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FOREIGN PAPER

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Originally appearing in Volume V15, Page 217 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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FOREIGN See also:PAPER  (as distinguished from See also:Japanese) o Operatives . Quantity Value . Remarks . Male . See also:Female. produced . lb £ Had not 1897 9 164 109 46,256,649 300,662 Japanese fac- 1901 13 2,635 1,397 113,348,340 714,094 tories been 1906 22 3,774 1,778 218,022,434 1,415,778 established all this pa per must have been See also:im- ported . In the See also:field of what may be called See also:minor manufactures-as ceramic wares, lacquers, See also:straw-plaits, &c.-there has been corresponding growth, for the value of these productions increased from 14 millions See also:sterling in 1897 to 34 millions in 1906 . But as these manufactures do not enter into competition with See also:foreign goods in either Eastern or Western markets, they are interesting only as showing the development of See also:Japan's producing See also:power . They contribute nothing to the See also:solution of the problem whether Japanese See also:industries are destined ultimately to drive their foreign rivals from the markets of See also:Asia, if not to compete injuriously with them even in See also:Europe and See also:America . Japan seems to have one See also:great See also:advantage over Occidental countries: she possesses an abundance of dexterous and exception-ally cheap labour . It has been said, indeed, that this latter advantage is not likely to be permanent, since the See also:wages of labour and the cost of living are fast increasing . The See also:average cost of labour doubled in the See also:interval between 1895 and 1906, but, on the other See also:hand, the number of manufacturing organizations doubled in the same See also:time, while the amount of their paid-up See also:capital nearly trebled .

As to the necessaries of See also:

life, if those specially affected by See also:government mono-polies be excluded, the See also:rate of appreciation between 1900 and 1906 averaged about 30%, and it thus appears that the cost of living is not increasing with the same rapidity as the remuneration earned by labour . The manufacturing progress of the nation seems, there-fore, to have a See also:bright future, the only serious impediment being deficient capital . There is abundance of See also:coal, and steps have been taken on a large See also:scale to utilize the many excellent opportunities which the See also:country offers for developing See also:electricity by See also:water-power . The fact that Japan's exports of raw See also:silk amount to more than 12 millions sterling, while she sends over-See also:sea only 34 millions' See also:worth of silk fabrics, suggests some marked inferiority Silk-on the See also:part of her weavers . But the true explanation See also:weaving. seems to be that her distance from the Occident handicaps her in catering for the changing fashions of the See also:West . There cannot be any doubt that the skill of Japanese weavers was at one time eminent . The See also:sun goddess herself, the predominant figure in the Japanese See also:pantheon, is said to have practised weaving; the names of four varieties of See also:woven fabrics were known in pre-historic times; the 3rd See also:century of the See also:Christian era saw the arrival of a Korean maker of See also:cloth; after him came an influx of See also:Chinese who were distributed throughout the country to improve the arts of sericulture and silk-weaving; a See also:sovereign (Yuriaku) of the 5th century employed 92 See also:groups of naturalized Chinese for similar purposes; in 421 the same See also:emperor issued a See also:decree encouraging the culture of mulberry trees and calling for taxes on silk and See also:cotton; the manufacture of textiles was directly supervised by the See also:consort of this sovereign; in 645 a See also:bureau of weaving was established; many other evidences are conclusive as to the great antiquity of the See also:art of silk and cotton weaving in japan . The coming of See also:Buddhism in the 6th century contributed not a little to the development of the art, since not only did the priests require for their own See also:vestments and for the decoration of temples silken fabrics of more and more gorgeous description, but also these See also:holy men themselves, careful always to keep See also:touch with the See also:continental developments of their faith, made frequent voyages to See also:China, whence they brought back to Japan a knowledge of whatever technical or See also:artistic improvements the See also:Middle See also:Kingdom could show . When See also:Kioto became the permanent See also:metropolis of the See also:empire, at the See also:close of the 8th century, a bureau was established for weaving brocades and See also:rich silk stuffs to be used in the See also:palace . This preluded an era of some three centuries of steadily developing luxury in K10to; an era when an essential part of every aristocratic See also:mansion's See also:furniture was a collection of magnificent silk See also:robes for use in the sumptuous NO . Then, in the 15th century came the " See also:Tea Ceremonial," when the See also:brocade mountings of a picture or the wrapper of a tiny tea-See also:jar possessed an almost incredible value, and such skill was attained by weavers and dyers that even fragments of the fabrics produced by them command extravagant prices to-See also:day . KiOto always remained, and still remains, the See also:chief producing centre, and to such a degree has the See also:science of See also:colour been See also:developed there that no less than 4000 varieties of tint are distinguished .

The sense of colour, indeed, seems to have been a See also:

special endowment of the Japanese See also:people from the earliest times, and some of the combinations handed down from See also:medieval times are treasured as incomparable examples . During the See also:long era of See also:peace under the See also:Tokugawa See also:administration the costumes of men and See also:women showed an increasing tendency to richness and beauty . This culminated in the Genroku See also:epoch (1688-1700), and the See also:aristocracy of the See also:present day delight in viewing histrionic performances where the costumes of that See also:age and of its See also:rival, the Momoyama (end of the 16th century) are reproduced . It would be possible to draw up a formidable See also:catalogue of the various kinds of silk fabrics manufactured in Japan before the opening of the Meiji era, and the See also:signal ability of her weavers has derived a new impulse from contact with the Occident . Machinery has been largely introduced, and though the products of hand-looms still enjoy the reputation of greater durability, there has un uestionably been a marked development of producing power . Japanese looms now turn out about 17 millions sterling of silk textiles, of which less than 4 millions go abroad . Nor is increased quantity alone to be noted, for at the factory of Kawashima in Kidto Gobelins are produced such as have never been rivalled elsewhere . See also:Commerce in Tokugawa Times.-The conditions existing in Japan during the two See also:hundred and fifty years prefatory to the See also:modern opening of the country were unfavourable to the development alike of See also:national and of See also:international See also:trade . As to the former, the See also:system of feudal government exercised a crippling See also:influence, for each feudal chief endeavoured to check the exit of any See also:kind of See also:property from his See also:fief, and See also:free interchange of commodities was thus prevented so effectually that cases are recorded of one feudatory's subjects dying of See also:starvation while those of an adjoining fief enjoyed abundance . International commerce, on the other hand, See also:lay under the See also:veto of the central government, which punished with See also:death anyone attempting to hold intercourse with foreigners . Thus the fiefs practised a policy of mutual seclusion at See also:home, and See also:united to maintain a policy of See also:general seclusion abroad . Yet it was under the feudal system that the most signal development of Japanese trade took See also:place, and since the processes of that development have much See also:historical See also:interest they invite close See also:attention .

As the bulk of a feudal chief's income was paid in See also:

rice, arrangements had to be made for sending the See also:grain to See also:market and transmitting its proceeds . This was effected originally by establishing in See also:Osaka stores (kura-yashiki), under the See also:charge of samurai, who received the rice, sold it to merchants in that See also:city and remitted the proceeds by See also:official See also:carriers . But from the middle of the 17th century these stores were placed in the charge of tradesmen to whom was given the name of kake-ya (See also:agent) . They disposed of the products entrusted to them by a fief and held the See also:money, sending it by monthly instalments to an appointed place, rendering yearl accounts and receiving See also:commission at the rate of from 2 to 4% . They had no special See also:licence, but they were honourably regarded and often distinguished by an official See also:title or an hereditary See also:pension . In fact a kake-ya, of such See also:standing as the Mitsui and the Konoike families, was, in effect, a banker charged with the finances of several fiefs . In Osaka the method of See also:sale was See also:uniform . Tenders were invited, and these having been opened in the presence of all the See also:store officials and kake-ya, the successful tenderers had to See also:deposit bargain-money, paying the See also:remainder within ten days, and thereafter becoming entitled to take delivery of the rice in whole or by instalments within a certain time, no See also:fee being charged for storage . A similar system existed in Yedo, the See also:shogun's capital . Out of the See also:custom of deferred delivery developed the See also:establishment of exchanges where advances were made against sale certificates, and purely speculative transactions came into See also:vogue . There followed an experience See also:common enough in the West at one time: public See also:opinion rebelled against these transactions in margins on the ground that they tended to enhance the See also:price of rice . Several of the brokers were arrested and brought to trial; marginal dealings were thenceforth forbidden, and a system of licences was inaugurated in Yedo, the number of licensed dealers' being restricted to 108 .

The system of organized trading companies had its origin in the 12th century, when, the number of merchants admitted within the confines of Yedo being restricted, it became necessary for those not obtaining that See also:

privilege to establish some mode of co-operation, and there resulted the formation of companies with representatives stationed in the feudal capital and See also:share-holding members in the provinces . The Ashikaga shoguns developed this restriction by selling to the highest See also:bidder the exclusive right of engaging in a particular trade, and the Tokugawa administration had recourse to the same practice . But whereas the monopolies instituted by the Ashikaga had for See also:sole See also:object the enrichment of the See also:exchequer, the Tokugawa regarded it chiefly as a means of obtaining worthy representatives in each See also:branch of trade . The first licences were issued in Yedo to keepers of See also:bath-houses in the middle of the 17th century . As the city See also:grew in dimensions these licences increased in value, so that pawnbrokers willingly accepted them in See also:pledge for loans . Subsequently almanack-sellers were obliged to take out licences, and the system was afterwards extended to money-changers . It was to the fishmongers, however, that the advantages of commercial organization first presented themselves vividly . The greatest See also:fish-market in Japan is at Nihon-bashi in See also:Tokyo (formerly Yedo) . It had its origin in the needs of the Tokugawa See also:court . When Iyeyasu (founder of the Tokugawa See also:dynasty) entered Yedo in 1590, his See also:train was followed by some fishermen of Settsu, to whom he granted the privilege of plying their.trade in the adjacent seas, on See also:condition that they furnished a See also:supply of their best fish for the use of the See also:garrison . The remainder they offered for sale at Nihon-bashi . See also:Early in the 17th century one Sukegoro of Yamato See also:province (hence called Yamato-ya) went to Yedo and organized the fishmongers into a great gild .

Nothing is recorded about this See also:

man's antecedents, though his mercantie See also:genius entitles him to historical See also:notice . He contracted for the sale of all the fish obtained in the neighbouring seas, advanced money to the fishermen on the See also:security of their catch, constructed preserves for keeping the fish alive until they were exposed in the market, and enrolled all the dealers in a See also:confederation which ultimately consisted of 391 whole-sale merchants and 246 brokers . The See also:main purpose of Sukegoro's system was to prevent the consumer from dealing See also:direct with the producer . Thus in return for the pecuniary . See also:accommodation ' They were called fuda-sashi (See also:ticket-holders), a See also:term derived from the fact that rice-vouchers were usually held in a split See also:bamboo which was thrust into a See also:pile of rice-bags to indicate their buyer.granted to fishermen to buy boats and nets they were required to give every fish they caught to the wholesale See also:merchant from whom they had received the advance; and the latter, on his See also:side, had to sell in the open market at prices fixed by the confederation . A somewhat similar system applied to vegetables, though in this See also:case the See also:monopoly was never so close . It will be observed that this federation of fishmongers approximated closely to a See also:trust, as the term is now understood; that is to say, an association of merchants engaged in the same branch of trade and pledged to observe certain rules in the conduct of their business as well as to adhere to fixed rates . The See also:idea was extended to nearly every trade, to See also:monster confederations being organized in Yedo and 24 in Osaka . These received official recognition, and contributed a sum to the exchequer under the euphonious name of " benefit money," amounting to nearly £20,000 annually . They attained a high See also:state of prosperity, the whole of the cities' supplies passing through their hands.' No member of a confederation was permitted to dispose of his licence except to a near relative, and if anyone not on the'See also:roll of a confederation engaged in the same business he became liable to See also:punishment at the hands of the officials . In spite of the limits thus imposed on the See also:transfer of licences, one of these documents commanded from £8o to £6,400, and in the beginning of the 19th century the confederations, or See also:gilds, had increased to 68 in Yedo, comprising 1195 merchants . The gild system extended to maritime enterprise also . In the beginning of the 17th century a merchant of See also:Sakai (near Osaka) established a See also:junk service between Osaka and Yedo, but this kind of business did not attain any considerable development until the close of that century, when to gilds of Yedo and 24 of Osaka combined to organize a marine-transport See also:company for the purpose of conveying their own merchandise .

Here also the principle of monopoly was strictly observed, no goods being shipped for unaffiliated merchants . This carrying trade rapidly assumed large dimensions . The number of junks entering Yedo See also:

rose to over 1500 yearly . They raced from See also:port to port, just as tea-clippers from China to Europe used to See also:race in See also:recent times, and troubles incidental to their rivalry became so serious that it was found necessary to enact stringent rules . Each junk-See also:master had to subscribe a written See also:oath that he would comply strictly with the regulations and observe the sequence of sailing as determined by See also:lot . The junks had to See also:call en route at Uraga for the purpose of undergoing official examination . The See also:order of their arrival there was duly registered, and the master making the best See also:record throughout the See also:year received a present in money as well as a complimentary garment, and became the shippers' favourite next See also:season . Operations See also:relating to the currency also were brought under the See also:control of gilds . The business of money-changing seems to have been taken up as a profession from the beginning of the 15th century, but it was then in the hands of pedlars who carried strings of See also:copper See also:cash which they exchanged for See also:gold or See also:silver coins, then in rare circulation, or for parcels of gold dust . From the early part of the 17th century exchanges were opened in Yedo, and in 1718 the men engaged in this business formed a gild after the See also:fashion of the time . Six hundred of these received licences, and no unlicensed See also:person was permitted to See also:purchase the avocation . Four representatives of the chief See also:exchange met daily and fixed the ratio between gold and silver, the figure being then communicated to the various exchanges and to the shogun's officials .

As for the prices of gold or silver in terms of copper or See also:

bank-notes, 24 representatives of the exchanges met every evening, and, in the presence of an official See also:censor, settled the figure for the following day and recorded the amount of transactions during the past 24 See also:hours, full See also:information on these points being at once sent to the city See also:governors and the See also:street elders . The exchanges in their ultimate See also:form approximated very closely to the Occidental idea of See also:banks . They not only bought gold, silver and copper coins, but they also received money on deposit, made loans and issued vouchers which played a very important part in commercial transactions . The See also:voucher seems to have come into existence in Japan in the 14th century . It originated in the Yoshino market of Yamato province, where the hilly nature of the See also:district rendered the See also:carriage of copper money so arduous that rich merchants began to substitute written receipts and engagements which quickly became current . Among these documents there was a " See also:joint voucher " (kumiai fuda), signed by several persons, any one of whom might be held responsible for its redemption . This had large vogue, but it did not obtain official recognition until 1636, when the third Tokugawa shogun selected 30 substantial merchants and divided them into 3 gilds, each authorized to issue vouchers, provided that a certain sum was deposited by way of security . Such vouchers were obviously a form of bank-See also:note . Their circulation by the exchange came about in a similar manner . During many years the treasure of the shogun and of the feudal 2 In T725, when the See also:population of Yedo was about three-quarters of a million, the merchandise that entered the city was 861,893 bags of rice; 795,856 casks of See also:sake; 132,892 casks of soy (fish-See also:sauce); 18,209,987 bundles of See also:fire-See also:wood; 809,790 bags of See also:charcoal; 90,811 tubs of oil; 1,670,850 bags of See also:salt and 3,613,500 pieces of cotton cloth . chiefs was carried to Yedo by See also:pack-horses and coolies of the See also:regular postal service . But the costliness of such a method led to the selection in 1691 of to exchange agents who were appointed bankers to the Tokugawa government and were required to furnish money within 30 days of the date of an order See also:drawn on them .

These agents went by the name of the " ten-men gild." Subsequently the See also:

firm of Mitsui was added, but it enjoyed the special privilege of being allowed 150 days to collect a specified amount . The gild received moneys on See also:account of the Tokugawa or the feudal chiefs at provincial centres, and then made its own arrangements for cashing the cheques drawn upon it by the shogun or the daimyo in Yedo . If See also:coin happened to be immediately available, it was employed to cash the cheques; otherwise the vouchers of the gild served instead . It was in Osaka, however, that the functions of the exchanges acquired fullest development . That city has exhibited, in all eras, a remark-able aptitude for trade . Its merchants, as already shown, were not only entrusted with the See also:duty of selling the rice and other products of the surrounding fiefs, but also they became depositories of the proceeds, which they paid out on account of the owners in whatever sums the latter desired . Such an See also:evidence of official confidence greatly strengthened their See also:credit, and they received further encouragement from the second Tokugawa shogun (16o5-1623) and from Ishimaru Sadatsugu, See also:governor of the city in 1661 . He fostered wholesale transactions, sought to introduce a large See also:element of credit into commerce by instituting a system of credit sales; took See also:measures to promote the circulation of cheques; inaugurated market sales of gold and silver and appointed ten chiefs of exchange who were empowered to oversee the business of money-exchanging in general . These ten received exemption from municipal See also:taxation and were permitted to See also:wear swords . Under them were 22 exchanges forming a gild, whose members agreed to See also:honour one another's vouchers and mutually to facilitate business . Gradually they elaborated a regular system of banking, so that, in the middle of the 18th century, they issued various descriptions of See also:paper-orders for fixed sums payable at certain places within fixed periods; deposit notes redeemable on the demand of an indicated person or his order; bills of exchange drawn by A upon B in favour of C (a common form for use in monthly or See also:annual settlements) ; promissory notes to be paid at a future time, or cheques payable at sight, for goods See also:purchased; and storage orders engaging to deliver goods on account of which See also:earnest money had been paid . These last, much employed in transactions relating to rice and See also:sugar, were generally valid for a See also:period of 3 years and 3 months, were signed by a confederation of exchanges or merchants on joint responsibility, and guaranteed the delivery of the indicated merchandise independently of all accidents .

They passed current as readily as coin, and advances could always be obtained against them from pawnbrokers . All these documents, indicating a well-developed system of credit, were duly protected by See also:

law, severe penalties being inflicted for any failure to See also:implement the pledges they embodied . The merchants of Yedo and Osaka, working on the system of See also:trusts here described, gradually acquired great See also:wealth and See also:fell into habits of marked luxury . It is recorded that they did not hesitate to pay £5 for the first bonito of the season and £11 for the- first See also:egg-See also:fruit . Naturally the spectacle of such extravagance excited popular discontent . Men began to grumble against the so-called " official merchants " who, under government auspices, monopolized every branch of trade; and this feeling grew almost uncontrollable in 1836, when rice rose to an unprecedented price owing to See also:crop failure . Men loudly ascribed that state of affairs to See also:regrating on the part of the wholesale companies, and murmurs similar to those raised at the close of the 19th century in America against the trust system began to reach the ears of the authorities perpetually . The celebrated Fujita Toko of Mito took up the question . He argued that the monopoly system, since it included Osaka, exposed the Yedo market to all the vicissitudes of the former city, which had then lost much of its old prosperity . Finally, in 1841, the shogun's chief See also:minister, Mizuno Echizen-no-Kami, withdrew all trading licences, dissolved the gilds and See also:pro-claimed that every person should thenceforth be free to engage in any commerce without let or hindrance . This recklessly drastic measure, vividly illustrating the arbitrariness of feudal officialdom, not only included the commercial gilds, the See also:shipping gilds, the exchange gilds and the See also:land transport gilds, but was also carried to the length of forbidding any company to confine itself to wholesale dealings . The authorities further declared that in times of scarcity wholesale transactions must be abandoned altogether and See also:retail business alone carried on, their purpose being to bring retail and wholesale prices to the same level .

The custom of advancing money to fishermen or to producers in the provincial districts was interdicted; even the fuda-sashi might no longer ply their calling, and neither bath-See also:

house keepers nor hairdressers were allowed to combine for the purpose of adopting uniform rates of charges . But this See also:ill-judged interference produced evils greater than those it was intended to remedy . The gilds had not really been exacting . Their organization had reduced the cost of See also:distribution, and they had provided facilities of transport which brought produce within See also:quick and cheap reach of central markets . Ten years' experience showed that a modified form of the old system would conduce to public interests . The gilds were re-established, licence fees, however, being abolished, and no limit set to the number of firms in a gild . Things remained thus until the beginning of the Meiji era (1867), when the gilds shared the See also:cataclysm that overtook all the country's old institutions . Japanese commercial and See also:industrial life presents another feature which seems to suggest special aptitude for See also:combination . In See also:mercantile or manufacturing families, while the eldest son always succeeded to his See also:father's business, not only the younger sons but also the apprentices and employees, after they had served faithfully for a number of years, expected to be set up as branch houses under the auspices of the See also:principal See also:family, receiving a place of business, a certain amount of capital and the privilege of using the See also:original house-name . Many an old-established firm thus came to have a plexus of branches all serving to extend its business and strengthen its credit, so that the See also:group held a commanding position in the business See also:world . It will be apparent from the above that commercial transactions on a large scale in pre-Meiji days were practically limited to the two great cities of Yedo and Osaka, the people in the provincial fiefs having no direct association with the gild system, confining themselves, for the most part, to domestic industries on a small scale, and not being allowed to extend their business beyond the boundaries of the fief to which they belonged . Foreign Commerce during the Meiji Era.—If Japan's industrial development in modern times has been remarkable, the same may be said even more emphatically about the development of her over-sea commerce .

This was checked at first not only by the unpopularity attaching to all intercourse with out-side nations, but also by embarrassments resulting from the difference between the silver price of gold in Japan and its silver price in Europe, the See also:

precious metals being connected in Japan by a ratio of 1 to 8, and in Europe by a ratio of 1 to 15 . This latter fact was the cause of a sudden and violent appreciation of values; for the government, seeing the country threatened with loss of all its gold, tried to avert the See also:catastrophe by altering and reducing the weights of the silver coins without altering their denominations, and a corresponding difference exhibited itself, as a See also:matter of course, in the silver quotations of commodities . Another difficulty was the attitude of officialdom . During several centuries Japan's over-sea trade had been under the control of officialdom, to whose coffers it contributed a substantial See also:revenue . But when the foreign exporter entered the field under the conditions created by the new system, he diverted to his own See also:pocket the handsome profit previously accruing to the government; and since the latter could not easily become reconciled to this loss of revenue, or wean itself from its traditional See also:habit of interference in affairs of foreign commerce, and since the foreigner, on his side, not only desired secrecy in order to prevent competition, but was also tormented by inveterate suspicions of See also:Oriental espionage, not a little See also:friction occurred from time to time . Thus the scanty records of that early epoch suggest that trade was beset with great difficulties, and that the foreigner had to contend against most adverse circumstances, though in truth his gains amounted to 40 or 50% . The chief staples of the early trade were tea and silk . It happened that just before Japan's raw silk became available for export, the See also:production of that See also:article in See also:France and Tea and See also:Italy had been largely curtailed owing to a novel Silk• disease of the silkworm . Thus, when the first See also:bales of Japanese silk appeared in See also:London, and when it was found to possess qualities entitling it to the highest See also:rank, a keen demand sprang up . Japanese See also:green tea also, differing radically in flavour and bouquet from the See also:black tea of China, appealed quickly to See also:American See also:taste, so that by the year 1907 Japan found herself selling to foreign countries tea to the extent of 14 millions sterling, and raw silk to the extent of 124 millions . This remarkable development is typical of the general See also:history of Japan's foreign trade in modern times . Omitting the first See also:decade and a See also:half, the See also:statistics for which are imperfect, the See also:volume of the trade grew from 5 millions sterling in 1873—3 shillings per See also:head of the population—to 93 millions in 1907—or 38 shillings per head .

It was not a uniform growth . The period of 35 years divides itself conspicuously into two eras: the first, of 15 years (1873-1887), during which the development was from 5 millions to 9.7 mil-lions, a ratio of 1 to 2, approximately; the second, of 20 years (1887-1907), during which the development was from 9.7 millions to 93 millions, a ratio of -1 to 1o . when the figures are added, it is found that the excesses of exports aggregated only I I millions sterling, whereas the excesses of imports totalled 71 millions, there being thus a so-called " unfavourable See also:

balance " of 6o millions over all . The movements of specie do not throw much See also:light upon this subject, for they are complicated by large imports of gold resulting from See also:war indemnities and foreign loans . Undoubtedly the balance is materially redressed by the expenditures of the foreign communities in the former settlements, of foreign tourists visiting Japan and of foreign vessels engaged in the carrying trade, as well as by the earnings of Japanese vessels and the interest on investments made by foreigners . Nevertheless there remains an appreciable margin against Japan, and it is probably to be accounted for by the See also:consideration that she is still engaged equipping herself for the industrial career evidently lying before her . The manner in which Japan's over-sea trade was divided in 1907 among the seven foreign countries princi- Trade with pally engaged in it may be seen from the following various table : Countrie . That a commerce which scarcely doubled itself in the first fifteen years should have grown nearly tenfold in the next twenty is a fact inviting attention . There are two principal causes: one general, the other special . The general cause was that several years necessarily elapsed before the nation's material condition began to See also:respond perceptibly to the improvements effected by the Meiji government in matters of administration, taxation and transport facilities . Fiscal burdens had been reduced and security of life and property obtained, but railway See also:building and road-making, See also:harbour construction, the growth of posts, telegraphs, exchanges and banks, and the development of a mercantile marine did not exercise a sensible influence on the nation's prosperity until 1884 or 1885 . From that time the country entered a period of steadily growing prosperity, and from that time private enterprise may be said to have finally started upon a career of See also:independent activity .

The special cause which, from 1885, contributed to a marked growth of trade was the resump