Search over 40,000 articles from the original, classic Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition.
|
FINANCE . The See also:term " finance," which comes into See also:English through See also:French, in its See also:original meaning denoted a See also:payment (finatio) . In the later See also:middle ages, especially in See also:Germany, it acquired the sense of usurious or oppressive dealing with See also:money and See also:capital . The specialized use of the word as See also:equivalent to the management of the public See also:expenditure and receipts first became prominent in See also:France during the 16th See also:century and quickly spread to other countries . The plural See also:form (See also:Les Finances) was particularly reserved for this application, while the singular came to denote business activity in respect to monetary dealings (as in the expression la haute finance) . For the Germans the phrase " See also:science of finance " (Finanzwissenschaft) refers exclusively to the See also:economy of the See also:state . English and See also:American writers are less definite in their employment of the term, which varies with the convenience of the author . A See also:work on " finance " may See also:deal with the Money See also:Market or the Stock See also:Exchange; it may treat of banking and See also:credit organization, or it may be devoted to state See also:revenue and expenditure, which is on the whole the prevailing sense . The expressions " science of finance " and " public finance " have been suggested as suitable to delimit the last mentioned application . At all events, the broad sense is quite intelligible . " See also:Financial " means what is concerned with business, and the See also:idea of a See also:balance between effort and return is also prominent . In the See also:present See also:article See also:attention will be directed to " public finance "; for the other aspects of the subject reference may be made (inter alia) to the following:—See also:BANKS AND BANKING; See also:COMPANY; EXCHANGE; MARKET; STOCK EXCHANGE . See also ENGLISH FINANCE, and the sections on finance under headings of countries . Finance, regarded as state See also:house-keeping, or " See also:political economy " (see EcoxoMlcs) in the older sense of the term, deals with (I) the expenditure of the state; (2) state revenues; (3) the balance between expenditure and receipts; (4) the organization which collects and applies the public funds . Each of these large divisions presents a See also:series of problems of which the See also:practical treatment is illustrated in the financial See also:history of the See also:great nations of the See also:world . Thus. the amount and See also:character of public ex- 347 penditure necessarily depends on the functions that the state undertakes to perform—See also:national See also:defence, the See also:maintenance of See also:internal See also:order, and the efficient equipment of the state organization; such are the tasks that all governments have to See also:discharge, and for their cost due See also:provision has to be made . The widening See also:sphere of state activity, so marked a characteristic of See also:modern See also:civilization, involves outlay for what may be best described as " developmental " services . See also:Education, See also:relief of See also:distress, regulation of labour and See also:trade, are duties now in great See also:part performed by public agencies, and their increasing prominence involves augmented expense . The first problem on this See also:side of expenditure is the due balancing of outlay by income . The financier has to " See also:cover " his outlay . There is, further, the See also:duty of establishing a proper proportion between the several forms of expenditure . Not only has there to be a strict See also:control over the See also:total national expense; supervision has to be carried into each See also:department of the state . No one See also:branch of public activity is entitled to make unlimited calls on the state's revenue . The claims of the " See also:expert "require to be carefully scrutinized . The great financiers have made their reputation quite as much by rigorous control over extravagance in expenditure as by dexterity in devising new forms of revenue . Unfortunately they have not been able to reduce their methods to See also:rule . As yet no more definite principle has been discovered than the somewhat obvious one of measuring the proposed items of outlay (I) against each other, (2) against the See also:sacrifice that additional See also:taxation involves . Of almost equal importance is the rule that the utmost return is to be obtained for the given outlay . The See also:canon of economy is as fundamental in regard to public expenditure as it will appear, later, to be in respect to revenue . Just application of the outlay of the state, so that no class receives undue See also:advantage, and the use of public funds for " reproductive," in preference to " unproductive " See also:objects, are evident See also:general principles whose difficulty lies in their application to the circumstances of each particular See also:case . Far greater progress has been made in the formulation of general canons as to the nature, growth and treatment of the public revenues . Historically, there is, first, the tendency towards increase in state income to balance the advance in outlay . A second general feature is the relative decline of the receipts from state See also:property and See also:industries in contrast to the expansion of taxation . Regarded as an organized See also:system, the See also:body of receipts has to be made conformable to certain general conditions . Thus there should be revenue sufficient to meet the public requirements . Otherwise the financial organization has failed in one of its essential purposes .
In order continuously to attain this end, the revenue must be flexible, or, as is often said, elastic enough to vary in response to pressure
.
Frequently recurring deficits are, in themselves, a condemnation of the methods under which they are found
.
Again, the rule of " economy " in raising revenue, or, in other words, taking as little as possible from the contributors over and above what the state receives, holds See also:good for the whole and for each part of public revenue
.
In like manner the principle of formal See also:justice has the same claim in respect to revenue as to expenditure
.
No class of See also:person should See also:bear more than his or its proper See also:share
.
In fact the See also:special See also:maxims usually placed under the See also:head 9f taxation have really a wider See also:scope as governing the whole financial system
.
The recognition of even the most elementary rules has been a very slow See also:process, as the course of financial history abundantly proves
.
Until the 18th century no scientific treatment of financial problems was attained, though there had been great advances on the administrative side
.
A brief description of the See also:historical See also:evolution of the earlier financial forms will be the most effective See also:illustration of this statement
.
The theory of well-organized public finance is also discussed under TAXATION and NATIONAL See also:DEBT
.
The earliest forms of public revenue are those obtained from the property of the See also:chief or ruler
.
See also:Land, See also:cattle and slaves are the See also:principal kinds of See also:wealth, and they are all constituents of the See also: Financial organization makes its earliest See also:appearance in the great Eastern monarchies, in which See also:tribute was regularly collected and the See also:oldest and most general form of taxation—that levied on the produce of land—was established . In its normal shape this See also:impost consisted in a given proportion of the yield, or of certain portions of the yield, of the See also:soil; one-See also:fourth as in See also:India, one-fifth as in See also:Egypt, or two See also:separate levies of a tenth as in See also:Palestine, are examples of what may from the last instance be called the " tithe " system . Dues of various kinds were gradually added to the land revenue, until, as in the later See also:Egyptian See also:monarchy, the forms of revenue reached a bewildering complexity . But no Eastern state advanced beyond the See also:condition generally characterized as the " patrimonial," i.e. an organization on the See also:model of the See also:household . The part played by money economy was small, and it is noticeable that the revenues were collected by the monarch's servants, the farming out of taxes being completely unknown . Tribute, however, was paid by subject communities as a whole, and was collected by them for trans-See also:mission to the conquerors . A much higher See also:stage was reached in the financial methods of the See also:Greek states, or more correctly speaking of See also:Athens, the best-known specimen of the class . Instead of the comparatively See also:simple expedients of the See also:barbarian monarchies, as indicated above, the Athenian See also:city state by degrees See also:developed a rather complex revenue system . Some of the older forms are retained . The city owned public land which was let on See also:lease and the rents were farmed out by See also:auction . A specially valuable property of Athens was the See also:possession of the See also:silver mines at See also:Laurium, which were worked on lease by slave labour . The produce, at first distributed amongst the citizens, was later a part of the state income, and forms the subject of some of the suggestions respecting the revenue in the See also:treatise formerly ascribed to See also:Xenophon . The reverence that attached to the See also:precious metals caused undue exaltation of the services rendered by this property . One of the characteristics of the See also:ancient state was its extensive control over the persons and property of its citizens . In respect to finance this authority was strikingly manifested in the burdens imposed on wealthy citizens by the requirements of the " liturgies " (Aetrovpyiat), which consisted in the provision of a See also:chorus for theatrical performances, or defraying the expenses of the public See also:games, or, finally, the equipment of a See also:ship, " the trierarchy," which was economically and politically the most important . Athenian statesmanship in the See also:time of See also:Demosthenes was gravely exercised to make this form of contribution more effective . The grouping into classes and the See also:privilege of exchanging property, granted to the contributor against any one whom he believed entitled to take his See also:place, are marks of the defective economic and financial organization of the See also:age . Amongst taxes strictly so called were the market dues or tolls, which in some cases approximated to See also:excise duties, though in their actual mode of See also:levy they were closely similar to the octrois of modern times . Of greater importance were the customs duties on imports and exports . These at the great See also:period of Athenian history were only 2% . The See also:prohibition of export of See also:corn was an economic rather than a financial provision . In the treatment of her subject See also:allies Athens was more rigorous, general import and export duties of 5% being imposed on their trade . The high cost of See also:carriage, and the need of encouraging See also:commerce in a community relying on See also:external See also:sources for its See also:food See also:supply, help to explain the comparatively See also:low rates adopted . Neither as financial nor as protective expedients were the See also:custom duties of classical See also:societies of much importance . See also:Direct taxation received much greater expansion . A special levy on the class of See also:resident aliens (µerotstov), probably paralleled by a duty on slaves, was in force . A far more important source of revenue was the general tax on property (eivr/sopt,), which according to one view existed as See also:early as the time of See also:Solon, who made it a part of his constitutional system . Modern inquiry, however, tends towards the conclusion that it was under the stress of the Peloponnesian See also:War that this impost was intro-duced (428 B.C.) . At first it was only levied at irregular intervals; afterwards, in 378 B.C., it became a permanent tax based on elaborate valuation under which the richer members paid on a larger See also:quota of their capital; in the case of the wealthiest class the taxable quota was taken as one-fifth, smaller fractions being adopted for those belonging to the other divisions . The See also:assessment (riµrbµa) included all the property of the contributor, whose accuracy in making full returns was safeguarded by the right given to other citizens to proceed against him for fraudulent under-valuation . A further support was provided in the reform of 378 B.C. by the See also:establishment of the symmories, or See also:groups of tax-paying citizens; the wealthier members of each See also:group being responsible for the tax payments of all the members . The scanty and obscure references to finance, and to economic matters generally, in classical literature do not elucidate all the details of the system; but the analogies of other countries, e.g. the mode of levying the See also:taille in 18th century France and the " tenth and fifteenth " in See also:medieval See also:England, make it tolerably See also:plain that in the 4th century B.C. the Athenian state had developed a mode of taxation on property which raised those questions of just See also:distribution and effective valuation that present themselves in the latest tax systems of the modern world . Taken together with the liturgies, the " eisphora " placed a very heavy See also:burden on the wealthier citizens, and this financial pressure accounts in great part for the hostility of the See also:rich towards the democratic constitution that facilitated the See also:imposition of graduated taxation and super-taxes—to use modern terms—on the larger incomes . The normal yield of the property tax is reported as 6o talents (£14,400); but on special occasions it reached 200 talents (£48,000), or about one-See also:sixth of the total receipts . On the administrative side also remarkable advances were made by the entrusting of military expenditure to the " generals," and in the 4th century B.C. by the See also:appointment of an See also:administrator whose duty it was to distribute the revenue of the state under the directions of the See also:assembly . The See also:absence of settled public See also:law and the See also:influence of direct See also:democracy made a See also:complete See also:ministry of finance impossible . The Athenian " See also:hegemony " in its earlier and later phases had an important financial side . The confederacy of See also:Delos made provision for the collection of a revenue (06por) from the members of the See also:league, which was employed at first for defence against See also:Persian aggression, but afterwards was at the disposal of Athens as the ruling state . The See also:annual collection of 460 talents ( 110,400) shows sufficiently the magnitude of the league . Too little is known of the financial methods of the other Greek states and of the Macedonian kingdoms to allow of any definite See also:account of their position . In the latter, particularly in Egypt, the methods of the earlier rulers probably survived . Their finance, like their social See also:life generally, exhibited a blending of Hellenic and barbarian' elements . The older land-taxes were probably accompanied by import dues and taxes on property . In the See also:infancy of the See also:Roman See also:republic its revenues were of the See also:kind usual in such communities . The public land yielded receipts which may indifferently be regarded as rents Roman. or taxes; the citizens contributed their services or commodities, and dues were raised on certain articles coming to market . With the progress of the Roman dominion the financial organization See also:grew in extent . In order to meet the cost of the early See also:wars a special contribution from property (tributum ex censu) was levied at times of emergency, though it was in some cases regarded as an advance to be repaid when the occasion of expense was over . Owing to the great military successes, and the consequent increase of the other sources of revenue, it became feasible to suspend the tributum in 167 B.C., and it was not again levied till after the See also:death of See also:Julius See also:Caesar . From this date the expenses of the Roman state " were undisguisedly supported by the taxation of the provinces." Neither the state monopolies nor the public land in See also:Italy afforded any appreciable revenue . The other charges that affected Italy were the 5% duty on manumissions, and customs dues on See also:sea-See also:borne imports . But with the acquisition of the important provinces of See also:Sicily, See also:Spain and See also:Africa, the formation of a tax Ancient Greek . system based on the tributes of the dependencies became possible . To a great extent the pre-existing forms of revenue were retained, but were gradually systematized . In legal theory the land of conquered communities passed into the ownership of the Roman state; in practice a revenue was obtained through land taxes in the form of either See also:tithes (decumae) or money payments (stipendia) . To the latter were adjoined capitation and trade taxes (the tributum capitis) . For pasture land a special See also:rent was paid . In some provinces (e.g . Sicily) payment in produce was preferred, as affording the supply needed for the See also:free distribution of corn at See also:Rome . The great form of indirect taxation consisted in the customs dues (portoria), which were collected at the provincial boundaries and varied in amount, though the maximum did not exceed 5% . Under the same head were included the See also:town dues (or octrois) .
Further, the See also:local See also:administration was charged on the See also:district concerned, and requisitions for the public service were frequently made on the provincial communities
.
Supplies of See also:grain, See also:ships and See also:timber for military use were often demanded
.
The methods of levy may be regarded as an additional tax
.
Vexation," as See also:Adam See also: Under the Republic the See also:Senate had been the financial authority, with the Censors as finance ministers and the Quaestors as secretaries of the treasury . Never very precise, this system in the 1st century B.C. See also:fell into extreme decay . By means of his freedmen the See also:emperor introduced the more rigorous economy of the Roman household into public finance . The See also:census as a method of valuation was revived; the important and productive land taxes were placed on a more definite footing; while, above all, the substitution of direct collection by state officials for the letting out by auction of the tax-collection to the companies of publicani was made general . Thus some of the most valuable lessons as to the normal evolution of a system of finance are to be learned in this connexion . Of equal, or even greater moment is the failure of the administrative reforms of the Empire to secure lasting improvement, a result due to the absence of constitutional guarantees . The See also:close relation between finance and general policy is most impressively illustrated in this failure of benevolent See also:autocracy . Viewed broadly, the financial resources of the earlier Empire were obtained from (r) the public land alike of the state and the Princeps; (2) the monopolies, principally of minerals; (3) the land tax; (4) the customs; (5) the taxes on inheritances, on sales and on the See also:purchase of slaves (vectigalia) . One result of the establishment of the Priucipate was the consolidation ofthe public domain . The old " public land " in Italy had nearly disappeared; but the royal possessions in the conquered provinces and the private properties of the emperor became ultimately a part of the property of the Fiscus . Such land was let either on five-See also:year leases or in See also:perpetuity to coloni . Mines were also taken over for public use and worked by slaves or, in later times, by convict labour . The tendency towards state See also:monopoly became more marked in the closing days of the Empire, the 4th and 5th centuries A.D . Perhaps the most comprehensive of the fiscal reforms of the Empire was the reconstruction of the land tax, based on a census or (to use the French term) See also:cadastre, in which the See also:area, the modes of cultivation and the estimated productiveness of each holding were stated, the See also:average of ten preceding years being taken as the See also:standard . After the reconstruction under See also:Diocletian at the end of the 3rd century A.D., fifteen years (the indictio)—though probably used as early as the time of See also:Hadrian—was recognized as the period for revaluation . With the growing needs of the state this taxation became more rigorous and was one of the great grievances of the See also:population, especially of the sections that were declining in status and passing into the condition of See also:villenage . The portoria, or customs, received a better organization, though the varying rates for different provinces continued . By degrees the older maximum of 5% was exceeded, until in the 4th century 12i % was in some cases levied . Even at this higher See also:rate the facilities for trade were greater than in medieval or (until the revolution in transport) modern times . In spite of certain prejudices against the import of luxuries and the export of See also:gold, there is little indication of the influence of mercantilist or protectionist ideas . The nearest approach to excise was the duty of i % on all sales, a tax that in See also:Gibbon's words " has ever been the occasion of clamour and discontent." The higher See also:charge of 4% on the purchase of slaves, and the still heavier 5% on successions after death, were likewise established at the beginning of the Empire and specially applied to the full citizens . Escheats and lapsed legacies (caduca) were further See also:miscellaneous sources of gain to the state . Taken as a whole, the financial system of Imperial Rome shows a very high elaboration in form . The patrimonium, the tributa and the vectigalia are divisions parallel to the domaine, the contributions directes and the contributions indirectes of modern French administration; or the English " non-tax " revenue, inland revenue and " customs and excise." The careful regulations given in the Codes and the See also:Digest show the observance of technical conditions as to assessment and accounting . In substance and spirit, however, Romar finance was essentially backward . Without altogether accepting See also:Merivale's See also:judgment that " their principles of finance were to the last See also:rude and unphilosophical," it may be granted that Roman states-men never seriously faced the questions of just distribution and maximum productiveness in the tax system . Still less did they perceive the connexion between these two aspects of finance' See also:Mechanical uniformity and See also:minute regulation are inadequate substitutes for observance of the canons of equality, certainty and economy in the operation of the tax system . Whether (as has been suggested) an Adam Smith in See also:power could have saved the Empire is doubtful; but he would certainly have remodelled its finance . The most glaring See also:fault was plainly the undue and increasing pressure on the productive classes . Each century saw heavier burdens imposed on the actual workers and on their employers, while expenditure was chiefly devoted to unproductive purposes . The distribution was also unfair as between the different territorial divisions . The capital and certain provincial towns were favoured at the expense of the provinces and the See also:country districts . Again, the cost of collection, though less than under the farming-out system, was far too great . Some alleviation was indeed obtained by the See also:apportionment of contributions amongst the districts liable, leaving to the community to decide as it thought best between its members . The See also:allotment of the land-tax to See also:units (juga) of equal value whatever might be the area, was a contrivance similar in character . 350 The See also:gradual way in which the several provinces were brought under the general tax system, and the equally gradual See also:extension of Roman citizenship, account further for the irregularity and increased See also:weight of the taxes; as the absence of publicity and the growth of autocracy explain the sense of oppression and the hopelessness of resistance so vividly indicated in the literature of the later Empire . Exemptions at first granted to the citizens were removed, while the cost of local See also:government which continually increased was placed on the middle-class of the towns as represented by the decuriones, or members of the municipalities . The fact that no ingenuity of modern See also:research has been able to construct a real See also:budget of expenditure and receipt for any part of the See also:long centuries of the Empire is significant as to the secrecy that surrounded the finances, especially in the later period . For at the beginning of the principate See also:Augustus seems to have aimed at a complete estimate of the financial situation, though this may be regarded as due to the influence of the freer republican traditions which the reverence that soon attached to the emperor's dignity completely extinguished . In addition to its value as illustrating the difficulties and defects that beset the development of a complex financial organization from the simpler forms of the city and the See also:province, Roman finance is of special importance in consequence of its place as supplying a model or rather a See also:guide for the administration of the states that arose on its ruins . The barbarian invaders, though they were accustomed to contributions to their chiefs and to the payment of commodities as tributes or as penalties, had no acquaintance with the working of a See also:regular system of taxation . The more astute rulers utilized the machinery that they inherited from the Roman government . Under the See also:Franks the land tax and the provincial customs continued as forms of revenue, while beside them the gifts and See also:court fees of See also:Teutonic origin took their place . Similar conditions appear in See also:Theodoric's administration of Italy . The maintenance of Roman forms and terms is prominent in fiscal administration . But institutions that have lost their life and animating spirit can hardly be preserved for any length of time . All over western See also:Europe the elaborate devices of the census and the stations for the collection of customs crumbled away; taxation as such disappeared, through the hostility of the See also:clergy and the exemptions accorded to powerful subjects . This process of disintegration spread out over centuries . The efforts made from time to time by vigorous rulers to enforce the charges that remained legally due, proved quite ineffectual to restore the older fiscal system . The final result was a complete transformation of the ingredients of revenue . The character of the See also:change may be best indicated as a substitution of private claims for public rights . Thus, the land-tax disappears in the 7th century and only comes into See also:notice in the 9th century in the shape of private customary dues . The customs duties become the tolls and transit charges levied by local potentates on the diminishing trade of the earlier middle ages . This revolution is in accordance with—indeed it is one side of—the See also:movement towards See also:feudalism which was the great feature of this period . Finance is essentially a part of public law and administration . It could, therefore, hold no prominent place in a condition of society which hardly recognized the state, as distinct from the members of the community, See also:united by feudal ties . The same conception may be expressed in another way, viz. by the statement that the kingdoms which succeeded the Roman Empire were organized on the patrimonial basis (i.e. the revenues passed into the hands of the king or, rather, his domestic officials), and thus in fact returned to the condition of pre-classical times . Notwithstanding the differing features in the several countries, retrogression is the See also:common characteristic of See also:European history from the 5th to the loth century, and it was from the ruder state that this decline created that the re-See also:building of social and political organization had to be accomplished . On the financial side the work, as already suggested, was aided by the ideas and institutions inherited from the Roman Empire . This influence was common to all the See also:continental states and indirectly was See also:felt even in England . Each of the great realmshas, however, worked out its financial system on lines suitable to its own particular conditions, which are best considered in connexion with the separate national histories . See also:Running through the different national systems there are some common elements the result not of See also:inheritance merely but still more of See also:necessity, or at the lowest of similarity in environment . Over and above the details of financial development there is a See also:thread of connexion which requires treatment under Finance taken as a whole . As the great aim of this side of public activity is to secure funds for the maintenance of the state's life and working, the administration which operates for this end is the true See also:nucleus of all national finance . The first sign of revival from the See also:catastrophe of the invasions is the reorganization of the Imperial household under See also:Charlemagne with the intention of establishing a more exact collection of revenue . The later See also:German empire of See also:Otto and the Frederics; the French Capetian monarchy and, in a somewhat different sphere, the medieval See also:Italian and German cities show the same movement . The treasury is the centre towards which the special receipts of the ruler or rulers should be brought, and from it the public wants should be supplied . Feudalism, as the See also:antithesis of this orderly treatment, had to be overthrown before national finance could become established . The development can be traced in the financial history of England, France and the German states; but the advance in the French financial organization of the 15th and 16th centuries affords the best illustration . The gradual unification operates on all the branches of finance,—expenditure, revenue, debt and methods of control . In respect to the first head there is a well-marked " integration " of the modes for See also:meeting the cost of the public services . What were semi-private duties become public tasks, which, with the growing importance of " money-economy," have to be defrayed by state payments .
Thus, the creation of the See also:standing See also:army in France by See also: |