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DUKE OF OTRANTO JOSEPH FOUCHE (1763—1...

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Originally appearing in Volume V10, Page 737 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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DUKE OF See also:OTRANTO See also:JOSEPH See also:FOUCHE (1763—1820)  , See also:French statesman, was See also:born in a small See also:village near See also:Nantes on the 21st of May 1763 . His See also:father, a seafaring See also:man, destined him for the See also:sea; but the weakness of his See also:frame and the precocity of his talents soon caused this See also:idea to be given up . He was educated at the See also:college of the Oratorians at Nantes, and showed marked aptitude for studies both See also:literary and scientific . Desiring to enter the teaching profession he was sent to an institution kept by brethren of the same See also:order at See also:Paris . There also he made rapid progress, and soon entered upon tutorial duties at the colleges of See also:Niort, See also:Saumur, See also:Vendome, Juilly and See also:Arras . At Arras he had some dealings with See also:Robespierre at the See also:time of the beginning of the French Revolution (178g) . In See also:October 1790 he was transferred by the Oratorians to their college at Nantes, owing to irregularities due to his zeal for revolutionary principles; but at Nantes he showed even more democratic fervour . His abilities and the zeal with which he espoused the most subversive notions brought him into favour with the populace at Nantes; he became a leading member of the See also:local Jacobin See also:club; and on the See also:dissolution of the college of the Oratorians at Nantes in May 1792, See also:Fouche gave up all connexion with the See also:church, whose See also:major vows he had not taken . After the downfall of the See also:monarchy on the loth of See also:August 1792, he was elected as See also:deputy for the See also:department of the See also:Lower See also:Loire to the See also:National See also:Convention which met at the autumnal See also:equinox and proclaimed the See also:republic . The literary and pedagogic sympathies of Fouche at first brought him into See also:touch with See also:Condorcet and the party, or See also:group, of the See also:Girondists; but their vacillation at the time of the trial and See also:execution of See also:Louis XVI . (See also:December 1792—See also:January 21, 1793) led him to espouse the cause of the See also:Jacobins, the less scrupulous and more thoroughgoing champions of revolutionary See also:doctrine . On the question of the execution of the See also:king, Fouche, after some preliminary hesitations, expressed himself with the utmost vigour in favour of immediate execution, and denounced those who " wavered before the See also:shadow of a king." The crisis which resulted from the See also:declaration of See also:war by the Convention against See also:England and See also:Holland (Feb .

1, 1793), and a little later against See also:

Spain, brought Fouche into notoriety as one of the fiercest of the Jacobinical fanatics who then held See also:power at Paris . While the armies of the first See also:coalition threatened the See also:north-See also:east of See also:France, a revolt of the royalist peasants of See also:Brittany and la See also:Vendee menaced the Convention on the See also:west . That See also:body deputed Fouche with a colleague, Villers, to proceed to the west as commissioners invested with almost dictatorial See also:powers for the crushing of the revolt of " the whites." The vigour with which he carried out these duties earned him other See also:work, and he soon held the See also:post of See also:commissioner of the republic in the department of the See also:Nievre . Together with See also:Chaumette, he helped to initiate the atheistical See also:movement, the founders of which in the autumn of 1793 began to aim at the extinction of See also:Christianity in France . In the department of the Nievre he ransacked the churches, sent their spoils to the See also:treasury and established the cult of the goddess of See also:Reason . Over the cemeteries, he ordered these words to be inscribed: " See also:Death is an eternal See also:sleep." He also waged war against luxury and See also:wealth, and desired to abolish the use of See also:money . The new cult was inaugurated at Paris at Notre See also:Dame by the See also:strange See also:orgy known as " The Festival of Reason " (See also:November 1o, 1793) . Fouche then proceeded to See also:Lyons to execute the vengeance of the Convention on that See also:city, which had revolted against the new Jacobin tyranny . Preluding his work by a festival remark-able for its obscene See also:parody of religious See also:rites, he then, along with his colleague, See also:Collot d'Herbois, set the See also:guillotine and See also:cannon to work with a rigour which made his name odious . See also:Modern See also:research, however, proves that at the See also:close of those horrors Fouche exercised a moderating See also:influence . Outwardly his conduct was marked by the utmost rigour, and on his return to Paris See also:early in See also:April 1794, he thus characterised his policy: " The See also:blood of criminals fertilises the See also:soil of See also:liberty and establishes power on sure See also:foundations." By that time Robespierre had struck down the other leaders of the atheistical party; but early in See also:June 1794, at the time of the " Festival of the Supreme Being," Fouche ventured to See also:mock at the theistic revival which Robespierre then inaugurated . See also:Sharp passages of arms took See also:place between them, and Robespierre procured the ejection of Fouche from the Jacobin Club (See also:July 14, 1794) .

Fouche, however, was working with his customary skill and See also:

energy, and along with See also:Tallien and others, managed to effect the overthrow of the theistic See also:dictator on See also:Thermidor to (July 28), 1794 . The ensuing reaction in favour of more merciful methods of See also:government threatened to sweep away the group of Terrorists who had been mainly instrumental in carrying through the coup d'etat of Thermidor; but, thanks largely to the skill of Fouche in intrigue, they managed for a time to keep at the See also:head of affairs . Discords, however, crept in which See also:left him for a time almost isolated, and it needed all his ability to withstand the attacks of the moderates . A vigorous attack on him by See also:Boissy d'Anglas, on the 9th of August 1795, caused him to be arrested, but the troubles which ensued in Vendemiaire averted the See also:doom that seemed to be pending; and he owed his See also:release to the See also:amnesty which was passed on the See also:proclamation of the new constitution of the See also:year 1795 . In the ensuing See also:period, known as that of the See also:Directory (1795—1799), Fouche remained at first in obscurity, but the relations which he had with the communists, once headed by Chaumette and now by See also:Francois N . (" See also:Gracchus ") See also:Babeuf (q.v.), helped him to rise once more . He is said to have betrayed to the director See also:Barras the See also:secret of the strange See also:plot which Babeuf and a few accomplices hatched in the year 1796; but See also:recent research has tended to throw doubt on the assertion . His rise from poverty was slow, but in 1797 he gained an See also:appointment for the See also:supply of military materiel, which offered opportunities See also:direct and indirect . After offering his services to the royalists, whose movement was then gathering force, he again decided to support the Jacobins and the director Barras (q.v.) . In the coup d'etat of Fructidor 1797 he made himself serviceable to Barras, who in 1798 appointed him to be French See also:ambassador to the Cisalpine republic . At See also:Milan he carried matters with so high a See also:hand against the Gallophobes of that government that his actions were disavowed and he himself was removed; but in the confused See also:state in which matters then were, he was able for a time to hold his own and to intrigue successfully against his successor . Early in 1799 he returned to Paris, and after a brief See also:tenure of See also:office as ambassador at The See also:Hague, he became See also:minister of See also:police at Paris (July 20, 1799) .

The newly elected director, Sieyes (q.v.),was then in the ascendant and desired to curb the excesses of the Jacobins, who had recently reopened their club . Fouche, casting consistency to the winds, closed the Jacobins club in a manner at once daring and See also:

clever . Thereupon he hunted down the pamphleteers and editors, whether Jacobins or royalists, who were See also:obnoxious to the government, so that at the time of the return of See also:Bonaparte from See also:Egypt (October 1799) the ex-Jacobin was one of the most powerful men in France . Knowing well the unpopularity of the See also:directors, Fouche See also:lent himself to the schemes of Bonaparte and Sieyes for their over-throw . His activity in furthering the coup d'etat of See also:Brumaire 18-19 (November 9-1o), 1799, procured him the favour of Bonaparte, who kept him in office (v . See also:Napoleon I.) . In the ensuing period of the Consulate (1799—1804) Fouche behaved with the utmost adroitness . While curbing the royalists and extreme Jacobins who at first alone opposed Bonaparte, Fouche was careful to See also:temper as far as possible the arbitrary actions of the new See also:master of France . In this difficult task he acquitted himself with so much skill as to See also:earn at times the gratitude even of the royalists . Thus, while countermining a foolish intrigue of theirs in which the duchesse de Guiche was the See also:chief See also:agent, Fouche took care that she should See also:escape . Equally skilful was his See also:action in the affair of the so-called See also:Arena-Ceracchi plot, in which the agents provocateurs of the police were believed to have played a sinister See also:part . The chief " conspirators " were easily ensnared and were executed when the affair of Niv6se (December 1800) enabled Bonaparte to See also:act with rigour .

This far more serious See also:

attempt (in which royalist conspirators exploded a See also:bomb near the First See also:Consul's See also:carriage with results disastrous to the bystanders) was soon seen by Fouche to be the work of royalists; and when the First Consul, eager to entrap the still formidable Jacobins, sought to fasten the blame on them, Fouche firmly declared that he would not only assert but would prove that the See also:outrage was the work of royalists . All his efforts, however, failed to avert the See also:punishment which Bonaparte was resolved to inflict on the leading Jacobins . In other matters (especially in that known as the Plot of the Placards in the See also:spring of 18o2) Fouche was thought to have secured the Jacobins concerned from the vengeance of the First Consul . In any See also:case the latter resolved to rid himself of a man who had too much power and too much skill in intrigue to be desirable as a sub-See also:ordinate . On the proclamation of Bonaparte as First Consul for See also:life (August 1, adz) Fouche was deprived of his office; but the See also:blow was softened by the suppression of the See also:ministry of police and by the attribution of most of its duties to an extended ministry of See also:justice . Fouche also became a senator and received See also:half of the reserve funds of the police which had accumulated during his tenure of office . He continued, however, to intrigue through his spies, whose See also:information was so See also:superior to that of the new minister of police as to render See also:great services to Napoleon at the time of the See also:Cadoudal-See also:Pichegru See also:conspiracy (See also:FebruarySee also:March 1804) . As a result Napoleon, now See also:emperor, brought back Fouche to the re-constituted ministry of police (July 1804); he also later on entrusted to him that of the interior . His work was no less important than at the time of the Consulate . His police agents were ubiquitous, and the terror which Napoleon and Fouche inspired, owing to their proven ability to benefit by plots, partly accounts for the See also:absence of conspiracies after 1804 . After See also:Austerlitz (December 18o5) Fouche uttered the mot of the occasion: " Sire, Austerlitz has shattered • the old See also:aristocracy; the See also:boulevard St Germain no longer conspires." That Napoleon retained some feeling of distrust, or even of fear, of Fouche was proved by his conduct in the early days of 18o8 . While engaged in the See also:campaign of Spain, the emperor heard rumours that Fouche and Talleyrand, once See also:bitter enemies, were having interviews at Paris in which See also:Murat, king of See also:Naples, was concerned .

At once the sensitive autocrat hurried to Paris, but found nothing to incriminate Fouche . In that year Fouche received the See also:

title of See also:duke of See also:Otranto . During the absence of Napoleon in See also:Austria in the campaign of 1809, the See also:British Walcheren expedition threatened for a time the safety of See also:Antwerp . Fouche thereupon issued an order to the prefects of the See also:northern departments of the See also:empire for the mobilization of 6o,000 National See also:Guards . He added to the order a statement in which occurred the words: " Let us prove to See also:Europe that although the See also:genius of Napoleon can throw lustre on France, his presence is not necessary to enable us to repulse the enemy." The emperor's approval of the measure was no less marked than his disapproval of the words just quoted . The next months brought further causes of See also:friction between emperor and minister . The latter, knowing the See also:desire of his master for See also:peace at the close of the year 1809, undertook on his own See also:account to make secret overtures to the British ministry . A little later Napoleon opened negotiations and found that Fouche had forestalled him . His rage against his minister was extreme, and on the 3rd of June 1810 he dismissed him from his office . However, as it was not the emperor's See also:custom completely to disgrace a man who might again be useful, Fouche received the governorship of See also:Rome . He went thither, not as See also:governor but as fugitive, for on receiving the emperor's order to give up certain important documents of his former ministry, he. handed over only a few, declaring that the See also:rest were destroyed . At this the emperor's anger burst forth again, and Fouche on learning, after his arrival at See also:Florence, that the See also:storm was still raging at Paris, prepared to See also:sail to the See also:United States .

Phoenix-squares

Compelled, however, by stress of See also:

weather and sickness to put back again, he found a mediator in Elisa Bonaparte, See also:grand duchess of See also:Tuscany, thanks to whom he was allowed to See also:settle at See also:Aix and finally to return to his domain of Point See also:Cane . In 1812 he sought vainly to turn Napoleon from the projected invasion of See also:Russia; and on the return of the emperor in haste from Smorgoni to Paris at the close of that year, the ex-minister of police was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy of See also:General See also:Malet, which came so strangely near to success . From this suspicion Fouche cleared himself and gave the emperor useful See also:advice concerning See also:internal affairs and the See also:diplomatic situation . Nevertheless, the emperor, still distrustful of the See also:arch-intriguer, ordered him to undertake the government of the Illyrian provinces . On the break-up of the See also:Napoleonic See also:system in See also:Germany in October 1813 Fouche was ordered to repair to Rome and thence to Naples, in order to See also:watch the movements of Murat . Before Fouche arrived at Naples Murat threw off the See also:mask and invaded the See also:Roman territory, whereupon Fouche received orders to return to France . He arrived at Paris on the loth of April 1814 at the- time when Napoleon was being See also:con-strained by his marshals to abdicate . The conduct of Fouche at this crisis was characteristic . As senator he advised the See also:senate to send a deputation to the See also:Comte d'See also:Artois, See also:brother of Louis XVIII., with a view to a reconciliation between the monarchy and the nation . A little later he ad-dressed to Napoleon, then at See also:Elba, a See also:letter begging him in the interests of peace and of France to withdraw to the United States . To the new See also:sovereign Louis XVIII. he sent an See also:appeal in favour of liberty and recommending the See also:adoption of See also:measures which would conciliate all interests . It was not successful, but Fouche remained unmolested .

This was far from satisfying him, and when he found that there were no hopes of See also:

advancement, he entered into relations with conspirators who sought the overthrow of the Bourbons . See also:Lafayette and See also:Davout were concerned in the affair, but their refusal to take the course desired by Fouche and other bold See also:spirits led to nothing being done . Soon Napoleon escaped from Elba and made his way in See also:triumph to Paris . Shortly before his arrival at Paris (March 19, 1815) Louis XVIII. sent to Fouche an offer of the ministry of police, which he declined, saying, " It is too See also:late; the only See also:plan to adopt is to See also:retreat." He then foiled an attempt of the royalists to See also:arrest him, and on the arrival of Napoleon he received for the third time the See also:port-See also:folio of police . That, however, did not prevent him from entering into secret relations with Metternich at See also:Vienna, his aim being then, as always, to prepare for all eventualities . Meanwhile he used all his powers to induce the emperor to popularise his See also:rule, and he is said to have caused the insertion of the words " The See also:sovereignty resides in the See also:people; it is the source ofpower " in the declaration of the See also:council of state . But the autocratic tendencies of Napoleon could scarcely be held in check, and Fouche seeing the fall of the emperor to be imminent, took measures to expedite it and secure his own interests . On the 22nd of June Napoleon abdicated for the second time, and Fouche was next See also:day elected See also:president of the See also:commission which provisionally governed France . Already he was in touch with Louis XVIII., then at- See also:Ghent, and now secretly received the overtures of his agent at Paris . While ostensibly working for the recognition of Napoleon II., he facilitated the success of the See also:Bourbon cause, and thus procured for himself a place in the ministry of Louis XVIII . Even his skill, however, was unequal to the task of conciliating hot-headed royalists who remembered his See also:vote as See also:regicide and his fanaticism as terrorist . He resigned office, and after acting for a brief space as ambassador at See also:Dresden, he retired to See also:Prague .

Finally he settled at See also:

Trieste, where he died on the 25th of December 182o . He had accumulated great wealth . Marked at the outset by fanaticism, which, though cruel, was at least conscientious, Fouche's See also:character deteriorated in and after the year 1794 into one of calculating cunning . The transition represented all that was worst in the life of France during the period of the Revolution and Empire . In Fouche the See also:enthusiasm of the earlier period appeared as a See also:cold, selfish and remorseless fanaticism; in him the bureaucracy of the period 1795–1799 and the See also:autocracy of Napoleon found their ablest See also:instrument . Yet his intellectual See also:pride prevented him sinking to the level of a See also:mere See also:tool . .His relations to Napoleon were marked by a certain aloofness . He multiplied the means of resistance even to that irresistible autocrat, so that though removed from office, he was never wholly disgraced . Despised by all for his tergiversations, he nevertheless was sought by all on account of his cleverness . He repaid the contempt of his superiors and the adulation of his inferiors by a mask of impenetrable reserve or scorn . He sought for power and neglected no means to make himself serviceable to the party whose success appeared to be imminent . Yet, while appearing to be the servant of the victors, See also:present or prospective, he never gave himself to any one party .

In this versatility he resembles Talleyrand, of whom he was a coarse replica . Both professed, under all their shifts and turns, to be desirous of serving France . Talleyrand certainly did so in the See also:

sphere of See also:diplomacy; Fouche may occasionally have done so in the sphere of intrigue . Bibliography.—Fouche wrote some See also:political See also:pamphlets and reports, the chief of which are Riflexions sur le jugerment de Louis Ca pet (1793) ; Refiexions sur l'See also:education publique (1793) Rapport et projet de loi relatif aux colleges (179) ; Rapport sur la situation de See also:Commune-Affranchie [Lyons] (1794) ; Lettre aux prefets concernant See also:les prams, &c . (1801); also the letters of 1815 noted above, and a Lettre au duc de See also:Wellington (1817) . The best life of Fouche is that by L . Madelin, Fouche (2 vols., Paris, 1901) . The so-called Fouche See also:Memoirs are not genuine, but they were apparently compiled, at least in part, from notes written by Fouche, and are often valuable, though their account of events (e.g. of the negotiations of 1809–1810) is not seldom untrustworthy . For those negotiations see Coquelle, Napoleon et l'Angleterre (Paris, 1903, Eng. trans., See also:London, 1904) . For the plots with which Fouche had to See also:deal see E . See also:Daudet, La Police et les See also:Chouans sous le Consulat et l'Empire (Paris, 1895) ; P . M .

C . See also:

Desmarest, Temoignages historiques, ou quinze ans de haute police (Paris, 1833, 2nd ed., 1900) ; E . See also:Picard, Bonaparte et See also:Moreau (Paris, 19o5); G . A . See also:Thierry, Conspirateurs et gens de police; le complot de libelles (Paris, 1903) (Eng. trans., London, 1903) ; H . Welschinger, Le Duc d'See also:Enghien (Paris, 1888) ; E . See also:Guillon, Les See also:Cam plots militaires sous le Consulat et l'Empire (Paris, 1894) . (J . Ha . R.) FOUCHE$, See also:SIMON (1644-1696), French philosopher, was born at See also:Dijon on the 1st of March 1644 . He was the son of a See also:merchant, and appears to have taken orders at a very early See also:age . For some years he held the position of honorary See also:canon at Dijon, but this he resigned in order to take up his See also:residence in Paris: He graduated at the See also:Sorbonne, and spent the See also:remainder of his life in literary work in Paris, where he died on the 27th of April 1696 .

In his day Foucher enjoyed considerable repute as a keen opponent - of See also:

Malebranche . His philosophical standpoint was one of See also:scepticism in regard to See also:external See also:perception . He revived the old arguments of the See also:Academy, and advanced them with much ingenuity against Malebranche's doctrine, Otherwise his scepticism is subordinate to orthodox belief, the fundamental dogmas of the church seeming to him intuitively evident . His See also:object was to reconcile his religious with his philosophical creed, and to remain a See also:Christian without ceasing to be an academician . His writings against Malebranche were collected under the title See also:Dissertations sur la recherche de la verite, 1693 . See F . Rabbe, L'See also:Abbe Simon Foucher (1867); C . Jourdain in Dictionnaire See also:des sciences philosophiques (1875), pp . 557-559 .

End of Article: DUKE OF OTRANTO JOSEPH FOUCHE (1763—1820)
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