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DIPLOMACY (Fr. diplomatic)

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Originally appearing in Volume V08, Page 300 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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DIPLOMACY (Fr. See also:diplomatic)  , the See also:art of conducting inter-See also:national negotiations . The word, borrowed from the See also:French, has the same derivation as See also:Diplomatic (q.v.), and, according to the New See also:English See also:Dictionary, was first used in See also:England so See also:late as 1796 by See also:Burke . Yet there is no other word in the English See also:language that could See also:supply its exact sense . The need for such a See also:term was indeed not See also:felt; for what we know as See also:diplomacy was See also:long regarded, partly as falling under the See also:Jus gentium or See also:international See also:law, partly as a See also:kind of activity morally somewhat suspect and incapable of being brought under any See also:system . Moreover, though in a certain sense it is as old as See also:history, diplomacy as a See also:uniform system, based upon generally recognized rules and directed by a diplomatic See also:hierarchy having a fixed international status, is of quite See also:modern growth even in See also:Europe . It was finally established only at the congresses of See also:Vienna (1815) and See also:Aix-la-;Chapelle (1818), while its effective See also:extension to the See also:great monarchies of the See also:East, beyond the See also:bounds of See also:European See also:civilization, was comparatively an affair of yesterday . So late as 1876 it was possible for the writer on this subject in the 9th edition of the See also:Encyclopaedia Britannia; to say that " it would be an See also:historical absurdity to suppose diplomatic relations connecting together See also:China, See also:Burma and See also:Japan, as they connect the great European See also:powers." Principles.—Though diplomacy has been usually treated under the See also:head of international law, it would perhaps be more consonant with the facts to See also:place international law under diplomacy . The principles and rules governing the intercourse of states, defined by a long See also:succession of international lawyers, have no See also:sanction See also:save the consensus of the powers, established and maintained by diplomacy (see See also:BALANCE OF See also:POWER); in so far as they have become, by international agreement, more than See also:mere pious opinions of theorists, they are working rules established for mutual convenience, which it is the See also:function of diplomacy to safeguard or to use for its own ends . In any See also:case they by no means See also:cover the whole See also:field of diplomatic activity; and, were they swept away, the art of diplomacy, See also:developed through long ages of experience, would survive . This experience may perhaps be called the See also:science, as distinct from the art, of diplomacy . It covers not only the See also:province of international law, but the vast field of recorded experience which we know as history, of which indeed international law is but a See also:part; for, as Bielfeld in his Institutions politiques (La Haye, 176o, t . I. ch. ii .

§ 13) points out, " public law is founded on facts . To know it we must know history, which is the soul of this science as of politics in See also:

general." The broad outlook on human affairs implied in " historical sense " is more necessary to the diplomatist under modern conditions than in the 18th See also:century, when inter-national policy was still wholly under the See also:control of princes and their immediate advisers . Diplomacy was then a See also:game of wits played in a narrow circle . Its See also:objects too were narrower; for states were practically regarded as the See also:property of their sovereigns, which it was the See also:main function of their " agents " to enlarge or to protect, while scarcely less important than the preservation or rearrangement of territorial boundaries was that of See also:precedence and See also:etiquette generally, over which an incredible amount of See also:time was wasted . The haute diplomatic thus resolved itself into a See also:process of exalted haggling, conducted with an utter disregard of the See also:ordinary See also:standards of morality, but with the most exquisite politeness and in accordance with ever more and more elaborate rules . Much of the outcome of these dead debates has become stereotyped in the conventions of the diplomatic service; but the See also:character of diplomacy itself has undergone a great See also:change . This change is threefold: firstly, as. the result of the greater sense of the community of interests among nations, which was one of the outcomes of the French Revolution; secondly, owing to the rise of See also:democracy, with its expression in See also:parliamentary assemblies and in the See also:press; thirdly, through the alteration in the position of the diplomatic See also:agent, due to modern means of communication . The first of these changes may be dated to the circular of See also:Count Kaunitz of the 17th of See also:July 1791, in which, in See also:face of the Revolution, he impressed upon the powers the See also:duty of making See also:common cause for the purpose of preserving " public See also:peace, the tranquillity of states, the inviolability of possessions, and the faith of See also:treaties." The duty of watching over the common interests of Europe, or of the See also:world, was thus for the first time officially recognized as a function of diplomacy, since common See also:action could only be taken as the result of diplomatic negotiations . It would be easy to exaggerate the effective results of this See also:idea, even when it had crystallized in the See also:Grand See also:Alliance of 1814 and been See also:pro-claimed to the world in the See also:Holy Alliance of the 26th of See also:September 1815 and the See also:declaration of Aix-la-Chapelle . The cynical picture given by La Bruyere of the diplomatist of the 18th century still remained largely true:" His talk is only of peace, of alliances, of the public tranquillity, and of the public interests; in reality he is thinking only of his own, that is to say, of those of his See also:master or of his See also:republic." 1 The proceedings of the See also:congress of Vienna proved how little the common See also:good weighed unless reinforced by particular interests; but the conception of " Europe " as a See also:political entity none the less survived . The congresses, notably 1 La Bruyere, Caracteres, ii . 77 (ed .

P . Jouast, See also:

Paris, 1881) . the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (q.v.) in 1818, were in a certain sense European parliaments, and their ostensible See also:object was the furtherance of common interests . Had the imperial dreamer See also:Alexander I. of See also:Russia had his way, they would have been permanently established on the broad basis of the Holy Alliance; and would have included, not the great powers only, but representatives of every See also:state (see ALEXANDER I. and EUROPE: History) . Whatever the effective value of that " See also:Concert of Europe " which was the outcome of the See also:period of the congresses, it certainly produced a great effect on the spirit and the practice of diplomacy . In the congresses and conferences diplomacy assumes international functions both legislative and administrative . The diplomat is responsible, not only to his own See also:government, butto " Europe." Thus Castlereagh was accused of subordinating the interests of Great See also:Britain to those of Europe; and the same See also:charge was brought, perhaps with greater See also:justice, against Metternich in respect of See also:Austria . See also:Canning's principle.of, "Every nation for itself and See also:God for us all!" prevailed, it is true, over that of Alexander's " See also:Confederation of Europe "; yet, as one outcome of the congresses, every diplomatic agent, though he represents the interests of his own state, has behind him the whole See also:body of the treaties which constitute the public law of the world, of which he is in some sort the interpreter and the See also:guardian . Parallel with this development runs the second process making for change: the increasing responsibility of diplomacy to public See also:opinion . To discuss all the momentous issues involved in this is impossible; but the subject is too important to he altogether passed over, since it is one of the main problems of modern international intercourse, and concerns every one who by his See also:vote may See also:influence the policy of the state to which he belongs . The question, broadly speaking, is: how far has the public discussion of international affairs affected the legitimate functions of diplomacy for better or for worse ? To, the diplomatist of the old school the See also:answer seems clear .

For him diplomacy was too delicate and too See also:

personal an art to survive the glare and confusion of publicity . Metternich, the last representative of the old haute diplomatic, lived to moralize over the ruin caused by the first manifestations of the " new diplomacy," the outcome of the rise of the power of public opinion . He had See also:early, from his own point of view, unfavourably contrasted the " limited " constitutional monarchies of the See also:west with the " See also:free " autocracies of the east of Europe,. free because they were under no See also:obligation to give a• public See also:account of their actions . He himself was a master of the old diplomatic art, of intrigue, of veiling his purpose under a See also:cloud of magniloquence, above all, of the art of personal See also:fascination . But public opinion was for him only a dangerous force to be kept under control; and, even had he realized the See also:necessity for appealing to it, he had none of the qualities that would have, made the See also:appeal successful . In See also:direct antagonism to him was See also:George Canning, who may be called the great prototype of the " new diplomacy," and to Metternich was a " malevolent See also:meteor hurled by divine See also:providence upon Europe." Canning saw clearly the immense force that would be added to his diplomatic action if he had behind him the force of public opinion . In answer to Metternich's complaint of the See also:tone of speeches in See also:parliament and of the popular support given in England to revolutionary movements, he wrote, " Our influence, if it is to be maintained abroad, must be secure in its See also:sources of strength at See also:home: and the sources of that strength are in the sympathy between the See also:people and the government; in the See also:union of the public sentiment with the public counsels; in the reciprocal confidence of the See also:House of See also:Commons and the See also:crown." 2 It would be a See also:mistake to jump to the conclusion that Canning was wholly right and Metternich wholly wrong . The conditions of the See also:Habsburg See also:monarchy were not those of Great Britain,3 and even if it had been possible to speak of a public opinion in the See also:Austrian See also:empire at all, it certainly possessed no such See also:organ as the See also:British parliament . But the See also:argument may be carried yet 2 To See also:Wellesley, in Stapleton's Canning, i . 374 . 3 For the motives of Metternich's See also:foreign policy see AUSTRIA-See also:HUNGARY : History (iii . 332-333) further .

In the abstract the success of the policy of a See also:

minister in a democratic state must ultimately See also:rest upon the support of public opinion; yet the necessity for this support has in the conduct of foreign affairs its See also:peculiar dangers . In the difficult game of diplomacy a certain reticence is always necessary . See also:Secret sources of See also:information would be dried up were they to be lightly revealed; a See also:plain exposition of policy would often give an undue See also:advantage to the other party to a negotiation . Thus, even in Great Britain, the diplomatic See also:correspondence laid before parliament is carefully edited, and all governments are jealous of granting See also:access to their modern archives . Yet a representative See also:assembly is See also:apt to be resentful of such reservations . Its members know little or nothing of the conditions under which foreign affairs are conducted, and they are not unnaturally irritated by explanations which seem to lack candour or completeness . Canning himself had experience of this in the affair of the See also:capture of the Danish See also:fleet at See also:Copenhagen; and Castlereagh's diplomacy was hampered by the See also:bitter attacks of an opposition which accused him, with little justice, of pursuing a policy which he dared not reveal in its full See also:scope to parliament . Moreover, the appeal to public opinion may be used as a diplomatic weapon for ends no less " selfish " than any aimed at by the old diplomacy . See also:Bismarck, whose statesmanship was at least as cynical as that of Metternich, was a master of the art of taking the world into his confidence—when it suited him to do so; and the " reptile press," hired to give a seemingly See also:independent support to his policy, was one of his most potent weapons . So far the only necessary consequence of the growth of the power of public opinion on the art of diplomacy has been to extend the See also:sphere of its application; it is but one more See also:factor to be dealt with; and experience has proved that it is subject to the See also:wiles of a skilful diplomatist no less than were the princes and statesmen with whom the old diplomacy was solely concerned . The third factor making for change—the revolution in the means of communication which has brought all the world into closer See also:touch—remains to be discussed . It is obvious that before the invention of the See also:telegraph, the diplomatic agent was in a far more responsible position than he is now, when he can, in most cases, receive immediate instructions from his government on difficult questions as they arise .

When communication was still slow there was often no time to await instructions, or the instructions when they arrived were not seldom already out of date and had to be set aside on the minister's own responsibility . It would, however, be easy to exaggerate the importance of this change as affecting the character and status of diplomatic agents . It is true that the tendency has been for ministers of foreign affairs to hold the threads of diplomacy in their own hands to a far greater extent than was formerly the case; but they must still depend for information and See also:

advice on the " See also:man on the spot," and the success of their policy largely depends upon his qualities of discretion and See also:judgment . The growth of democracy, moreover, has given to the See also:ambassador a new and peculiar importance; for he represents not only the See also:sovereign to the sovereign, but the nation to the nation; and, as a succession of notable See also:American ambassadors to Great Britain has proved, he may by his personal qualities do a large amount to remove the prejudices and ignorances which stand as a barrier between the nations . It marks an immense advance in the See also:comity of international intercourse when the representatives of friendly powers are no longer regarded as " spies rather than ambassadors," to be " quickly heard and dismissed," as Philippe de See also:Commines would have them, but as agreeable guests to be parted from with regret . As to the qualifications for an ambassador, it is clearly impossible to See also:lay down a genera] See also:rule, for the same qualities are obviously not required in See also:Washington as in Vienna, nor in Paris as in See also:Pekin . Yet the effort to depict the ideal ambassador bulks largely in the See also:works of the earlier theorists, and the demands they make are sufficiently alarming . Ottaviano Maggi, himself a diplomatist of the brilliant See also:age of the See also:Renaissance, has See also:left us in his De legato (Hanoviae, 1596) his idea of what an ambassador should be . He must not only be a good See also:Christian but a learned theologian; he must be a philosopher, well versed in Aristotleand See also:Plato, and able at a moment's See also:notice to solve in correct dialectical See also:form the most abstruse problems; he must be well read in the See also:classics, and an See also:expert in See also:mathematics, See also:architecture, See also:music, physics and See also:civil and See also:canon law . He must not only know how to write and speak Latin with classical refinement, but he must be a master of See also:Greek, See also:Spanish, French, See also:German and See also:Turkish . He must have a See also:sound knowledge of history, See also:geography and the science of See also:war; but at the same time is not to neglect the poets, and never to be without his See also:Homer . Add to this that he must be well See also:horn, See also:rich and of a handsome presence, and we have a portrait of a diplomatist whose See also:original can hardly have existed even in that age of brilliant versatility .

The Dutchman Frederikus de Marselaer, in his an puseiov she legationum insigne (See also:

Antwerp, 161S), is scarcely less exacting than the Venetian . His ideal ambassador is a nobleman of See also:fine presence and in the See also:prime of See also:life, famous, rich, munificent, abstemious, not violent, nor quarrelsome, nor morose, no flatterer, learned, eloquent, witty without being talkative, a good linguist, widely read, prudent and cautious, but brave and—as he adds somewhat superfluously—many-sided . With these theoretical perfections one or two instances of the qualifications demanded by the exigencies of See also:practical politics may be cited by way of See also:illuminating contrast . At the See also:court of the empress See also:Elizabeth of Russia good looks were a surer means of diplomatic success than all the talents and virtues, and the princess of See also:Zerbst (See also:mother of the empress See also:Catherine II.) wrote to See also:Frederick of See also:Prussia advising him to replace his elderly ambassador by a handsome See also:young man with a good complexion; and the essential qualification for an ambassador to See also:Switzerland, See also:Germany, See also:Poland, See also:Denmark and Russia used to be that he should be able to drink the native diplomatists, seasoned from babyhood to strong liquors, under the table . History.—In its widest sense the history of diplomacy is that of the intercourse between nations, in so far as this has not been a mere See also:brute struggle for the mastery; in a narrower sense, with which the See also:present See also:article is alone concerned, it is that of the methods and spirit of diplomatic intercourse and of the character and status of diplomatic agents . Earlier writers on the See also:office and functions of ambassadors, such as Gentilis or See also:Archbishop See also:Germonius, conscientiously trace their origin to God himself, who created the angels to be his legates; and they fortify their arguments by copious examples See also:drawn from See also:ancient history, sacred and profane . But, whatever the influence upon it of earlier practice, modern diplomacy really See also:dates from the rise of permanent See also:missions, and the consequent development of the diplomatic hierarchy as an international institution . Of this the first beginnings are traceable to the 15th century and to See also:Italy . There had, of course, during the See also:middle ages been embassies and negotiations; but the embassies had been no more than temporary missions directed to a particular end and conducted by ecclesiastics or nobles of a dignity appropriate to each occasion; there were neither permanent diplomatic agents nor a professional diplomatic class . To the See also:evolution of such a class the Italy of the Renaissance, the See also:nursing-ground of modern statecraft, gave the first impetus . This was but natural; for Italy, with its numerous independent states, between which there existed a lively inter-course and a yet livelier rivalry, anticipated in See also:miniature the modern states' system of Europe . In feudal Europe there had been little See also:room for diplomacy; but in See also:northern and central Italy See also:feudalism had never taken See also:root, and in the struggles of the See also:peninsula diplomacy had early played a part as great as, or greater than, war .

Where all were struggling for the mastery, the existence of each depended upon alliances and See also:

counter-alliances, of which the object was the See also:maintenance of the balance of power . In this school there was trained a notable succession of men of affairs . Thus, in the 13th and 14th centuries See also:Florence counted among her envoys See also:Dante, See also:Petrarch and See also:Boccaccio, and later on could boast of agents such as See also:Capponi, Vettori, See also:Guicciardini and See also:Machiavelli . Papal See also:Rome, too, as was to be expected, had always been a fruitful nursing-mother of diplomatists; and some 1 e.g . A History of Diplomacy in the International Development of Europe, by D . J . See also:Hill (See also:London and New See also:York, 1905) . authorities have traced the beginnings of modern diplomacy to a conscious See also:imitation of her legatine system.' It is, however, in See also:Venice, that the origins of modern diplomacy are to be sought ? So early as the 13th century the republic, with a view to safeguarding the public interests, began to lay down a See also:series of rules for the conduct of its ambassadors . Thus, in 1236, envoys to the court of Rome are forbidden to procure a See also:benefice for anyone without leave of the See also:doge and little See also:council ; in 1268 ambassadors are commanded to surrender on their return any gifts they may have received, and by another See also:decree they are compelled to take an See also:oath to conduct affairs to the See also:honour and advantage of the republic . About the same time it was decided that diplomatic agents were to See also:hand in, on their return, a written account of their See also:mission; in 1288 this was somewhat See also:expanded by a law decreeing that ambassadors were to See also:deposit, within fifteen days of their return, a written account of the replies made to them during their mission, together with anything they might have seen or heard to the honour or in the interests of the republic . These provisions, which were several times renewed, notably in 1296, 1425 and 1533, are the origin of the famous reports of the Venetian ambassadors to the See also:senate, which are at once a See also:monument to the political See also:genius of Venetian statesmen and a mine of invaluable historical material.3 These are but a few examples of a long series of regulations, many others also dating to the 13th century, by which the Venetian government sought to systematize its diplomatic service .

That permanent diplomatic agencies were not established by it earlier than was the case is probably due to the distrust of its agents by which most of this legislation of the republic is inspired . In the 13th century two or three months was considered over-long a period for an ambassador to reside at a foreign court; in the 15th century the period of See also:

residence was extended to two years, and in the 16th century to three . This latter rule continued till the end of the republic; the See also:embassy had become permanent, but the ambassador was changed every three years . The origin of the change from temporary to permanent missions has been the subject of much debate and controversy . The theory that it was due, in the first instance, to the evolution of the Venetian consulates (bajulats) in the See also:Levant into permanent diplomatic posts, and that the idea was thence transferred to the West, is disproved by the fact that Venice had established other permanent embassies before the See also:baylo (q.v.) at See also:Constantinople was transformed into a diplomatic agent of the first See also:rank . Nor is the first known instance of the See also:appointment of a permanent ambassador Venetian . The earliest record4 is contained in the announcement by See also:Francesco See also:Sforza, See also:duke of See also:Milan, in 1455, of his intention to maintain a permanent embassy at See also:Genoa '; and in 146o the duke of See also:Savoy sent Eusebio Margaria, See also:archdeacon of See also:Vercelli, as his permanent representative to the See also:Curia.6 Though, however, the early records of such appointments are rare, the practice was probably common among the See also:Italian states . Its extension to countries outside Italy was a somewhat later development . In 1494 Milan is already represented in See also:France by a permanent ambassador . In 1495 Zacharia See also:Contarini, Venetian ambassador to the See also:emperor See also:Maximilian, is described by See also:Sanuto (Diarii, i . 294) as stato ambasciatore; and from the time of 1 For this see See also:Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, i. p . 498 .

s The Venetians, however, in their turn, doubtless learned their diplomacy originally from the Byzantines, with whom their See also:

trade expansion in the Levant early brought them into See also:close contact . For See also:Byzantine diplomacy see See also:ROMAN EMPIRE, LATER: Diplomacy . 3 See Eugenio Alberi, Le Relazioni degli ambasciatori See also:Veneti al senato, 15 vols . (Florence, 1839-1863) . 4 The apocrisiarii (a~ro,cpwtiesaa) or responsales should perhaps be mentioned, though they certainly did not set the precedent for the modern permanent missions . They were See also:resident agents, practically legates, of the popes at the court of Constantinople . They were established by See also:Pope See also:Leo I., and continued until the Iconoclastic controversy See also:broke the intimate ties between East and West._ See Luxardo, Das vordekretalische Gesandtschaftsrecht der Pei pste (See also:Innsbruck, 1878) ; also Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, i . 501 . N . Bianchi, Le Materie politiche relative all' estero degli archivi di stato piemontese (See also:Bologna, See also:Modena, 1875), p . 29 . a lb .

See also:

Note 2, teneamus et deputemus ibidem continue mansurum . During the same period the practice had been growing up among the other European powers . See also:Spain led the way in 1487 by the appointment of Dr Roderigo Gondesalvi de See also:Puebla as ambassador in England . As he was still there in 1500, the Spanish embassy in London may be regarded as the See also:oldest still surviving See also:post of the new permanent diplomacy . Other states followed suit, but only fitfully; it was not till late in the 16th century that permanent embassies were regarded as the norm . The See also:precarious relations between the European powers during the 16th century, indeed, naturally retarded the development of the system . Thus it was not till after good relations had been established with France by the treaty of London that, in 1519, See also:Sir See also:Thomas See also:Boleyn and Dr West were sent to Paris as resident English ambassadors, and, after the'renewed See also: