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EMPIRE

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Originally appearing in Volume V09, Page 356 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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EMPIRE  , a See also:

term now used to denote a See also:state of large See also:size and also (as a See also:rule) of composite See also:character, often, but not necessarily, ruled by an See also:emperor—a state which may be a federation, like the See also:German empire, or a unitary state, like the See also:Russian, or even, like the See also:British empire, a loose See also:commonwealth of See also:free states See also:united to a number of subordinate dependencies . For many centuries the writers of the See also:Church, basing themselves on the Apocalyptic writings, conceived of a See also:cycle of four empires, generally explained—though there was no See also:absolute unanimity with regard to the members of the cycle—as the See also:Assyrian, the See also:Persian, the Macedonian and the See also:Roman . But in reality the conception of Empire, like the term itself (See also:Lat. imperium), is of Roman origin . The empire of See also:Alexander had indeed in some ways anticipated the empire of See also:Rome . " In his later years," See also:Professor See also:Bury writes, " Alexander formed the notion of an empire, both See also:European and See also:Asiatic, in which the Asiatics should not be dominated by the European invaders, but Europeans and Asiatics alike should be ruled on an equality by a monarch, indifferent to the distinction of See also:Greek and See also:barbarian, and looked upon as their own See also:king by Persians as well as by Macedonians." The contemporary Cynic See also:philosophy of cosmopolitanism harmonized with this notion, as Stoicism did later with the practice of the Roman empire; and Alexander, like See also:Diocletian and See also:Constantine, accustomed a Western See also:people to the forms of an See also:Oriental See also:court, while, like the earlier Caesars, he claimed and received the recognition of his own divinity . But when he died in 323, his empire, which had barely lasted ten years, died with him; and it was divided among See also:Diadochi who, if in some other respects (for instance, the Hellenization of the See also:East) they were heirs of their See also:master's policy, were destitute of the imperial conception . The See also:work of Alexander was rather that of the forerunner than the founder . He prepared the way for the See also:world-empire of Rome; he made possible the rise of a universal See also:religion . And these are the two factors which, throughout the See also:middle ages, went together to make the thing which men called Empire . At Rome the term imperium signified generally, in its earlier use, the See also:sovereignty of the state over the individual, a sovereignty which the See also:Romans had disengaged with singular clearness from all other kinds of authority . Each of the higher magistrates of the Roman people was vested, by a lex curiata (for See also:power was distinctly conceived as See also:resident in, and delegated by, the community), with an imperium both See also:civil and military, which varied in degree with the magnitude of his See also:office . In the later days of the See also:Republic such imperium was enjoyed, partly in Rome by the resident consuls and praetors, partly in the provinces by the various proconsuls or propraetors .

There was thus a certain morcellement of imperium, delegated as it was by the people to a number of magistrates: the coming of the Empire meant the reintegration of this imperium, and its unification, by a See also:

gradual See also:process, in the hands of the princeps, or emperor . The means by which this process was achieved had already been anticipated under the Republic . Already in the days of See also:Pompey it had been found convenient to See also:grant to an extraordinary officer an imperium aequum or majus over a large See also:area, and that officer thus received See also:powers, within that area, equal to, or greater than, the powers of the provincial See also:governors . This precedent was followed by See also:Augustus in the See also:year 27 B.C., when he acquired for himself See also:sole imperium in a certain number of provinces (the imperial provinces), and an infinitum imperium majus in the remaining provinces (which were termed senatorial) . As a result, Augustus enjoyed an imperium coextensive indeed with the whole of the Roman world, but concurrent, in See also:part of that world, with the imperium of the senatorial proconsuls; and the See also:early Empire may thus be described as a dyarchy . But the distinction between imperial and senatorial provinces finally disappeared; by the See also:time of Constantine the emperor enjoyed sole imperium, and an absolute See also:monarchy had been established . We shall not, however, fully understand the significance of the Roman empire, unless we realize the importance of its military aspect . All the soldiers of Rome had from the first to swear in verbs ! Caesaris See also:Augusti; and thus the whole of the Roman See also:army was his army, regiments of which he might indeed lend, but of which he was sole Imperator (see under EMPEROR) . Thus regarded as a permanent See also:commander-in-See also:chief, the emperor enjoyed the privileges, and suffered from the weaknesses, of his position . He had the power of the See also:sword behind him; but he became more and more liable to be deposed, and to be replaced by a new commander, at the will of those who See also:bore the sword in his service . The See also:period which is marked by the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine (A.D .

284–337) marks a See also:

great transformation in Develop- the character of the Empire . The old dyarchy, under ment under which the emperor might still be regarded as an See also:official Diocletian of the respublica See also:Romana, passed into a new monarchy, and See also:con- in which all See also:political power became, as it were, the stantine. private See also:property of the monarch . There was now no distinction of provinces; and the old public See also:aerarium became merely a municipal See also:treasury, while the fiscus of the emperor became the See also:exchequer of the Empire . The See also:officers of the imperial praetorium, or bodyguard, are now the great officers of state; his private See also:council becomes the public See also:consistory, or supreme court of See also:appeal; and the comites of his court are the adminis- trators of his empire . " All is in him, and all comes from him," as our own year-books say of the See also:medieval king; his See also:household, for instance, is not only a household, but also an See also:administration . On the other See also:hand, this unification seems to be accompanied by a new bifurcation . The exigencies of frontier See also:defence had See also:long been See also:drawing the Empire towards the troubled East; and this tendency reached its See also:culmination when a new Rome arose by the See also:Bosporus, and See also:Constantinople became the centre of what seemed a second Empire in the East (A.D . 324) . See also:Par- See also:Division ticularly after the division of the Empire between of the Empire . See also:Arcadius and See also:Honorius in 395 does this bifurcation appear to be marked; and one naturally speaks of the two Empires of the See also:West and the East . Yet it cannot be too much emphasized that in reality such See also:language is utterlyinexact . The Roman empire was, and always continued to be, ideally one and indivisible .

There were two emperors, but one Empire—two persons, but one power . The point is of great importance for the understanding of the whole of the middle ages: there only is, and can be, one Empire, which may indeed, for convenience, be ruled conjointly by two emperors, resident, again for convenience, in two See also:

separate capitals . And, as a See also:matter of fact, not only did the See also:residence of an emperor in the East not spell bifurcation, it actually fostered the tendency towards unification . It helped forward the transformation of the Empire into an absolute and quasi-Asiatic monarchy, under which all its subjects See also:fell into a single level of loyal submission: it helped to give the emperor a gorgeous court, marked by all the ceremony and the servility of the East.' The deification of the emperor himself See also:dates from the days of Augustus; by the time of Constantine it has infected the court and the See also:government . Each emperor, again, had from the first enjoyed the sacrosanct position which was attached to the tribunate; but now his See also:palace, his chamber, his charities, his letters, are all " sacred," and one might almost speak in advance of a " See also:Holy Roman Empire." But there is one See also:factor, the greatest of all, which still remains to be added, before we have counted the sum of the forces that made the world think in terms of empire for centuries - to come; and that is the reception of See also:Christianity into InfluChristience of - the Roman empire by Constantine . That reception anity . added a new See also:sanction to the existence of the Empire and the position of the emperor . The Empire, already one and indivisible in its aspect of a political society, was welded still more firmly together when it was informed and permeated by a See also:common Christianity, and unified by the force of a spiritual See also:bond . The Empire was now the Church; it was now indeed indestructible, for, if it perished as an empire, it would live as a church . But the Church made it certain that it would not perish, even as an empire, for many centuries to come . On the one hand the Church thought in terms of empire and taught the millions of its disciples (including the barbarians themselves) to think in the same terms . No other political conception—no conception. of a rats or of a nation—was any longer possible .

When the Church gained its hold of the Roman world, the Empire, as it has been well said, was already " not only a government, but a See also:

fashion of conceiving the world ": it had stood for three centuries, and no See also:man could think of any other See also:form of political association . Moreover, the See also:gospel of St See also:Paul—that there is one Church, whereof See also:Christ is the See also:Head, and we are all members—could not but reinforce for the See also:Christian the conception of a necessary political unity of all the world under a single head . Una Chiesa in uno Stato—such, then, was the theory of the Church . But not only did the Church perpetuate the conception of empire by making it a part of its own theory of the world: it perpetuated that conception equally by materializing it in its own organization of itself . Growing up under the See also:shadow of the Empire, the Church too became an empire, as the Empire had become a church . As it took over something of the old See also:pagan ceremonial, so it took over much of the old See also:secular organization . The See also:pope borrowed his See also:title of pontilex See also:maximus from the emperor: what is far more, he made himself gradually, and in the course of centuries, the See also:Caesar and Imperator of the Church . The offices and the dioceses of the Church are parallel to the offices and dioceses of the Diocletian empire: the whole spirit of orderly See also:hierarchy and See also:regular organization, which breathes in the Roman Church, is the heritage of See also:ancient Rome . The Donation of Constantine is a See also:forgery; but it expresses a great truth when it represents Constantine as giving to the pope the imperial palace and insignia, and to the See also:clergy the ornaments of the imperial army (see DONATION OF CONSTANTINE) . ' See also:Bryce points out, with much subtlety and truth, that the rise of a second Rome in the East not only helped to perpetuate the Empire by providing a new centre which would take the See also:place of Rome when Rome fell, but also tended to make it more universal; " for, having lost its See also:local centre, it subsisted no longer by historic, right only, but, so to speak, naturally, as a part of an See also:order of things' which a See also:change in See also:external conditions seemed incapable of disturbing " (Holy Roman Empire, p . 8 of the edition of 19o4) . The Roman empire .

Upon this world, informed by these ideas, there finally descended, in the 5th See also:

century, the See also:avalanche of barbaric invasion . Its impact seemed to split the Empire into fragmentary Barbari t n kingdoms; yet it See also:left the universal Church intact, and with it the conception of empire . With that conception, indeed, the barbarians had already been for centuries See also:familiar: service in Roman armies, and See also:settlement in Roman territories, had made the Roman empire for them, as much as for the civilized provincial, part of the order of the world . One of the barbarian invaders, See also:Odoacer (Odovakar), might seem, in 476, to have swept away the Empire from the West, when he commanded the See also:abdication of See also:Romulus Augustulus; and the date 476 has indeed been generally emphasized as marking " the fall of the Western empire." Other invaders, again, men like the See also:Frank See also:Clovis or the great Ostrogoth See also:Theodoric, might seem, in succeeding years, to have completed the work of Odoacer, and to have shattered the sorry See also:scheme of the later Empire, by remoulding it into See also:national kingdoms . De facto, there is some truth in such a view: de jure, there is none.' All that Odoacer did was to abolish one of the two See also:joint rulers of the indivisible Empire, and to make the remaining ruler at Constantinople sole emperor from the Bosporus to the pillars of See also:Hercules . He abolished the dual sovereignty which had been inaugurated by Diocletian, and returned to the unity of the Empire in the days of See also:Marcus Aurelius . He did not abolish the Roman empire in the West: he only abolished its separate ruler, and, leaving the Empire itself subsisting, under the sway (nominal, it is true, but none the less acknowledged) of the emperor resident at Constantinople, he claimed to See also:act as his See also:vicar, under the name of patrician, in the administration of the See also:Italian provinces.' As Odoacer thus fitted himself into the scheme of empire, so did both Clovis and Theodoric . They do not claim to be emperors (that was reserved for See also:Charlemagne) : they claim to be the vicars and lieutenants of the Empire . Theodoric spoke of himself to See also:Zeno as imperio vestro famulans; he left See also:justice and administration in Roman hands, and maintained two See also:annual consuls in Rome . Clovis received the title of See also:consul from See also:Anastasius; the Visigothic See also:kings of See also:Spain (like the kings of the See also:savage See also:Lombards) styled themselves Flavii, and permitted the cities of their eastern See also:coast to send See also:tribute to Constantinople . Yet it must be admitted that, as a matter of fact, this See also:adhesion of the new barbaric kings to the Empire was little more than a form . The Empire maintained its ideal unity by treating them as its vicars; but they themselves were forming separate and See also:independent kingdoms within its See also:borders .

The See also:

Italy of the See also:Ostrogoths cannot have belonged, in any real sense, to the Empire; otherwise Justinian would never have needed to See also:attempt its reconquest . And in the 7th and 8th centuries the form of adhesion itself decayed: the emperor was retiring upon the Greek world of the East, and the German conquerors, settled within their kingdoms, lost the width of outlook of their old migratory days . It is here that the See also:action of the Church becomes of supreme importance . The Church had not ceased to believe in the The continuous See also:life of the Empire . The Fathers had Church taught that when the cycle of empires was finally and the ended by the disappearance of the empire of Rome, Empire. the days of See also:Antichrist would See also:dawn; and, since Antichrist was not yet come, the Church believed that the Empire still lived, and would continue to live till his coming . Mean- ' The de facto importance of the event of 476 can only be seen in the See also:light of later events, and it was not therefore noticed by contemporaries . See also:Marcellinus is the only contemporary who remarks on its importance, cf . Marcellini Chronicon (Mon . Germ . Hist., Chronica minora. ii . 91), Hesperium Romanae gentis imperium . . . cum hoc Augustulo periit .

. . Gothorum dehinc regibus Romam tenentibus . 2 A passage in Malchus, a See also:

Byzantine historian (quoted by Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, p . 25, See also:note u, in the edition of 1904), expresses this truth exactly . The envoys sent to Zeno by Odoacer urge cas Was See also:alp aUTOIS (3cu nXsias ob SEO[ KOLVOS SE h7roxpi]QE6 etbsoc WV aUTOKphTCOp See also:Ea' hµ4oripots Tots as pass . The envoys then suggest the name of Odoacer, as one able to See also:manage their affairs, and ask Zeno to give him, as an officer of the Empire, the title of Patricius and the administration of Italy.while the Eastern emperor, ever since Justinian's reconquest of Italy, had been able to maintain his hold on the centre of Italy; and Rome itself, the seat of the head of the Church; still ranked as one of the cities under his sway . The imperialist theory of the Church found its See also:satisfaction in this connexion of its head with Constantinople; and as long as this connexion continued to satisfy the Church, there was little prospect of any change . For many years after their invasion of 568, the pressure which the Lombards maintained on central Italy, from their See also:kingdom in the valley of the Po, kept the popes steadily faithful to the emperor of the East and his representative in Italy, the See also:exarch of See also:Ravenna . But it was not in the nature of things that such fidelity should continue unimpaired . The development of the East and the West could not but proceed along dro,rg''een e constantly diverging lines, until the point was reached between when their connexion must snap . On the one hand, the Bast and development of the West set towards the increase of the west. powers of the See also:bishop of Rome until he reached a height The popes. at which subjection to the emperor at Constantinople became impossible . Residence in Rome, the old seat of empire, had in itself given him a great See also:prestige; and to this prestige St See also:Gregory (pope from 590 to 604) had added in a number of ways .

Ile was one of the Fathers of the Church, and turned its See also:

theology into the channels in which it was to flow for centuries; he had acquired for his church the great spiritual See also:colony of See also:England by the See also:mission of St See also:Augustine; he had been the See also:protector of Italy against the Lombards . As the popes thus became more and more spiritual emperors of the West, they found themselves less and less able to remain the subjects of the See also:lay emperor of the East . Meanwhile the emperors of the East were led to interfere in ecclesiastical affairs in a manner which the popes and the Western Church refused to tolerate . Brought into contact with the pure monotheism of Mahommedanism, See also:Leo the Isaurian (718–741) was stimulated into a crusade against See also:image-See also:worship, in order to remove from the Christian Church the See also:charge of See also:idolatry . The West clung to its images: the popes revolted against his decrees; and the See also:breach rapidly became irreparable . As the hold of the Eastern emperor on central Italy began to be shaken, the popes may have begun to cherish the See also:hope of becoming their successors and of See also:founding a temporal dominion; and that hope can only have contributed to the final See also:dissolution of their connexion with the Eastern empire . Thus, in the course of the 8th century, the Empire, as represented by the emperors at Constantinople, had begun to fade utterly out of the West . It had been forgotten by lay sovereigns; it was being abandoned by the pope, who had been its chosen apostle . But it did not follow that, because the Eastern emperor ceased to be the representative of the Empire for the West, the conception of Empire itself therefore perished . The popes only abandoned the representative; they did not abandon the conception . If they had abandoned the conception, they would have abandoned the See also:idea that there was an order of the world; they would have committed themselves to a belief in the coming of Antichrist . The conception of the world as a single Empire-Church remained: what had to be discovered was a new representative of one of the two sides of that conception .

For a brief time, it would seem, the pope himself cherished the idea of becoming, in his own See also:

person, the successor of the ancient Caesars in their own old See also:capital . By the aid of the Frankish kings, he had been able to stop the Lombards from acquiring the See also:succession to the See also:derelict territories of the Eastern emperor in Italy (from which their last exarch had fled overseas in 752), and he had become the temporal See also:sovereign of those territories . Successor to the Eastern emperor in central Italy, why should he not also become his successor as representative of the Empire—all the more, since he was the head of the Church, which was coextensive with the Empire ? Some such hope seems to inspire the Donation of Constantine, a document forged between 754 and 774, in which Constantine is represented as having conferred on See also:Silvester I. the imperial palace and insignia, and therewith omnes Italiae seu occidentalium regionum provincias loci; et civitates . But the hope, if it ever was cherished, proved to be futile . The popes had not the material force at their command which would have made them adequate to the position . The strong See also:arm of the Frankish kings had alone See also:corona- delivered them from the Lombards: the same strong tion of arm, they found, was needed to deliver them from See also:Charles the See also:wild See also:nobility of their own See also:city . So they turned magne as to the power which was strong enough to undertake emperor of the task which they could not themselves attempt, the west. and they invited the Frankish king to become the representative of the imperial conception they cherished.' In the year 800 central Italy ceased to date its documents by the regnal years of the Eastern emperors; for Charlemagne was crowned emperor in their See also:stead . The king of the See also:Franks was well fitted for the position which he was chosen to fill . He was king of a stock which had been from the first Athanasian, and had never been tainted, like most of the Germanic tribes, by the See also:adoption of Arian tenets . His grandfather, Charles Martel, had saved See also:Europe from the danger of a See also:Mahommedan See also:conquest by his victory at See also:Poitiers (732); his See also:father, See also:Pippin the See also:Short, had helped the See also:English missionary See also:Boniface to achieve the See also:conversion of See also:Germany . The popes themselves had turned to the Frankish kings for support again and again in the course of the 8th century .

Gregory III., involved in See also:

bitter hostilities with the iconoclastic reformers of the East, appealed to Charles Martel for aid, and even offered the king, it is said, the titles of consul and patrician . See also:Zacharias pronounced the deposition of the last of the See also:Merovingians, and gave to Pippin the title of king (75r); while his successor, See also:Stephen II., hard pressed by the Lombards, who were eager to replace the Eastern emperors in the See also:possession of central Italy, not only asked and received the aid of the new king, but also acquired, in virtue of Pippin's donation (754), the disputed exarchate itself . Thus was laid the See also:foundation of the States of the Church; and the grateful pope rewarded the donation by the See also:gift of the title of pa/ricius Romanorum, which conferred on its recipient the See also:duty and the See also:privilege of protecting the Roman Church, along with some undefined measure of authority in Rome itself." Finally, in 773, Pope See also:Adrian I. had to appeal to Charles, the successor of Pippin, against the aggressions of the last of the Lombard kings; and in 774 Charles conquered the Lombard kingdom, and himself assumed its See also:iron See also:crown . Thus by the end of the 8th century the Frankish king stood on the very steps of the imperial See also:throne . He ruled a See also:realm which extended from the See also:Pyrenees to the Harz, and from See also:Hamburg to Rome—a realm which might be regarded as in itself a de facto empire . He bore the title of patricius, and he had shown that he did not See also:bear it in vain by his vigorous defence of the papacy in 774 . Here there stood, ready to hand, a natural representative of the conception of Empire; and Leo III., finding that he needed the aid of Charlemagne to maintain himself against his own Romans, finally took the decisive step of crowning him emperor, as he knelt in See also:prayer at St See also:Peter's, on See also:Christmas See also:Day, 800 . The See also:coronation of Charlemagne in 800 marks the coalescence into a single unity of two facts, or rather, more strictly speaking, of a fact and a theory . The fact is German and secular: it is the wide de facto empire, which the Frankish sword had conquered, and Frankish policy had organized as a single whole . The theory is Latin and ecclesiastical: it is a theory of the According to the view here followed, the Church was the See also:ark in which the conception of Empire was saved during the dark ages between 60o and 800 . Some See also:influence should perhaps also be assigned to Roman See also:law, which continued to be administered during these centuries, especially in the towns, and maintained the imperial tradition . But the influence of the Church is the essential fact .

2 In the 5th century the title patricius came to attach particularly to the head of the Roman army (ma ister utriusque militiae) to men like See also:

Aetius and See also:Ricimer, who made and unmade emperors (cf . See also:Mommsen, Gesammelte Schrif ten, iv . 537, 545 sqq.) . Later it had been See also:borne by the Greek exarchs of Ravenna . The concession to Pippin of this great title makes him military head of the Western empire, in the sense in which the title was used in the 5th century; it makes him representative of the Empire for Italy, in the sense in which it had been used of the exarchs.necessary political unity of the world, and its necessary See also:representation in the person of an emperor—a theory See also:half springing from the unity of the old Roman empire, and half Theory of derived from the unity of the Christian Church as the caroconceived in the New Testament . If we seek for lingian the force which caused this fact and this theory to empire . coalesce in the Carolingian empire, we can only See also:answer—the papacy . The idea of Empire was in the Church; and the head of the Church translated this idea into fact . If, however, we seek to conceive the event of 800 from a political or legal point of view, and to determine the residence of the right of constituting an emperor, we at once See also:drift into the fogs of centuries of controversy . Three answers are possible from three points of view; and all have their truth, according to the point of view . From the ecclesiastical point of view, the right resides with the pope . This theory was not promulgated (indeed no theory was promulgated) until the struggles of Papacy and Empire in the course of the middle ages; but by the time of See also:Innocent III. it is becoming an established See also:doctrine that a translatio Imperil took place in 800, whereby the pope transferred the Roman empire from the Greeks to the Germans in the person of the magnificent Charles ?

One can only say that, as a matter of fact, the popes ceased to recognize the Eastern emperors, and recognized Charles instead, in the year 800; that, again, this recognition alone made Charles emperor, as nothing else could have done; but that no question arose, at the time, of any right of the pope to give the Empire to Charlemagne, for the See also:

simple See also:reason that neither of the actors was acting or thinking in a legal spirit . If we now turn to study the point of view of the civil lawyer, animated by.such a spirit, and basing himself on the See also:code of Justinian, we shall find that an emperor must derive his institution and power from a lex regia passed by the populus See also:Romanus; and such a view, strictly interpreted, will See also:lead us to the conclusion that the citizens of Rome had given the crown to Charlemagne in 800, and continued to bestow it on successive emperors afterwards . There is indeed some speech, in the contemporary accounts of Charlemagne's coronation, of the presence of " ancients among the Romans " and of " the faithful people "; but they are merely See also:present to See also:witness or applaud, and the conception of the Roman people as the source of Empire is one that was only championed, at a far later date, by antiquarian idealists like See also:Arnold of See also:Brescia and Cola di See also:Rienzi . The faex Romuli, a See also:population of lodging-See also:house keepers, living upon pilgrims to the papal court, could hardly be conceived, except by an ardent See also:imagination, as See also:heir to the See also:Quirites of the past . Finally, from the point of view of the German tribesman, we must admit that the Empire was something which, once received by his king (no matter how), descended in the royal See also:family as an See also:heirloom; or to which (when the kingship became elective) a title was conferred, along with the kingship, by the See also:vote of See also:electors.' But apart from these questions of origin, two difficulties have still to be faced with regard to the nature and position of the Carolingian empire . Did Charlemagne and his successors enter into a new relation with their subjects, in virtue of their coronation ? And what was the nature of the relation between the new emperor now established in the West and the old emperor still reigning in the East ? It is true that Charlemagne exacted a new See also:oath of See also:allegiance from his subjects after his coronation, and again that he had a revision of all the See also:laws of his dominions made in 802 . But the revision did not amount to much in bulk: what there was contained little that was Roman; and, on the whole, it hardly seems probable that Charlemagne entered into any new relation with his subjects . The relation of his empire to the empire in the East is a more difficult and important problem . In 797 the empress See also:Irene had deposed and blinded her son, Constantine VI., and usurped his throne . Now it would seem that Charlemagne, whose thoughts ' See the famous See also:bull Venerabilem (Corp. See also:fur .

See also:

Canon . See also:Deer . See also:Greg. i . 6, c . 34) . ' Even on this view, an imperial coronation at the hands of the pope was necessary to See also:complete the title; but this was regarded by the Germans (though not by the pope) as a form which necessarily followed., were already set on Empire, hoped to depose and succeed Irene, and thus to become sole representative of the conception Relations of Empire, both for the East and for the West . Sudof the denly there came, in 800, his own coronation as em-See also:Caro/in- peror, an act apparently unpremeditated at the glen to the moment, taking him by surprise, as one gathers from Eastern See also:Einhard's Vita Karoli, and interrupting his plans . It left him representative of the Empire for the West only, confronting another representative in the East . Such a position he did not See also:desire: there had been a single Empire vested in a single person since 476, and he desired that there should still continue to be a single Empire, vested only in his own person . He now sought to achieve this unity by a proposal of See also:marriage to Irene . The proposal failed, and he had to content himself with a recognition of his imperial title by the two successors of the empress . This did not, however, mean (at any See also:rate in the issue) that henceforth there were to be two conjoint rulers, amicably ruling as colleagues a single Empire, in the manner of Arcadius and Honorius .

The dual government of a single Empire established by Diocletian had finally vanished in 476; and the unity of the Empire was now conceived, as it had been conceived before the days of Diocletian, to demand a single representative . Henceforth there were two rulers, one at See also:

Aix-la-Chapelle and one at Constantinople, each claiming, whatever temporary concessions he might make, to be the sole ruler and representative of the Roman empire . On the one hand, the Western emperors held that, upon the deposition of Constantine VI., Charlemagne had succeeded him, after a sli