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DOCTRINE

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Originally appearing in Volume V27, Page 697 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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DOCTRINE.) 158. By a treaty with Russia (1825) that power gave up all claims on the Pacific coast south of the present limits of Alaska. The northern boundary of the United States had The been defined by the treaty of 1783; and, after the North-west acquisition of Louisiana, a convention with Great Boundary. Britain (1818) settled the boundary on the line of 490 N. lat. as far west as the Rocky Mountains. West of these mountains the so-called Oregon country, on whose limits the two powers could not agree, was to be held in common possession for ten years. This common possession was prolonged by another convention (1827) indefinitely, with the privilege to either power to terminate it, on giving twelve months' notice. This arrangement lasted until 1846 (see OREGON: History). 159. Monroe's term of office came to an end in March 1825. He had originally been an extreme Democrat, who could hardly speak of Washington with patience; he had slowly modified his views, and his tendencies were now eagerly claimed by the few remaining Federalists as identical with their own. The nationalizing faction of the dominant party had scored almost election all the successes of the administration, and the of1824. divergence between it and the opposing faction was steadily becoming more apparent. All the candidates for the presidency in 1824—Andrew Jackson, a private citizen of Tennessee; William H. Crawford, Monroe's secretary of the treasury; John Quincy Adams, his secretary of state; and Henry Clay, the speaker of the House of Representatives—claimed to be Republicans alike; but the personal nature of the struggle was shown by the tendency of their supporters to call themselves " Adams men " or " Jackson men," rather than by any real party title. Calhoun was supported by all groups for the vice-presidency, and was elected without difficulty. The choice of a president was more doubtful. 16o. None of the four candidates had anything like a party organization behind him. Adams and Clay represented the Party nationalizing element, as Crawford and Jackson Divergence. did not; but there the likeness among them stopped. The strongest forces behind Adams were the new manufacturing and commercial interests of the East; behind Clay were the desires of the West for internal improvements at Federal expense as a set-off to the benefits which the seaboard states had already received from the government; and the two elements were soon to be united into the National Republican or Whig party (q.v.). Crawford was the representative of the old Democratic party, with all its Southern influences and leanings. Jackson was the personification of the new democracy—not very cultured, perhaps, but honest, and hating every shade of class control instinctively. As he became better known the whole force of the new drift of things turned in his direction. Crawford was taken out of the race, just after the electors had cast their votes, by physical failure, and Adams, later, by the revival of ancient quarrels with the Federalists of New England; and the future was to be with Clay or with Jackson. But in 1824 the electors gave no one a majority; and the House of Representatives, voting by states, gave the presidency to Adams. 161. Adams's election in 1825 was due to the fact that Clay's friends in the House—unable to vote for him, as he was the The Adams lowest in the electoral vote, and only three names Administra- were open to choice in the House—very naturally gave tion 1825- their votes to Adams. As Adams appointed Clay 29. to the leading position in his cabinet, the defeated party at once raised the cry of " bargain and intrigue," one of the most effective in a democracy, and it was kept up through-out Adams's four years of office. Jackson had received the largest number of electoral votes, though not a majority,' and the hazy notion that he had been injured because of his devotion to the people increased his popularity. Though demagogues made use of it for selfish purposes, this feeling was an honest one, and Adams had nothing to oppose to it. He tried vigorously to uphold the " American system," and succeeded in passing the tariff of 1828; he tried to maintain the influence of the United States on both the American continents; but he remained as unpopular as his rival grew popular. In 1828 Adams was easily displaced by Jackson, the electoral vote being 178 to 83. Calhoun was re-elected vice-president. 162. Jackson's inauguration in 1829 closes this period, as it ends the time during which a disruption of the Union by the Election of peaceable withdrawal of any state was even possible. 1828. De- The party which had made state sovereignty its mocracy and bulwark in 1798 was now in control of the govern-Nationality. ment again; but Jackson's proclamation in his first term, in which he warned South Carolina that " disunion by armed force is treason," and that blood must flow if the laws were resisted, speaks a very different tone from the speculations of ' Jackson received 99, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and Clay 37; in the House of Representatives Adams received the votes of 13 states, Jackson of 7, and Crawford of 4. For vice-president Calhoun received 182 electoral votes, and his principal competitors, Nathan Sanford, of New York, and Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, received 30 and 24 respectively. Jefferson on possible future divisions of the United States. And even the sudden attempt of South Carolina to exercise independent action (§§ 172-173) shows that some interest dependent upon state sovereignty had taken alarm at the drift of events, and was anxious to lodge a claim to the right before it should slip from its fingers for ever. Nullification was only the first skirmish between the two hostile forces of slavery and democracy. 163. When the vast territory of Louisiana was acquired in 1803 the new owner found slavery already established there by custom recognized by French and Spanish law. Slavery. Congress tacitly ratified existing law by taking no action; slavery continued legal, and spread further through the territory; and the state of Louisiana entered as a slave state in 1812. The next state to be carved out of the territory was Missouri, admitted in 1821. A Territory, on applying for admission as a state, brings a constitution for inspection by Congress; and when it was found that the new state of Missouri proposed to recognize and continue slavery, a vigorous opposition spread through the North and West, and carried most of the senators and representatives from those sections with it. In the House of Representatives these two sections had a greatly superior number of members; but, as the number of Northern and Southern states had been kept about equal, the compact Southern vote, with one or two Northern allies, generally retained control of the Senate. Admitted by the Senate and rejected by the House, Missouri's application hung suspended for two years until it was successful by the admission of Maine, a balancing Northern state,2 and by the following arrangement, known as the Missouri The Missouri Compromise of 182o: Missouri was to enter as a compromise. slave state; slavery was for ever prohibited through- out the rest of the Louisiana Purchase north of lat. 36° 3o', the main southern boundary of Missouri; and, though nothing was said of the territory south of the compromise line, it was understood that any state formed out of it was to be a slave state, if it so wished (see MISSOURI COMPROMISE and Missoula, § History). Arkansas entered under this provision in 1836. 164. The question of slavery was thus set at rest for the present, though a few agitators were roused to more zealous opposition to the essence of slavery itself. In the next decade these agitators succeeded only in the conversion of sectional Divergence. a few recruits, but these recruits were the ones who took up the work at the opening of the next period and never gave it up until slavery was ended. It is plain now, however, that North and South had already drifted so far apart as to form two sections, and it became evident during the next forty years that the wants and desires of these two sections were so divergent that it was impossible for one government to make satisfactory laws for both. The chief cause was not removed in 1820, though one of its effects was got out of the way for the time. 165. The vast flood of human beings which had been pouring westward for years had now pretty well occupied the territory east of the Mississippi, while, on the west side of that stream, it still showed a disposition to hold to the Area. The settled river valleys. The settled area had increased from 240,000 sq. m. in 1790 to 633,000 sq. m. in 1830, with an average of 2o•3 persons to the square mile. There was still a great deal of Indian territory in the Southern states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida, for the Southern Indians were among the finest of their race; they had become semi-civilized, and were formidable antagonists to the encroaching white race. The states interested had begun preparations for their forcible removal, in public defiance (see GEORGIA: History) of the attempts of the Federal government to protect the Indians (1827); but the removal was not completed until 1835. In the North, Wisconsin and Michigan, with the northern halves of Illinois and Indiana, were still very thinly settled, but everything indicated early increase of population. The first lake steamboat, the " Walk-in-the-Water," had appeared at Detroit in 1818, and the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825 added to the number 2 A prompt admission of Missouri would have balanced the slave and free states, but Alabama's admission as a slave state balanced them in 1819. of such vessels. Lake Erie had seven in 1826; and in 183o, while the only important lake town, Detroit, was The steamboat. hardly more than a frontier fort, a daily line of yet ' steamers was running to it from Buffalo, carrying the increasing stream of emigrants to the western territory. 166. The land system of the United States had much to do with the early development of the West. From the first settlement, the universally recognized rule had been that of absolute individual property in land, with its corollary of unrestricted competitive or " rack " rents; and this rule was accepted fully in the national land system, whose basis was reported by Jefferson, as chairman of a committee of the Confederation Congress (1785). The public lands were to be divided into "hundreds" each ten miles square and containing one hundred mile-square plots. The hundred was called a " township," and was afterwards reduced to six miles square, of thirty-six mile-square plots of 64o acres each. From time to time principal meridians and east and west base lines have been run, and townships,have been determined by their relations to these lines. The sections (plots) have been sub-divided, but the transfer describes each parcel from the survey map, as in the case of " the south-west quarter of section 20, township 30, north, range 1 east of the third principal meridian." The price fixed in 1790 as a minimum was $2 per acre; it has tended to decrease, and no effort has ever been made to gain a revenue from it. When the nation acquired its western territory it secured its title to the soil, and always made it a fundamental condition of the admission of a new state that it should not tax United States lands. To compensate the new states for the freedom of unsold public lands from taxation, one township in each thirty-six was reserved to them for educational purposes; and the excellent public school systems of the Western states have been founded on this provision. The cost of obtaining a quarter section (16o acres), under the still later homestead system of granting lands to actual settlers, has come to be only about $26; the interest on this, at 6%, represents an annual rent of one cent per acre—making this, says F. A. Walker, as nearly as possible the " no-rent land " of the economists. 167. The bulk of the early westward migration was of home production; the great immigration from Europe did not begin until about 1847. The West as well as the East thus had its institutions fixed before being called upon to absorb an enormous foreign element. I.—Industrial Development and Sectional Divergence, 1829-1850. 168. The eight years 1829–1837 have been called " the reign of Andrew Jackson "; his popularity, his long struggle for the New presidency, and his feeling of his official ownership Political of the subordinate offices gave to his administration Methods. at least an appearance of Caesarism. But it was a strictly constitutional Caesarism; the restraints of written law were never violated, though the methods adopted within the law were new to national politics. Since about "Boo state politics in New York and Pennsylvania had been noted for the systematic use of the offices and for the merciless manner in which the office-holder was compelled to work for the party which kept him in place. The presence of New York and Pennsylvania politicians in Jackson's cabinet taught him to use the same system. Removals, except for cause, had been relatively rare before; but under Jackson men were removed almost exclusively for the purpose of installing some more serviceable party tool; and a clean sweep was made in the civil service. Other parties adopted the system, and it remained the rule at a change of administration until comparatively recent years. 16g. The system brought with it a semi-military reorganization of parties. Hitherto nominations for the more important The New offices had been made mainly by legislative caucuses; organiza- candidates for -president and vice-president were Lion of nominated by caucuses of congressmen, and candi- Parties. dates for the higher state offices by caucuses of the state legislatures. Late in the preceding period " conventions " of delegates from the members of the party in the state were held in New York and Pennsylvania; and in 1831–1832 this became the rule for presidential nominations. It rapidly developed into systematic state, county, and city" conventions "; and the result was the appearance of that complete political machinery, the American political party, with its local organizations, and its delegates to county, state and national conventions. The Democratic machinery was the first to appear, in Jackson's second term (1833–1837). Its workers were paid in offices, or hopes of office, so that it was said to be built on the " cohesive power of public plunder "; but its success was immediate and brilliant. The opposing party, the Whig party (q.v.), had no chance of victory in 1836; and its complete overthrow drove its leaders into the organization of a similar machinery of their own, which scored its first success in 1840. Since that time these strange bodies, unknown to the law, have governed the country by turns; and their enormous growth has steadily made the organization of a third piece of such machinery more difficult or hopeless. 170. The Bank of the United States had hardly been heard of in politics until the new Democratic organization came into hostile contact with it. A semi-official demand Bank of the upon it for a political appointment was met by a united refusal; and the party managers called Jackson's States. attention to an institution which he could not but dislike the more he considered it. His first message spoke of it in unfriendly terms, and every succeeding message brought a more open attack. The old party of Adams and Clay had by this time taken the name of Whigs, probably from the notion that they were struggling against " the reign of Andrew Jackson," and they adopted the cause of the bank with eagerness. The bank charter did not expire until 1836, but in 1832 Clay brought up a bill for a new charter. It was passed and vetoed; and the Whigs made the veto an important issue of the presidential election of that year. They were beaten; Jackson was re-elected, receiving 219 electoral votes, and Clay, his Whig opponent, only 49, and the bank party could never again get a majority in the House of Representatives for the charter. The insistence of the president on the point that the charter was a " monopoly " bore weight with the people. But the president could not obtain a majority in the Senate. He determined to take a step which would give him an initiative, and which his opponents could not induce both houses to unite in overriding or punishing. Taking advantage of the provision that the secretary of the treasury might order the Removal public funds to be deposited elsewhere than in the of the bank or its branches, he directed the secretary to, Deposits. deposit all the public funds elsewhere. Thus deprived of its great source of dividends, the bank fell into difficulties, became a state bank after 1836, and then went into bankruptcy. (See
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