail, which have led critics to the unanimous conclusion that the First
See also:Book of Samuel is
See also:drawn from at least two sources . It is indeed easy to understand that the romantic incidents of this period were much in the mouths of the people—to whom David was a popular hero—and in course of
See also:time were written down in various forms which were not combined into perfect harmony by later editors, who gave excerpts from several sources rather than a new and
See also:independent history .
These excerpts, however, have been so pieced together, that it is often impossible to
See also:separate them with precision, and to distinguish accurately between earlier and later elements . It even appears from a study of the Greek text that some copies of the books of Samuel incorporated narratives which other copies did not acknowledge . For the
See also:literary problems of these books, see also SAMUEL (Boors) . The parallel history of David in r Chron. xi.–xxix. contains a
See also:deal of additional
See also:matter, which can rarely be treated as of equal
See also:historical value with the preceding . Where it follows the chapters in Samuel it is important for textual and other critical problems, but it omits narratives in which it is not interested (David's youth, persecution by
See also:Saul, Absalom's revolt, &c.), and adds long passages (David's arrangements for the
See also:temple, &c.) which reflect the views of a much later age than David's . The lists of
See also:officers, &c., are
See also:fuller than those in Samuel, and here and there contain notices of value . A comparison of the two records, however, is especially important for its
See also:illustration of the later tendency to idealize the figure of David, and the historical critic has to bear in mind the possibility that this tendency had begun long before the Chronicler's time, and that it may be found in the relatively older records pre-served in Samuel . David's
See also:father, Jesse, was a
See also:citizen of
See also:Bethlehem in Judah, 5 m. south of Jerusalem; the polite deprecation in I Sam . xviii . 18 means little (cf . Saul in ix . 21) .
Tradition tntroduc- made him a descendant of the
See also:ancient nobles of taut to Saul . Judah through Boaz and the Moabitess
See also:Ruth, but the tendency to furnish a
See also:noble ancestry for a noble figure—especially one of obscure birth—is widespread (cf . GENEALOGY) . He was the youngest of eight sons,l and spent his youth in an occupation which the
See also:Hebrews as well as the
See also:Arabs seem to have held in low esteem . He kept his father's
See also:sheep in the
See also:steppes of Judah, and there
See also:developed the strength, agility, endurance and courage which distinguished him throughout life (cf . I Sam. xvii . 34,
See also:xxiv . 2; 2 Sam. xvii . 9) . There, too, he acquired that skill in
See also:music which led to his first introduction to Saul (I Sam. xvi . 14-23, and the apocryphal Psalm of David, Ps. cli. in the Septuagint) . He found favour in the king's
See also:eye, and became his
See also:bearer ?
But traditions varied . In I Sam. xvii. he does not follow his
See also:master to the
See also:field against the
See also:Philistines; he is an obscure untried shepherd lad sent by his father with supplies for his
See also:brothers in the Israelite
See also:camp . He does not even
See also:present himself before the king, and his brothers treat him with a petulance hardly conceivable if he stood well at
See also:court, and it" 1 But four in xvii . 13 sqq., and seven in I Chron. ii . 13-15 . 2 An armour-bearer was not a full
See also:warrior but a sort of page or apprentice-in-arms, whose most warlike
See also:function is to kill outright those whom his master has struck down—an
See also:office which among the Arabs was often performed by
See also:women.appears from the close that neither Saul nor his captain Abner had heard of him before (vv . 55-58)• There is, indeed, a
See also:flat contradiction between the two accounts, but a
See also:family of Greek
See also:MSS. represented by the Vatican text omit xvii . 12-31, xvii . 55–xviii . 5, and thus the difficulty is greatly lessened . Characteristic of the omitted portions are the friendship which sprang up between Jonathan and David and the latter's
See also:appointment to a command in the army . A further difficulty is caused by 2 Sam. xxi .
19, which makes Elhanan the slayer of
See also:Goliath . David's exploit is not referred to in I Sam. xxi. io-i5,
See also:xxix., and on this and other grounds the simpler tradition in 2 Sam. is usually preferred . (See GOLIATH.) But it must have been by some valiant deed that Saul was led to
See also:notice him (cf. xiv . 52), and David soon became both a popular hero and an
See also:object of
See also:jealousy to Saul . According to the
See also:Hebrew text of I Sam. xviii., Saul's jealousy leaped at once to the conclusion that David's ambition would not stop
See also:short of the kingship . Such a suspicion would be intelligible if we could suppose that the king had heard something of the significant
See also:act of Samuel, which now stands at the
See also:head of the history of David in witness of that divine election and
See also:unction with the spirit of Yahweh on which his whole career hung (xvi . 1-13) . But this passage is the sequel to the rejection of Saul in xv., and Samuel's position agrees with that of the
See also:late writer in vii., viii. and xii.3 The shorter text, represented by the Septuagint, gives an account of Saul's jealousy which is psychologically more intelligible.4 According to this text Saul was simply possessed with such a
See also:personal dislike and dread of conflicts with David as might easily occupy his disordered
See also:brain. said . To be quit of his hateful presence he gave him a mili- tary command . In this
See also:charge David increased his reputation as a soldier and became a general favourite . Saul's daughter Michal loved him; and her father, whose jealousy continued to increase, resolved to put the
See also:young captain on a perilous enter-prise, promising him the
See also:hand of Michal as a
See also:reward of success, but secretly hoping that he would perish in the attempt . David's
See also:fortune did not desert him; he won his wife, and in this new
See also:advancement continued to grow in the popular favour, and to gain fresh laurels in the field .
At this point it is necessary to look back on the proposed
See also:marriage of David with Saul's eldest daughter Merab (xviii . 17-19; cf. xvii . 2.5) . When the time came for Saul to fulfil his promise, Merab was given to Adriel of
See also:Abel-Meholah (perhaps an Aramaean) . What is said of this affair interrupts the
See also:original context of
See also:chap. xviii., to which the insertion has been clumsily fitted by an
See also:interpolation in the second half of ver . 21 (LXX omits) . We have here, therefore, a notice drawn from a distinct source which connects itself with the other omitted passage, xvii . 12-31, where Saul had promised his daughter to the one who should overthrow Goliath (ver . 25) . Since Merab and Michal are confounded in 2 Sam. xxi . 8, the whole
See also:episode of Merab and David perhaps rests on a similar confusion of names . As the king's son-in-
See also:law, David was necessarily again at court .
He becamechief of the bodyguard, as Ewald rightly interprets 1 Sam. xxii . 14, and ranked next to Abner (xx . 25), so that Saul's insane fears were constantly exasperated by personal contact with him . On at least one occasion the king's frenzy broke out in an attempt to
See also:murder David with his own hand.5 At another time Saul actually gave commands to assassinate his son-in-law, but the
See also:breach was made up by Jonathan, whose chivalrous spirit had
See also:united him to David in a
See also:covenant of closest friendship (xix . 1-7) . The circumstances of the final outburst of Saul's hatred, which drove David into
See also:exile, are not easily disentangled . a See SAMUEL . The older history repeatedly indicates that David's kingship was predicted by a divine
See also:oracle, but would hardly lead us to place the prediction so early (I Sam.
See also:xxv . 30; 2 Sam. iii . 9, v . 2) . 4 The LXX omits xviii .
I-6 (to "
See also:Philistine "), the first and last clauses of 8, io-ii, the reason given for Saul's fear in 12, 17-19, the second half of 21 . It also modifies 28, and omits the second half of 29 and the whole of 30 . I Sam. xix . 9 . The parallel narrative, xviii. to sqq., is wanting in the Greek, and in the
See also:light of subsequent events is improbable . Its aim is to paint Saul's character as black as possible . The narrative of x Sam. xx., which is the principal account of the matter, cannot originally have been preceded by xix . 11-24; in chap. xx . David appears to be still at court, and Jonathan is even unaware that he is in any danger, whereas the preceding verses represent him as already a fugitive . It may also be doubted whether the narrative of David's
See also:escape from his own
See also:house by the aid of his wife Michal (xix . 11-17) has any close connexion with ver. to, and does not rather belong to a later period.' David's daring spirit might very well lead him to visit his wife even after his first
See also:flight . The danger of such an enter-prise was diminished by the reluctance to violate the apartments of women and attack a sleeping foe, which appears also in
See also:Judges xvi .
2, and among the Arabs ? According to chap. xx . David was still at court in his usual position when he became certain that the king was aiming at his life . He betook himself to Jonathan, who thought his suspicions groundless, but undertook to test them . Aplan was arranged by which Jonathan should draw from the king an expression of his feelings, and a tremendous
See also:explosion revealed that Saul regarded David as the
See also:rival of his dynasty, and Jonathan as little better than a
See also:fellow-conspirator . After a final interview (xx . 40-42), which must be regarded as a later expansion, they parted and David fled . He sought the sanctuary at
See also:Nob, where he had been wont to consult the priestly oracle (xxii . 15), and here, concealing his disgrace by a fictitious story, he also obtained
See also:bread from the consecrated table and the sword of Goliath (chap. xxi . 1-9).3 His hasty flight—without
See also:food and weapon—suggests that the narrative should follow upon xix . 17 . It was perhaps after this that David made a last attempt to find a place of
See also:refuge in the prophetic circle of Samuel at Ramah (xix .
18-24) . The episode now stands in another outlaw connexion, where it is certainly out of place . It might, life . however,
See also:fit into the break that plainly exists in the history at xxi. so after the affair at Nob . Deprived of the
See also:protection of religion as well as of
See also:justice, David tried his fortune among the Philistines at
See also:Gath . Recognized and suspected as a redoubtable foe, he made his escape by feigning madness, which in the East has inviolable privileges (xxi . 11-16).' The passage anticipates chap.
See also:xxvii., and it is hardly probable that the slayer of Goliath or of any other Philistine
See also:giant fled to the Philistines with their dead hero's sword . He returned to the wilds of Judah, and was joined at
See also:Adullam 5 by his father's house and by a small
See also:band of outlaws, of which he became the head . Placing his parents under the charge of the king of
See also:Moab, he took up the life of a guerilla captain, cultivating friendly relations with the townships of Judah (
See also:xxx . 26), which were glad to have on their frontiers a
See also:protector so valiant as David, even at the expense of the
See also:blackmail which he levied in return . A clear conception of his life at this time, and of the respect which he inspired by the discipline in which he held his men, and of the generosity which tempered his fiery nature, is given in chap. xxv . His force gradually swelled, and he was joined by the
See also:Gad (note his
See also:message xxii .
5) and by the
See also:priest Abiathar, the only survivor of a terrible
See also:massacre by which Saul took revenge for the favours which David had received at the sanctuary of Nob . He was even able to strike at the Philistines, and to
See also:rescue Keilah (south of Adullam and to the east of
See also:Beit Jibrin) from their attack ' The close of ver. to in the Hebrew is corrupt, and the words " (and it came to pass) that
See also:night " seem to belong to the next
See also:verse (so the Greek) . H . P .
See also:Smith suggests that the passage origin-ally followed upon xviii . 27 . 2
See also:Wellhausen cites a closely parallel case from
See also:Sprenger's Leben Muhammad, vol. ii. p . 543 . 3 On the meaning of this difficult passage, see the discussions by W . R . Smith, Religion of the Semites("), p . 455 sqq., and Schwally Semit .
Kriegsalterthiimer, p . 6o sqq . ' Interesting
See also:parallels in Barhebraeus Chron., ed . Brun and
See also:Kirsch, p . 222, and Ewald, Hist . Israel, iii. p . 84 . ' The cave of Adullam has been traditionally placed (since the 12th century) at Khareitun, two
See also:journey south of Bethlehem . But the
See also:town of Adullam, which has not been identified with any certainty,
See also:lay in the low
See also:country of Judah (Josh. xv . 35) . The " cave " is also spoken of as a " hold " or fortress, and this is every-where the true
See also:reading . The name has been identified with 'Id-el-ma (or -miye) about 12 m .
S.W. of Bethlehem.(
See also:xxiii . 1-13) . Forced to flee by the treachery of the very men whom he had succoured, he lived for a time in
See also:constant fear of being captured by Saul, and at length took refuge with Achish king of Gath and established himself in Ziklag . Popular tradition, as though unwilling to let David escape from Saul, told of that king's continual pursuit of the outlaw, of the attempt of the men of Ziph (S.E. of
See also:Hebron) to betray him, of David's magnanimity displayed on two occasions, and of Jonathan's visit to
See also:console his bosom friend (xxiv.–xxvi.) s The situation was one which
See also:lent itself to the
See also:imagination . The site of Ziklag is unknown . It hardly lay near Gath (probably Tell es-Safi, 12 m . E. of Ashdod), but rather to the south of Judah (Josh. xix . 5) . Here he occupied himself in chastening the
See also:Amalekites and other robber tribes who made raids on Judah and the Philistines without distinction (xxvii.) . The details of the text are obscure, and seem to imply that David systematically attacked populations friendly to Achish whilst pretending that he had been making forays against Judah . If this were an attempt to
See also:steer a
See also:middle course his true actions could not have been kept secret long, and as it is implied that the Philistines subsequently acquiesced in David's
See also:sovereignty in Hebron, it is not easy to see what
See also:interest they had in embroiling him with the men of Judah . At length, in the second
See also:year, he was called to join his master in a great
See also:campaign against Saul .
The Philistines for once directed their forces towards theplain of
See also:Jezreel (Esdraelon) in the
See also:north; and Saul, forsaken by Yahweh, already gave himself up for lost . David accompanied the army as a matter of course . But his presence was not observed until they reached their destination, when the jealousy of the Philistines overrode his protestations of fidelity and he was ordered to return . He reached Ziklag only to find the town pillaged by the Amalekites . Pursuing the foes, he inflicted upon them a
See also:signal chastisement and took a great
See also:part of which he spent in politic gifts to the leading men of the towns in the south country .? Meantime Saul had fallen in
See also:battle, and
See also:northern Israel was in a state of
See also:chaos . The Philistines took possession of the fertile lowlands of Jezreel and the
See also:Jordan, and the shattered forces of Israel were slowly rallied by Abner in the remote city of Mahanaim in
See also:Gilead, under the nominal sovereignty of Saul's son Ishbaal . David now took the first great step to the
See also:throne . He was no longer an outlaw with a band of wandering companions, but a
See also:petty chieftain, head of a small colony of men, allied with families of
See also:Caleb and Jezreel (in Judah), and on friendly footing with the sheikhs south of Hebron . In response to an oracle he was bidden to move northwards to Judah xinget Hebron . and successfully occupied it with Hebron as his capital . Here he was anointed king, the first ruler of the
See also:kingdom .
See also:chronological notice may be trusted, he was then thirty years of age, and he reigned there for seven and a half years (2 . Sam. ii . 1-4a, 1x, v . 4 sq.) . The noble
See also:elegy on the
See also:death of Saul and Jonathan, quoted from the Book of
See also:Jashar (2 Sam. i.), is marked by the
See also:absence both of religious feeling and of allusions to his earlier experiences with Saul which David might have been expected to make . It was deemed only natural that he should sympathize deeply with the disasters of the northern kingdom . His vengeance on the Amalekite who slew Saul—the account is a doublet of 1 Sam. xxxi.—is consistent with his generous treatment of his late adversary in his outlaw life, and with this agrees his
See also:embassy of thanks to the men of Jabesh-Gilead for their chivalrous rescue of the bodies of the fallen heroes (2 Sam. ii . 4b-7) . The embassy threw out a hint,—their
See also:lord was dead and David himself had been anointed king over Judah; but the relation between Jabesh-Gilead and Saul had been a close one, and it was not to be expected that its eyes would be turned upon the king of Judah when Saul's son was installed at the not distant Mahanaim . 6 According to a late Rabbinical story, David, like
See also:Bruce of Scotland, was once saved by a spider which spun its
See also:web over the cave wherein he was concealed . ' The law of the distribution of booty after war enacted by David (xxx . 24 sqq.) is given as a
See also:Mosaic precedent in the
See also:post-exilic priestly legislation (Num. xxxi .
27) . On the importance of this explicit statement, see W . R . Smith, Old Test. in Jewish
See also:Church(2), 386 sq . The interest of the narratives is now directed away from the Philistines to the decaying fortunes of Saul's house . (See ABNER and SAUL.) Abner had taken Saul's son Ishbaal and his authority was gradually consolidated in the north . War broke out between the two parties at
See also:Gibeon a few
See also:miles north of Jerusalem . A sham contest was changed into a fatal fray by the treachery of Ishbaal's men; and in the battle which ensued Abner was not only defeated, but, by slaying Asahel, drew upon himself a
See also:feud with Joab . The war continued . Ishbaal's party became weaker and weaker; and at length Abner quarrelled with his nominal master and offered the kingdom to David . The king seized the opportunity to demand the return of Michal, his wife . The passage (iii .
12-16) is not
See also:free from difficulties, but it is intelligible that David should
See also:desire to ally himself as closely as possible with Saul's family (cf. xii . 8) . The
See also:base murder of Abner by Joab did not long defer the inevitable issue of events . Ishbaal lost hope, and after he had been foully assassinated by two of his own followers, all Israel sought David as king . The biblical narrative is admittedly not so constructed as to enable us to describe in chronological
See also:order the thirty-three years of David's reign over all Israel . It is possible that some of the incidents ascribed to this period properly belong to an earlier part of his life, and that tradition has idealized the life of David the king even as it has not failed to
See also:colour the history of David the outlaw and king of Hebron . In the preceding account the biblical narratives have been followed as closely as possible in the light of the critical results Critical generally accepted . That they have been affected by the considers- growth of popular tradition is patent from the traces bons. of duplicate narratives, from the difficulty caused, for example, by the story of Goliath (q.v.),and from a closer study of the chapters . The later views of the history of this period are represented in the book of
See also:Chronicles, where immediately after Saul's death David is anointed at Hebron king over all Israel (I Chron. xi.) . It is quite in harmony with this that the same source speaks of the Israelites who joined David at Ziklag (I Chron. xii . 1-22), and of the
See also:host which came to him at Hebron to turn over to him Saul's kingdom (xii . 23-40) .
This treatment of history can be at once corrected by the books of Samuel, but it is only from a deeper study of the
See also:internal evidence that these, too, appear to give expression to doubtful and conflicting views . It is questionable whether David could have become king over all Israel immediately after the death of Ishbaal . The chronological notices in ii. to sqq. allow an
See also:interval of no less than five and a half years, and nowhere do the events of these years appear to be recorded . But David's position in the south of Judah is clear . He is related by marriage with south Judaean clans of Caleb, Jezreel,and probably Geshur . (SeeABSALOM.) He was at the head of a small colony (I Sam. xxvii . 3), and on friendly terms with the sheikhs south of Hebron (xxx . 26-31).' His step forward to Hebron is in every way intelligible and is the natural outcome of his policy . It is less easy to trace his previous moves . There are gaps in the narratives, and the further back we proceed the more serious do their difficulties become . These chapters bring him farther north, and they commence by depicting David as a man of Bethlehem, high in the court of Saul, the king's son-in-law, and a popular favourite with the
See also:people . But notwithstanding this, the relation is broken off, and years elapse before David gains hold upon the Hebrews of north Israel, the weakness of the union being proved by the ease with which it was subsequently broken after Solomon's death .
Much of the life of Saul is obscure, and this too, it would seem, because tradition loved rather to speak of the founder of the ideal
See also:monarchy than of his less successful rival . (See SAUL.) It is not impossible that some traditions did not bring them together If Jerusalem and its immediate neighbourhood were first conquered by David (2 Sam. v.), it is probable that Beeroth and Gibeon (2 Sam. iv . 2, xxi . 2), Shaalbim, Har-heres and Aijalon (Judg. i . 35),
See also:Gezer (ib. i . 29), Chephirah and Kirjath-jearim (Josh. ix . 17) had remained Canaanite . The evidence has obviously some bearing upon the history of Saul, as also upon the intercourse between Judah and Benjamin which David's early history implies . It has been conjectured, therefore, that David's original home lay in the south . Since the early historical narrative (i Sam. xxv . 2) finds him in Maon, Winckler has suggested that he was a Calebite chief, while a
See also:criticism of the details
See also:relating to David's family has induced Marquart2 to conjecture that he was
See also:born at
See also:Arad (Tell `Arad)
See also:Bethel (ver . 27) is probably the Bethuel near Ziklag (1 Chron. iv .
30) . David's friendly relations with the Philistines find a parallel inIsaac's covenant with Abimelech (q.v.) . In Ps. xxxiv. the latter name actually appears in place of Aclilsh . 2 Fundamente israel. u . Gesch . (1896), pp . 23 sqq.; see also Winckler, Gesch . Isr. i . 24; Keilinschr. u. d . Alte Test.('), p . 228 sqq.about 17 M . S.E. of Hebron .
Once indeed we find him in the
See also:wilderness of Paran I (Sam. xxv. i, LXX reads Maon), and a more southerly origin has been thought of (Winckler) . This is involved with other views of the early history of the Israelites; see further below . David owed his success to his
See also:troop of freebooters (I Sam. xxii . 2), now an organized force, and absolutely attached to his
See also:person . The valour of these " mighty men" (gibborim) was topical . The names of the most honoured are capture preserved, and we have some interesting accounts of sae n,. their exploits in the days of the giants (2 Sam. xxi., xxiii.) . We hear of two great battles with the " Philistines " in the valley of Rephaim, near Jerusalem, at a time when David's base was Adullam (v . 17-25) . In one conflict a giant thought to slay him, but he was saved by Abishai, the
See also:brother of Joab, and the men took an
See also:oath that David should no more go to battle lest he " quench the light of Israel." On another occasion, Elhanan of Bethlehem slew the giant Goliath of Gath, and David's own brother Shimei (or Shammah) overthrew a
See also:monster who could boast of twenty-four fingers and toes . In yet another incident the Philistines maintained a garrison in Bethlehem, and David expressed a wish for a drink from its well . The wish was gratified at the
See also:risk of the lives of three brave men, and he recognized the solemnity of the occasion by pouring out the
See also:water as an offering unto Yahweh . From a later
See also:summary (viii .
I) it seems that the Philistines were at length vanquished, and the unknown Metheg-Ammah taken out of their hands.3 Not until the
See also:district was cleared could Jerusalem be taken, and the capture of the almost impregnable Jebusite fortress furnished a centre for future
See also:action . Here, in the midst of a region which had been held by aliens, he fortified the " city of David " and garrisoned it with his men . Meanwhile the
See also:ark of Yahweh, the only sanctuary of
See also:national significance, had remained in obscurity since its return from the Philistines in the early youth of Samuel . (See ARK.) David brought it up from Baalah of Judah with great pomp, and pitched a
See also:tent for it in
See also:Zion, amidst national rejoicings . The narrative (2 Sam. vi.) represents the act as that of a loyal and
See also:God-fearing heart which knew that the true principle of Israel's unity and strength lay in national adherence to Yahweh; but the event was far from having the significance which later times ascribed to it (1 Chron. xiii., xv. sqq.); even Solomon visited the sanctuary at Gibeon, and Absalom vowed his vow unto Yahweh at Hebron . It was not unnatural that the king who had his palace built by Tyrian artists should have proposed to erect a permanent temple to Yahweh . Such, at least, was the thought of later writers, who have given effect to the belief in chap. viii . It was said that the prophet Nathan commanded the execution of this plan to be delayed for a generation; but David received at the same time a prophetic assurance that his house and kingdom should be established for ever before Yahweh . What remains to be said of his internal policy may be briefly detailed . In
See also:civil matters the king looked heedfully to the execution of justice (viii . 15), and was always accessible to the people (xiv . 4) .
But he does not appear to have policyal policy . made any
See also:change in the old
See also:local administration of justice, or to have appointed a central tribunal (xv . 2, where, however, Absalom's complaint that the king was inaccessible is merely factious) . A few great officers of state were appointed at the court of Jerusalem (viii . 16-18, xx . 23-26), which was not without a splendour hitherto unknown in Israel . Royal pensioners, of whom Jonathan's son Mephibosheth was one, were gathered
See also:round a princely table . The
See also:art of music was not neglected (xix . 35) . A more dangerous piece of magnificence was the
See also:harem . Another innovation was the
See also:census; it was under-taken despite the protests of Joab, and was checked by the rebukes of the prophet Gad and the visitation of a pestilence (xxiv.) . Striking, too, is the conception of the national God who incites the king to do an act for which he was to be punished.° To us, the proposal to number the people seems innocent and 3 1 Chron. xviii. i reads " Gath and her dependent villages"; the original reading is a matter for conjecture .
Cf. theidea in I Kings xxii . 19-23; Ezek. xiv . 9; contrast I Chron. xxi . 1 . laudable, and the latest sources of the
See also:Pentateuch contain several such lists . This new procedure, we may imagine, was resented by the northern Hebrews as an encroachment upon their liberties . We learn that the destroying
See also:angel was stayed at the threshing-
See also:floor of Araunah the Jebusite,' and the spot thus sanctified was made a sanctuary, and commemorated by an
See also:altar . It was the very place upon which Solomon's temple was supposed to be founded . The census-taking may have been a preliminary to the great
See also:wars, but the latter, on the other hand, are obviously presupposed by the extent of his kingdom . For his wars a larger force than his.early bodyguard was required, and the Chronicler gives an account of the way in which an army of nearly 300,000 was raised and held by David's thirty heroes (r Chron. xxvii.) . It is certain at all events that no small
See also:body of soldiers would be needed, and this alone would imply that all Israel was by this time under his entire
See also:control . Apart from the Ammonite war, our sources are confined to a mere summary (viii.), which includes even the Amalekites (viii .
12, cf . I Sam. xxx.) . After the defeat of the Philistines came the turn of Moab . It was under the care of the king of Moab that David placed his parents when he fled from Saul (I Sam. xxii . 3 sqq.), and what led to the war is unknown . The severity with which the
See also:land was treated may pass for a gentle reprisal if the Moabites of that
See also:day were not more humane than their descendants in the days of King Mesha.2 A deadly conflict with the
See also:Ammonites was provoked by a
See also:gross insult to friendly ambassadors of Israel; 3 and this war, of which we have
See also:pretty full details in 2 Sam. x . 1–xi . I, xii . 26-31, assumed unexpected dimensions when the Ammonites procured the aid of their Aramean neighbours . The defeat of Hadadezer brought about the submission of other lesser kings . The
See also:glory of this victory was increased by the
See also:complete subjugation of
See also:Edom in a war conducted by Joab with characteristic severity (2 Sam . viii .
13; r Kings xi . 15-17; Ps . Ix.,title) . The fall of Rabbah concludes David's war-like exploits; he carried off the jewelled
See also:crown of their god (Milcom), and subjected the people, not to torture (1 Chron. xx . 3), but to severe
See also:menial labour (xii . 26-31) . The Aramean states, Beth-rehob, Maacah, Tob, &c., lay partly to the north of Gilead and partly in the region which was the scene of the fight with Jabin (Josh. xi . 1-9, Judg. iv.; see
See also:DEBORAH) . Apparently it was here, too, that the Danites found a settlement (Judg. xviii . 28); the
See also:migration has perhaps been ante-dated . (See
See also:DAN, tribe.) The account of David's wars is remarkable for the inclusion of the Syrians of
See also:Damascus and beyond the
See also:Euphrates; some exaggeration has been suspected (cf . 2 Sam. viii .
5 with x . 16) . Some misunderstanding has been caused by the confusion of Edom (Ina) and
See also:Aram Ora) in viii . 13 . A more moderate idea of David's power has been found in Ps . Ix . 6-12, or, preferably, in the description of the boundaries (2 Sam. xxiv . 5 sqq.) . To the east of the Jordan he held
See also:rule from Aroer to Gad and Gilead; on its west his power extended from
See also:Beersheba in the south to Dan and Ijon at the
See also:foot of
See also:Hermon . Moab, Ammon and Edom would appear to have been merely tributary, whilst in the north among his
See also:allies David could number the king of Hamath . To the north-west Israel bordered upon Tyre, with whom its relations were friendly . The king of Tyre, who recognized David's newly won position (v. i1 seq.),. is called Hiram; possibly—unless the notice is an anticipation of 1 Kings v.—his father Abibaal is meant.' As the
See also:birth of Solomon is placed before the capture of Rabbah of Ammon (xii.), it would appear that David's wars were ended Interne/ within the first half of his reign at Jerusalem, and the troub/e& tributary nations thus do not seem to have attempted any revolt during his lifetime (see 1 Kings xi .
14 sqq . and 25) . It was_ only when the nation was no longer knit 1 This un-Hebraic name, which is not unlike aron, " ark," should possibly be corrected toAdonijah (
See also:Cheyne, Ency . Bib. s.v.) . 2 David destroyed two-thirds of the Moabites—presumably of their fighting men (2 Sam. viii . 2) ; Mesha destroys the inhabitants of the captured cities in
See also:honour of his god Chemosh . 3 It finds a parallel in the
See also:fate of the heralds of Orchomenus (Frazer, Pausan. v . 135) and in an Arabian story (
See also:Ibn Athir, viii . 36o; Noldeke in Budde, Hand-Commentar, ad loc.) ; cf. also Ewald, iii . 152 . On the questions raised see the commentaries upon 2 Sam. viii. and x. and the Ency . Biblica, s.vv .
" David," " Merom," " Zobah." The
See also:main problem is whether the account of David's rule has been exaggerated, or whether the attempt has been made to throw back to the time of the first king of all Israel later
See also:political conditions.together by the fear of danger from without that the internal difficulties of the new kingdom became more manifest . Such at least is the impression which the narratives convey.' So, after David had completed a series of conquests which made
See also:Palestine the greatest of the petty states of the age, troubles arose with the Israelites, who in times past had sought for him to be king (iii . 17, v . 1-3), with his old subjects the men of Judah, and with the members of his own
See also:household . The northern tribes, who appear to have submitted willingly to his rule, were not all of one mind . There were men of stronger build than the weak Ishbaal and the crippled son of Jonathan, the survivors of Saul's house, and it is only to be expected that David's first care must have been to
See also:cement the union of the north and south . The choice of Jerusalem,
See also:standing on neutral ground, may be regarded as a stroke of genius, and there is nothing to show that the king exercised that rigour which was to be the cause of his
See also:grandson's undoing . (See
See also:REHOBOAM.) On the other hand, when Sheba, probably one of Saul's
See also:clan, headed a rising and was promptly pursued by Joab to Abel-beth-maacah on the west of Dan, honour was satisfied by the death of the
See also:rebel, and no further steps were taken (xx.).s This policy of leniency towards Israel is characteristic of David, and may well have become a popular theme in the tales of succeeding generations . This same magnanimity towards the survivors of Saul's house has left its mark upon many of the narratives, and
See also:helps to a truer understanding of the stories of his early life . Thus it was quite in keeping with the romantic
See also:attachment between David and Saul's son Jonathan that when he became king of Israel he took Jonathan's son Meribbaal under his care (ix.).7 The deed was not merely generous, it was politic to have Saul's grandson under his eyes . The hope of restoring the lost kingdom had not died out (cf. xvi . 3) .
But from another source we gain quite a different idea of the relations . A disastrous
See also:famine ravaged the land for three long years, and when Yahweh was consulted the reply came that there was " blood upon Saul and upon his house because he put the
See also:Gibeonites to death." The unavenged blood was the cause of divine anger, and retribution must be made . This David recognized, and, summoning the injured clan, inquired what expiation could be made . Bloodshed could only be atoned by blood-
See also:money or by shedding the blood of the offender or of his family . The .Gibeonites demanded the latter, and five sons of Merab (the text by a
See also:mistake reads Michal) and two sons of Saul's concubine were sacrificed . The awful deed took place at the beginning of
See also:harvest (April–May), and the bodies remained suspended until, with the advent of the autumn rains, Yahweh was once more. reconciled to his land (xxi . 1-14) . The incident is a valuable picture of crude ideas of Yahweh, and, if nothing else were needed, it was sufficient to involve David in a feud with the Benjamites.$ Here, too, we learn of the tardy
See also:burial of the bones of Saul and Jonathan which had remained in Jabesh-Gilead since the battle of Gilboa;—the history of David's dealings with the family of Saul has been obscured . That he took over his harem is only in accordance with the Eastern policy (cf. xii . 8) . The harem, an indispensable part of Eastern state, was respons-, ible for many fatal disorders, although it is clear from 2 Sam. xvi . 21 that the nation at large was not very sensitive Absalom's to the enormities which flow from this
See also:system .
David's revolt . deep fall in the matter of Bathsheba (xi.) was too great an iniquity to be passed over lightly, and the base murder of her ' Viz. the present position of 2 Sam. ix.–xx. after the
See also:miscellaneous collection ofPdetails in v.–viii . See, on the other hand, the view of 1 Kings v . 3, 4 . c The present position of this incident, immediately after Absalom's
See also:rebellion was quelled, is almost inconceivable (Winckler, H . P . Smith, B .
See also:Luther, Ed .
See also:Meyer) . See next page . 7 He was five years of age at the battle of Gilboa (iv . 4), and is now grown up and with a young
See also:child (ix .
12) . But the narrative loses its point unless David's kindness " for Jonathan's
See also:sake " comes at an early date soon after he became king, and although the youth is found at Lo-debar (east of the Jordan) under the protection of IYlachir, the independent fragment in ii . 8 sqq. implies that the Israelites had recovered the position they had lost at the battle of Gilboa . 8 There is an unmistakable reference to the occurrence in the episode of Shimei, who hovers in the background of Absalom's revolt with a large body of men at his command (xvi . 7 sqq.) . Wars and conquests .
See also:husband Uriah the Hittite could not go unavenged . Bathsheba's influence added a new
See also:element of danger to the usual jealousies of the harem, and two of David's sons perished in vain attempts to claim the throne, which she appears to have viewed as the rightful
See also:inheritance of her own child . This, at least, is certain in the revolt of Adonijah (see SOLOMON), and it was probably believed that the action of the impulsive Absalom arose from the suspicion that the birth of Solomon was the death-
See also:blow to his succession . As a piece of writing the vivid narratives are without an equal . David's sons were estranged from one another, and acquired all the vices of
See also:Oriental princes . The severe impartiality of the sacred historian has concealed no feature in this dark picture,—the brutal passion of Amnon, the shameless counsel of the wily Jonadab, the " black scowl " 1 that rested on the
See also:face of Absalom through two long years of meditated revenge, the panic of the court when the blow was struck and Amnon was assassinated in the midst of his brethren .
Not until five years had elapsed was Absalom fully reconciled with his father . Then he meditated revolt . As
See also:heir-apparent he collected a bodyguard, and studiously courting personal popularity by a pretended interest in the administration of kingly justice, ingratiated himself with the mass . Four years later (so read in xv . 7) he ventured to raise the standard of revolt in Hebron, with the malcontent Judaeans as his first supporters, and the crafty Ahithophel as his chief adviser . Arrangements had been made for the simultaneous proclamation of Absalom in all parts of the land . The surprise was complete, and David was compelled to evacuate Jerusalem, where he might have been crushed before he had time to rally his faithful subjects . He was warmly received by the Gileadites, and the first battle destroyed the party of Absalom, who was himself captured and slain by Joab . Then all the people repented except the men of Judah, who were not to be conciliated without a virtual
See also:admission of
See also:prerogative of kinship to the king . This concession involved important consequences . The precedence claimed by Judah was challenged by the northern tribes even on the day of David's victorious return to his capital, and a rupture ensued, headed by Sheba, which but for the energy of Joab might have led to a second and more dangerous rebellion . Several indications suggest that the revolt was one in which the men of Judah originally took the leading if not the only part .
The unruly clans which David knew how to control when he was at Ziklag or Hebron were doubtless ready to support the rebellious son . The removal of the court to Jerusalem provided a suitable opportunity, and an element of jealousy even may not have been wanting . If Geshur be the district in Josh. xiii . 2, I Sam. xxvii . 8, it is significant that the scene of Absalom's exile lay to the south, that Ahithophel was a south Judaean, and that Amasa probably belonged to the Jeztee12 with which David was connected through his wife Ahinoam . The eleven years which elapsed between the murder of Amnon and the revolt would seem to disprove any connexion between the two; the chronology may
See also:rest upon the tradition that Solomon was twelve years old when he came to the throne . David's hurried flight, attended only by his bodyguard, indicates that his position was not a very strong one, and it is difficult to connect this with the fact that he had already waged the wars mentioned in 2 Sam. viii. and x . If his reason for taking refuge in lshbaal's capital Mahanaim is not obvious, it is even more remarkable that he should have been received ,kindly by the Ammonites whom he had previously decimated . On the theory that the revolt of Absalom chronologically should precede the great wars, a slight correction of the already corrupt text in xvii . 27 makes Nahash himself David's ally, and accounts for David's eagerness to repay to Hanun, the son of Nahash, the kindness which he had received from the father (x . 2) . That the revolt of Sheba is in an impossible position is obvious .
Tradition has probably confused Benjamite risings with Absalom's misguided enterprise; the parts played by Shimei and Meribbaal, at all events, are extremely suggestive . See ABSALOM, AHITHOPHEL . The Appendix ascribes to David a
See also:song of
See also:triumph and some exceedingly obscure " last words " (xxii.–xxiii . 7) which cannot be used as historical material . The history of his life David's is immediately continued in 1 Kings i., where his old fife-
See also:work . age and weakness are for the first time vividly empha- sized . The events of the remaining years after 2 Sam. xx. are left untold, but the Chronicler omits the revolt of Absalom and 4 If Ewald's brilliant
See also:interpretation of an obscure word in 2 Sam. xiii . 32 be correct . 2 " Israelite " (2 Sam. xvii . 25) is a very unnecessary designation; I Chron. ii . 17 would make him an Ishmaelite.represents the king as busily occupied with schemes concerning the future temple . The last spark of his old energy was called forth to secure the succession of Solomon against the ambition of Adonijah .
It is noteworthy that, as in the case of Absalom, the pretender, though supported by Joab and Abiathar, found his chief stay among the men of Judah (I Kings i . 9) . (See SOLOMON.) To estimate the work of David it is necessary to take into account the situation before and after his period . According to the prevailing traditions, Saul at his death had left North Israel disunited and humiliated . From this
See also:condition David raised the land to the highest state of prosperity and glory, and by his conquests made the united kingdom the most powerful state of the age . To do this other qualities than mere military capacity were required . David was not only a great captain, he was a national hero in whom all the noblest elements of the Hebrew genius were combined . His
See also:talent enabled him to weld together the mixed southern clans which became incorporated under Judah, and to build up a monarchy which represented the highest conception of national life possible under the circumstances . The structure, it is true, was not permanent . Under his successor it began to decay, and in the next generation it fell asunder and lived only in the
See also:hearts of the people as the proudest memory of past history and the prophetic ideal of future glory . 3 Opinion will differ, however, as to the extent to which later ideals have influenced the narratives upon which the student of Hebrew history and religion is dependent, and how far the reigns of David and Solomon altered the face of Hebrew history . The foundation of the united monarchy was the greatest advance in the whole course of the history of the Israelites, and around it have been collected the hopes and fears which a varied experience of monarchical
See also:government aroused .
Many of the narratives furnish a vivid picture of the life of David with a minuteness of personal detail which has suggested to some that their author was intimately acquainted with the events, and, if not a contemporary, belonged to the succeeding generation, while to others it has seemed more probable that these reflect rather " the plastic
See also:mould of popular tradition." It cannot be doubted that the three types of David, represented by the books of Samuel, of Chronicles, and the superscriptions of the Psalms, are irreconcilable, and that they represent successive developments of the original traditions . That the
See also:oldest of these three does not contain earlier attempts to idealize him is unlikely . " Political circumstances naturally led to an ever-increasing appreciation of his person and his work as the unifier of Israel . In the eyes of posterity he became more and more completely the
See also:model of an Israelitish king and the natural consequence was that he was idealized . The hope of the regeneration of his dynasty, and, at a later period, of its restoration to the throne—the Messianic expectation—must have worked powerfully in the same direction . And meanwhile the religious convictions of the highest minds in Israel were undergoing a marked change . The conceptions of Yahweh and of the religion which was acceptable to him were constantly being elevated and purified . This could not but have an influence on the current ideas concerning David . He, too, must be remodelled as the conceptions of God were changed." 4 But what is lost as regards historical material is a distinct gain to the study of the development of Hebrew thought and philosophy of history . David's character must be judged partly in the light of the times in which he lived and partly in connexion with the great truths which he represents, truths whose value is not impaired should they prove to be the convictions of later ages . Accordingly, David is not to be condemned for failing to subdue the sensuality which is the chief stain on his character, but should rather be judged by his habitual recognition of a generous standard of conduct, by the undoubted purity and lofty justice of an administration which was never stained by selfish considerations or motives of personal rancour,' and finally by the
See also:calm 3 See HEBREW RELIGION,
See also:MESSIAH, PROPHET . 4
See also:Kuenen, " The Critical Method,"
See also:Modern Review, 188o, p .
701 (Gesammelte Abhandlungen, Germ. ed. by Budde, p . 33) . 6 His charges to Solomon in I Kings ii . 5-9 do not arise necessarily from motives of revenge; a young and untried
See also:sovereign could not courage which enabled him to hold an even and noble course in the face of dangers and treachery . His great sin in the matter of Uriah would have been forgotten but for his repentance: the things at which modern ideas are most offended are not always those that would have given umbrage to early writers . That he did not reform at a stroke all ancient abuses appears particularly in relation to the practice of blood revenge; to put an end to this deep-rooted
See also:custom would have been an impossibility . But it is clear from 2 Sam. iii . 28 sqq., xiv . 1-1o, that his sympathies were against the barbarous usage . Nor is it just to accuse him of cruelty in his treatment of enemies . As it was impossible to establish a military cordon along the
See also:borders of
See also:Canaan, it was necessary absolutely to cripple the adjoining tribes . From the lust of
See also:conquest for its own sake David appears to have been wholly free .
See also:elevation of David's character is seen most clearly in those parts of his life where an inferior nature would have been most at
See also:fault, in his conduct towards Saul, in the blameless reputation of himself and his band of outlaws in the wilderness of Judah, in his repentance under the rebuke of Nathan and in his noble bearing on the revolt of Absalom . His touching love for his worthless son is one of the most beautiful descriptions of paternal affection . His unfailing insight into character, and his power of winning men's hearts and touching their better impulses, appear in innumerable traits (e.g . 2 Sam. xiv . 18-2o, iii . 31-37, xxiii . 15-17), and here, as elsewhere, the charm which the life of David has upon its readers is entirely unaffected by technical questions of literary and historical criticism . To the later generations David was pre-eminently the Psalmist and the founder of the Temple service . The Hebrew titles ascribe to him seventy-three psalms; the Septuagint adds Growth of tradition . ~ some fifteen more; and later opinion, both Jewish and Christian, claimed for him the authorship of the whole Psalter (so the
See also:Talmud, Augustine and others) . That the tradition of the titles requires careful sifting is 1fo longer doubted, and the results of
See also:recent criticism have been to confirm the view that " it is no longer possible to treat the psalms as a record of David's spiritual life through all the steps of his chequered career " (W . R .
Smith, Old Test. in
See also:Jew . Church 2, p . 224) . Nor can it be maintained that the elaborate ritual ascribed to David - by the chronicler has any historical value . See further CHRONICLES, PSALMS . On the other hand, these traditions, however unhistorical in their present
See also:form, cannot be pure imagination . The male and
See also:female singers (if the reading be correct) whom Sennacherib carried off from Jerusalem in Hezekiah's time, may well have belonged to an old foundation (A, Jeremias, Alte Test.
See also:im Lichte d .
See also:Allen Orients 2, p . 527), and though David's skill referred to in Amos vi . 5 may be due to a
See also:gloss, it is a Judaean narrative which tells of the invention of music, ascribing it possibly to a Judaean legendary hero (Gen. iv . 21) . And although the Levitical organization, as ascribed to David, is manifestly post-exilic, it is at least certain that many of the Levitical families were of southern origin .
It is in David's history that the clans of the south first attained prominence, and some of them are known to have been staunch upholders of a purerworship of Yahweh, or to have been associated with the introduction of religious institutions among the Israelites . (See
See also:LEVITES.) The difficulty of the historical problems increases when the narratives of David are more closely studied: (a) 2 Sam. iii . 18, xix . 9 show that according to one view David delivered Israel (not Judah) from the Philistines . This is in contradiction to ii . 8 sqq . (from another source), where Saul's son recovers Israelite territory, but is supported by ix., where Mephibosheth is found at Lo-debar . This historical view has probably left its trace upon the present traditions of Saul, whose defeat by-the " Philistines " (here found in the north and not as usual in the south) left Israel in much the same position as when he was anointed king (cf . I Sam. xxxi . 7 with xiii . 7) . Again (b) the
See also:primitive stories of conflicts with " Philistine " giants between Hebron and Jerusalem (2 Sam. v .
17 sqq., xxi . 15 sqq. and xxiii.) find their
See also:analogy in Caleb's overthrow of the sons of Anak (Judg. i. to; Josh. xv . 14), and in the allusion to the same prehistoric folk in the account of the spies (Num. xiii . 28) . From a number of points of evidence there appears to have been a
See also:group of traditions of a
See also:movement from the south (probably Kadesh, Num. xiii . 26) associ- afford to continue the clemency which his father was strong enough to extend to dangerous enemies . Apart from this, it is possible that the words have been written to shift from Solomon's shoulders the blood-
See also:shed incurred in establishing his throne .
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