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FRANCOIS N

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Originally appearing in Volume V11, Page 171 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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FRANCOIS N.). Little was done to improve the finances, and the assignats continued to fall in value. But the Directory was sustained by the military successes of the year 1796. Hoche again pacified La Vendee. Bonaparte's victories in Italy more than compensated for the reverses of Jourdan and Moreau in Germany. The king of Sardinia made peace in May, ceding Nice and Savoy to the Republic and consenting to receive French garrisons in his Piedmontese fortresses. By the treaty of San Ildefonso, concluded in August, Spain became the ally of France. In October Naples made peace. In 1797 Bonaparte finished the conquest of northern Italy and forced Austria to make the treaty of Campo Formio (October), whereby the emperor ceded Lombardy and the Austrian Netherlands to the Republic in exchange for Venice and undertook to urge upon the Diet the surrender of the lands beyond the Rhine. Notwithstanding the victory of Cape St Vincent, England was brought into such extreme peril by the mutinies in the fleet that she offered to acknowledge the French conquest of the Netherlands and to restore the French colonies. The selfishness of the three directors threw away this golden opportunity. In March and April the election of a new third of the Councils had been held. It gave a majority to the constitutional party. Among the directors the lot fell on Letourneur to retire, and he was succeeded by Barthelemy, an eminent diplomatist, who allied himself with Carnot. The political disabilities imposed upon the relatives of emigres were repealed. Priests who would declare their submission to the Republic were restored to their rights as citizens. It seemed likely that peace would be made and that moderate men would gain power. Barras, Rewbell and La Revelliere-Lepeaux then sought help from the armies. Although Royalists formed but a petty fraction of the majority, they raised the alarm that coup d'etat it was seeking to restore monarchy and undo the work of the i8th Fructidor. of the Revolution. Hoche, then in command of the army of the Sambre and Meuse, visited Paris and sent troops. Bonaparte sent General Augereau, who executed the coup d'etat of the 18th Fructidor (September 4). The councils were purged, the elections in forty-nine departments were can- celled, and many deputies and other men of note were arrested. Some of them, including Barthelemy, were deported to Cayenne. Carnot made good his escape. The two vacant places in the Directory were filled by Merlin of Douai and Francois of Neuf- chateau. Then the government frankly returned to Jacobin methods. The law against the relatives of emigres was re- enacted, and military tribunals were established to condemn emigres who should return to France. The nonjuring priests were again persecuted. Many hundreds were either sent to Cayenne or imprisoned in the hulks of Re and Oleron. La Revelliere Lepeaux seized the opportunity to propagate his religion. Many churches were turned into Theophilanthropic temples. The government strained its power to secure the recognition of the decadi as the day of public worship and the non-observance of Sunday. Liberty of the press ceased. Newspapers were confiscated and journalists were deported wholesale. It was proposed to banish from France all members of the old noblesse. Although the proposal was dropped, they were all declared to be foreigners and were forced to obtain naturalization if they would enjoy the rights of other citizens. A formal bankruptcy of the state, the cancelling of two-thirds of the interest on the public debt, crowned the misgovernment of this disastrous time. In the spring of 1798 not only a new third of the legislature had to be chosen, but the places of the members expelled by the revolution of Fructidor had to be filled. The constitutional party had been rendered helpless, and the mass of the electors were in-different. But among the Jacobins themselves there had arisen an extreme party hostile to the directors. With the support of many who were not Jacobins but detested the government, it bade fair to gain a majority. Before the new deputies could take their seats the directors forced through the councils the law of the 22nd Floreal (May II), annulling or perverting the elections in thirty departments and excluding forty-eight deputies by name. Even this coup d'etat did not secure harmony between the executive and the legislature. In the councils the directors were loudly charged with corruption and misgovernment. The retirement of Francois of Neufchateau and the choice of Treilhard as his successor made no difference in the position of the Directory. While France was thus inwardly convulsed, its rulers were doubly bound to husband the national strength and practise moderation towards other states. Since December 1797 a congress had been sitting at Rastadt to regulate the future of Germany. That it should be brought to a successful conclusion was of the utmost import for France. But the directors were driven by self-interest to new adventures abroad. Bonaparte was resolved not to sink into obscurity, and the directors were anxious to keep him as far as possible from Paris; they therefore sanctioned the expedition to Egypt which deprived the Republic of its best army and most renowned captain. Coveting the treasures of Bern, they sent Brune to invade Switzerland and remodel its constitution; in revenge for the murder of General Duphot, they sent Berthier to invade the papal states and erect the Roman Republic; they occupied and virtually annexed Piedmont. In all these countries they organized such an effective pillage that the French became universally hateful. As the armies were far below the strength required by the policy of unbounded conquest and rapine, the first permanent law of conscription was passed in the summer of 1798. The attempt to enforce it caused a revolt of the peasants in the Belgian departments. The priests were made responsible and some eight thousand were condemned in a mass to deportation, although much the greater part escaped by the goodwill of the people. Few soldiers were obtained by the conscription, for the government was as weak as it was tyrannical. Under these circumstances Nelson's victory of Aboukir (1st of August), which gave the British full command of the Mediterranean and secluded Bonaparte in Egypt, was the signal for a second coalition. Naples, Austria, Russia and The second Turkey joined Great Britain against France. Ferdinand coalition. of Naples, rashly taking the offensive before his allies were ready, was defeated and forced to seek a refuge in Sicily. In January 1799 the French occupied Naples and set up the Parthenopean republic. But the consequent dispersion of their weak forces only exposed them to greater peril. At home the Directory was in a most critical position. In the elections of April 1799 a large number of Jacobins gained seats. A little later Rewbell retired. It was imperative to fill his place with a man of ability and influence. The choice fell upon Sieyes, who had kept aloof from office and retained not only his immeasurable self-conceit but the respect of the public. Sieyes felt that the Directory was bankrupt of reputation, and he intended to be far more than a mere member of a board. He hoped to concentrate power in his own hands,to bridle the Jacobins,and to remodel the constitution. With the help of Barras he proceeded to rid himself of the other directors. An irregularity having been discovered in Treilhard's election, he retired, and his place was taken by Gohier. Merlin of Douai and La Revelliere Lepeaux were driven to resign in June. They were succeeded by Moulin and Ducos. The three new directors were so insignificant that they could give no trouble, but for the same reason they were of little service. Such a government was ill fitted to cope with the dangers then gathering round France. The directors having resolved on the French offensive in Germany, the French crossed the Rhine reverses. early in March, but were defeated by the archduke The Direc- Charles at Stockach on the 25th. The congress at Raseory ais- tadt, which had sat for fifteen months without doing credited. anything, broke up in April and the French envoys were murdered by Austrian hussars. In Italy the allies took the offensive with an army partly Austrian, partly Russian under the command of Suvarov. After defeating Moreau at Cassano on the 27th of April, he occupied Milan and Turin. The republics established by the French in Italy were overthrown, and the French army retreating from Naples was defeated by Suvarov on the Trebbia. Thus threatened with invasion on her German and Italian frontiers, France was disabled by anarchy within. The finances were in the last distress; the anti-religious policy of the government kept many departments on the verge of revolt; and commerce was almost suspended by the decay of roads and the increase of bandits. There was no real political freedom, yet none of the ease or security which enlightened despotism can bestow. The Terrorists lifted their heads in the Council of Five Hundred. A Law of Hostages, which was really a new Law of Suspects, and a progressive income tax showed the temper of the majority. The Jacobin Club was reopened and became once more the focus of disorder. The Jacobin press renewed the licence of Hebert and Marat. Never since the outbreak of the Revolution had the public temper been so gloomy and desponding. In this extremity Sieyes chose as minister of police the old Terrorist Fouche, who best understood how to deal with his brethren. Fouche closed the Jacobin Club and deported a number of journalists. But like his predecessors Sieyes felt that for the revolution which he meditated he must have the help of a soldier. As his man of action he chose General Joubert, one of the most distinguished among French officers. Joubert was sent to restore the fortune of the war in Italy. At Novi on the 15th of August he encountered Suvarov. He was killed at the outset of the battle and his men were defeated. After this disaster the French held scarcely anything south of the Alps save Genoa. The Russian and Austrian governments then agreed to drive the enemy out of Switzerland and to invade France from the east. At the same time Holland was assailed by the joint forces of Great Britain and Russia. But the second coalition, like the first, was doomed to failure by the narrow views and conflicting interests of its members. The invasion of Switzerland was baffled by want of concert between Austrians and Russians and by Massena's victory at Zurich on the 25th and 26th of September. In October the British and the Russians were forced to evacuate Holland. All immediate danger to France was ended, but the issue of the war was still in suspense. The directors had been forced to recall Bonaparte from Egypt. He anticipated their order and on the 9th of October landed at Frejus. Dazzled by his victories in the East the public forgot that the` Egyptian expedition was ending in calamity. It received him with an ardour which convinced Sieyes that he was coup d'etat the indispensable soldier. Bonaparte was ready to act, of the 18th but at his own time and for his own ends. Since the snms)re. close of the Convention affairs at home and abroad had been tending more and more surely to the establishment of a military dictatorship. Feeling his powers equal to such an office he only hesitated about the means of attainment. At first he thought of becoming a director; finally he decided upon a partnership with Sieyes. They resolved to end the actual government by a fresh coup d'etat. Means were to be taken for removing the councils from Paris to St Cloud, where pressure could more easily be applied. Then the councils would be induced to decree a provisional government by three consuls and the appointment of a commission to revise the constitution. The pretext for this irregular proceeding was to be a vast Jacobin conspiracy. Perhaps the gravest obstacles were to be expected from the army. Of the generals, some, like Jourdan, were honest republicans; others, like Bernadotte, believed themselves capable of governing France. With perfect subtlety Bonaparte worked on the feelings of all and kept his own intentions secret. On the morning of the 18th Brumaire (November 9) the Ancients, to whom that power belonged, decreed the transference of the councils to St Cloud. Of the directors, Sieyes and his friend Ducos had arranged to resign; Barras was cajoled and bribed into resigning; Gohier and Moulins, who were intractable, found themselves imprisoned in the Luxemburg palace and helpless. So far all had gone well. But when the councils met at St Cloud on the following day, the majority of the Five Hundred showed themselves bent on resistance, and even the Ancients gave signs of wavering. When Bonaparte addressed the Ancients, he lost his self-possession and made a deplorable figure. When he appeared among the Five Hundred, they fell upon him with such fury that he was hardly rescued by his officers. A motion to outlaw him was only baffled by the audacity of the president, his brother Lucien. At length driven to undisguised violence, he sent in his grenadiers, who turned out the deputies. Then the Ancients passed a decree which adjourned the Councils for three months, appointed Bonaparte, Sieyes and Ducos provisional consuls, and named the Legislative Commission. Some tractable members of the Five Hundred were afterwards swept up and served to give these measures the confirmation of their House. Thus the Directory and the Councils came to their unlamented end. A shabby compound of brute force and imposture, the 18th Brumaire was nevertheless condoned, nay applauded, by the French nation. Weary of revolution, men sought no more than to be wisely and firmly governed. Although the French Revolution seemed to contemporaries a total break in the history of France, it was really far otherwise. Its results were momentous and durable in proportion Qenera/ as they were the outcome of causes which had been estimate of working long. In France there had been no historic the Revel preparation for political freedom. The desire for such cation. freedom was in the main confined to the upper classes. During the Revolution it was constantly baffled. No Assembly after the states-general was freely elected and none deliberated in freedom. After the Revolution Bonaparte established a monarchy even more absolute than the monarchy of Louis XIV. But the desire for uniformity, for equality and for what may be termed civil liberty was the growth of ages, had been in many respects nurtured by the action of the crown and its ministers, and had become intense and general. Accordingly it determined the principal results of the Revolution. Uniformity of laws and institutions was enforced throughout France. The legal privileges formerly distinguishing different classes were sup-pressed. An obsolete and burthensome agrarian system was abolished. A number of large estates belonging to the crown, the clergy and the nobles were broken up and sold at nominal prices to men of the middle or lower class. The new jurisprudence encouraged the multiplication of small properties. The new fiscal system taxed men according to their means and raised no obstacle to commerce within the national boundaries. Every calling and profession was made free to all French citizens, and in the public service the principle of an open career for talent was adopted. Religious disabilities vanished, and there was well-nigh complete liberty of thought. It was because Napoleon gave a practical form to these achievements of the Revolution and ensured the public order necessary to their continuance that the majority of Frenchmen endured so long the fearful sacrifices which his policy exacted. That a revolution largely inspired by generous and humane feeling should have issued in such havoc and such crimes is a paradox which astounded spectators and still perplexes the historian. Something in the cruelty of the French Revolution may he ascribed to national character. From the time when Burgundians and Armagnacs strove for dominion down to the last insurrection of Paris, civil discord in France has always been cruel. More, however, was due to the total dissolution of society which followed the meeting of the states-general. In the course of the Revolution we can discover no well-organized party, no governing mind. Mirabeau had the stuff of a great statesman, and Danton was capable of statesmanship. But these men were not followed or obeyed save by accident or for a moment. Those who seemed to govern were usually the sport of chance, often the victims of their colleagues. Neither Royalists nor Feuillants nor Girondins had the instinct of government. In the chaotic state of France all ferocious and destructive passions found ample scope. The same conditions explain the triumph of the Jacobins. Devoid of wisdom and virtue in the highest sense, they at least understood how power might be seized and kept. The Reign of Terror was the expedient of a party which knew its weakness and unpopularity. It was not necessary either to secure the lasting benefits of the Revolution or to save France from dismemberment; for nine Frenchmen out of ten were agreed on both of these points and were ready to lay down their lives for the national cause. In the history of the French Revolution the influence which it exerted upon the surrounding countries demands peculiar attention. The French professed to act upon principles of universal authority, and from an early date they began to seek converts outside their own limits. The effect was slight upon England, which had already secured most of the reforms desired by the French, and upon Spain, where the bulk of the people were entirely submissive to church and king. But in the Nether-lands, in western Germany and in northern Italy, countries which had attained a degree of civilization resembling that of France, where the middle and lower classes had grievances and aspirations not very different from those of the French, the effect was pro-found. Fear of revolution at home was one of the motives which led continental sovereigns to attack revolution in France. Their incoherent efforts only confirmed the Jacobin supremacy. Wherever the victorious French extended their dominion, they remodelled institutions in the French manner. Their sway proved so oppressive that the very classes which had welcomed them with most fervour soon came to long for their expulsion. But revolutionary ideas kept their charm. • Under Napoleon the essential part of the changes made by the Republic was preserved in these countries also. Moreover the effacement of old boundaries, the overthrow of ancestral governments, and the invocation, however hollow, of the sovereignty of the people, awoke national feeling which had slumbered long and prepared the struggle for national union and independence in the 19th century. See also FRANCE, sections History and Law and Institutions. For the leading figures iii the Revolution see their biographies under separate headings. Particular phases, facts, and institutions of the period are also separately dealt with, e.g. ASSIGNATS, CONVENTION, THE NATIONAL, JACOBINS. The condition of France and the state of public opinion at the beginning of the Revolution may be studied in the printed collections of Cahiers. The Cahiers were the statements of grievances drawn up for the guidance of deputies to the States-General by those who had elected them. In every bailliage and senechaussee each estate drew up its own cahier and the cahiers of the Third Estate were condensed from separate cahiers drawn up by each parish in the district. Thus the cahiers of the Third Estate number many thousands, the greater part of which have not yet been printed. Among the collections printed we may mention Les Elections et les cahiers de Paris 169 en 1789, by C. L. Chassin (4 vols., Paris, 1888) ; Cahiers de plaintes et doleances des paroisses de la province de Maine, by A. Bellee and V. Duchemin (4 vols., Le Mans, 1881–1893); Cahiers de doleances de 1789 Bans le department du Pas-de-Calais, by H. Loriquet (2 vols., Arras, 1891); Cahiers des paroisses et communautes du bailliage d'Autun, by A. Charmasse (Autun, 1895). New collections are printed from time to time. A more general collection of cahiers than any above named is given in vols. i.-vi. of the Archives perlementaires. The cahiers must not be read in a spirit of absolute faith, as they were influenced by certain models circulated at the time of the elections and by popular excitement, but they remain an authority of the utmost value and a mine of information as to old France. Reference should also be made to the works of travellers who visited France at the outbreak of the Revolution. Among these Arthur Young's Travels in France during the years 1787,1 788 and 1789 (2 vols., Bury St Edmunds, 1792–1794) are peculiarly instructive. For the history of the Assemblies during the Revolution a main authority is their Proces verbaux or Journals; those of the Constituent Assembly in 75 vols., those of the Legislative Assembly in 16 vols. ; those of the Convention in 74 vols., and those of the Councils under the Directory in 99 vols. See also the Archives perlementaires edited by J. Mavidal and E. Laurent (Paris, 1867, and the following years) ; the Hisloire parlementaire de la Revolution, by P. J. B. Buchez and P. C. Roux (Paris, 1838), and the Histoire de la Revolution par deux amis de la liberie (Paris, 1792–1803). The newspapers, of which a few have been mentioned in the text, were numerous. They are useful chiefly as illustrating the ideas and passions of the time, for they give comparatively little information as to facts and that little is peculiarly inaccurate. The ablest of the Royalist journals was Mallet du Pan's Mercure de France. Pamphlets of the Revolution period number many thousands. Such pamphlets as Mounier's Nouvelles Observations sur les Etals-Generaux de France and Sieyes's Qu'est-ce que le Tiers Etat had a notable influence on opinion. The richest collections of Revolution pamphlets are in the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris and in the British Museum. The contemporary memoirs, &c., already published are numerous and fresh ones are always coming forth. A few of the best known and most useful are, for the Constituent Assembly, the memoirs of Bailly, of Ferrieres, of Malouet. The Correspondence of Mirabeau with the Count de la Merck, edited by Bacourt (3 vols., Paris, 1851), is especially valuable. Dumont's Recollections of Mirabeau and the Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris give the impressions of foreigners with peculiar advantages for observing. For the Legislative Assembly and the Convention the memoirs of Madame Roland, of Bertrand de Molleville, of Barbaroux, of Buzot, of Louvet, of Dumouriez are instructive. For the Directory the memoirs of Barras, of La Revelliere Lepeaux and of Thibaudeau deserve mention. The memoirs of Lafayette are useful. Those of Talleyrand are singularly barren, the result, no doubt, of deliberate suppression. The memoirs of the marquise de La Rochejacquelein are important for the war of La Vendee. The most notable Jacobins have seldom left memoirs, but the works of Robespierre and St Just enable us to form a clearer conception of the authors. The correspondence of the count of Mercy-Argenteau, the imperial ambassador, with Joseph II. and Kaunitz, and the correspondence of Mallet du Pan with the court of Vienna, are also instructive. But the contemporary literature of the French Revolution requires to be read in an unusually critical spirit. At no other historical crisis have passions been more fiercely excited; at none have shameless disregard of truth and blind credulity been more common. Among later works based on these original materials the first place belongs to general histories. In French Louis Blanc's Histoire de la Revolution (12 vols., Paris, 1847–1862), and Michelet's Histoire de la Revolution Francaise (9 vols., Paris, 1847–1853), are the most elaborate of the older works. .Michelet's book is marked by great eloquence and power. In H. Taine's Origines de la France contemporaine (Paris, 1876–1894) three volumes are devoted to the Revolution. They show exceptional talent and industry, but their value is impaired by the spirit of system and by strong prepossessions. F. A. M. Mignet's Histoire de la Revolution Francaise (2 vols., Paris, 1861), short and devoid of literary charm. has the merits of learning and judgment and is still useful. F. A. Aulard's Histoire politique de la Revolution Frangaise (Paris, 1901) is a most valuable precis of political history, based on deep knowledge and lucidly set forth, although not free from bias. The volume on the Revolution in Lavisse and Rambaud's Histoire generale de l'Europe (Paris, 1896) is the work of distinguished scholars using the latest information. In English, general histories of the Revolution are few. Carlyle's famous work, published in 1837, is more of a prose epic than a history, omitting all detail which would not heighten the imaginative effect and tinged by all the favourite ideas of the author. Some fifty years later H. M. Stephens published the first (1886) and second (1892) volumes of a History of the French Revolution. They are marked by solid learning and contain much information. Volume viii. of the Cambridge Modern History, published in 1904, contains a general survey of the Revolution. The most notable German work is H. von Sybel's Geschichte der Revolutionszeit (5 vols., Stuttgart, 1853–1879). It is strongest in those parts which relate to international affairs and foreign policy. There is an English translation. None of the general histories of the Revolution above named is really satisfactory. The immense mass of material has not yet been thoroughly sifted; and the passions of that age still disturb the judgment of the historian. More successful have been the attempts to treat particular aspects of the Revolution. The foreign relations of France during the Revolution have been most ably unravelled by A. Sorel in L'Europe et la Revolution Francaise (8 vols., Paris, 1885-1904) carrying the story down to the settlement of Vienna. Five volumes cover the years 1789-1799. The financial history of the Revolution has been traced by C. Gomel, Histoire fnanciere de l'Assemblee Constituante (2 vols., Paris, 1897), and R. Stourm, Les Finances de l'Ancien Regime et de la Revolution (2 vols., Paris, 1885). The relations of Church and State are sketched in E. Pressense's L'Eglise et la Revolution Francaise (Paris, 1889). The general legislation of the period has been discussed by Ph. Sagnac, La Legislation civile de la Revolution Francaise (Paris, 1898). The best work upon the social life of the period is the Histoire de la societe francaise sous la Revolution, by E. and J. de Goncourt (Paris, 1889). For military history see A. Duruy, L'Armee royale en 1789 (Paris, 1888) ; E. de Hauterive, L'Armie sous la Revolution, 1789-1794 (Paris, 1894) ; A. Chuquet, Les Guerres de la Revolution (Paris, 1886, &c.). See also the memoirs and biographies of the distinguished soldiers of the Republic and Empire, too numerous for citation here. Modern lives of the principal actors in the Revolution are numerous. Among the most important are Memoires de Mirabeau, by L. de Montigny (Paris, 1834) ; Les Mirabedu, by L. de Lomenie (Paris, 1889-1891); H. L. de Lanzac de Laborie's Jean Joseph Mounier (Paris, 1889) ; B. Mallet's Mallet du Pan and the French Revolution (London, 1902) ; Robinet's Danton (Paris, 1889) ; Hamel's Histoire de Robespierre (Paris, 1865-1867) and Histoire de St-Just (2 vols., Brussels, 186o) ; A. Bigeon, Sieyes (Paris, 1893) ; Memoirs of Carnal, by his son (2 vols., Paris, 1861-1864). For fuller information see M. Tourneux, Les Sources bibliographiques de l'histoire de la Revolution Francaise (Paris, 1898, etc.), and Bibliographic de l'histoire de Paris pendant la Revolution (Paris, 189o, etc.). (F. C. M.) French Republican Calendar.—Among the changes made during the Revolution was the substitution of a new calendar, usually called the revolutionary or republican calendar, for the prevailing Gregorian system. Something of the sort had been suggested in 1785 by a certain Riboud, and a definite scheme had been promulgated by Pierre Sylvain Marechal (1750-1803) in his Almanach des honnetes gens (1788). The objects which the advocates of a new calendar had in view were to strike ablow at the clergy and to divorce all calculations of time from the Christian associations with which they were loaded, in short, to abolish the Christian year; and enthusiasts were already speaking of " the first year of liberty " and " the first year of the republic " when the national convention took up the matter in 1793. The business of drawing up the new calendar was en-trusted to the president of the committee of public instruction, Charles Gilbert Romme (1750-1795), who was aided in the work by the mathematicians Gaspard Monge and Joseph Louis Lagrange, the poet Fabre d'Eglantine and others. The result of their labours was submitted to the convention in September; it was accepted, and the new calendar became law on the 5th of October 1793. The new arrangement was regarded as beginning on the 22nd of September 1792, this day being chosen because on it the republic was proclaimed and because it was in this year the day of the autumnal equinox. By the new calendar the year of 365 days was divided into twelve months of thirty days each, every month being divided into three periods of ten days, each of which were called decades, and the tenth, or last, day of each decade being a day of rest. It was also proposed to divide the day on the decimal system, but this arrangement was found to be highly inconvenient and it was never put into practice. Five days of the 365 still remained to be dealt with, and these were set aside for national festivals and holidays and were called Sans-culottides. They were to fall at the end of the year, i.e. on the five days between the 17th and the 21st of September inclusive, and were called the festivals of virtue, of genius, of labour, of opinion and of rewards. A similar course was adopted with regard to the extra day which occurred once in every four years, but the first of these was to fall in the year III., i.e. in 1795, and not in 1796, the leap year in the Gregorian calendar. This day was set apart for the festival of the Revolution and was to be the last of the Sans-culottides. Each period of four years was to be called a Franciade. Some discussion took place about the nomenclature of the new divisions of time. Eventually this work was entrusted to Fabre d'Eglantine, who gave to each month a name taken from some seasonal event therein. Beginning with the new year on the 22nd of September the autumn months were Vendemiaire, the month of vintage, Brumaire, the months of fog, and Frimaire, AN II. AN III. AN IV. AN V. AN VI. AN VII. AN VIII. AN IX. 1793-1794• 1794-1795. 1795-1796. 1796-1797. 1797-1798. 1798—1799. 1799-1800. 1800-18ol. I Vendemiaire 22 Sept. 1793 22 Sept. 1794 23 Sept. 1795 22 Sept. 1796 22 Sept. 1797 22 Sept. 1798 23 Sept. 1799 23 Sept. 'Soo I Brumaire . 22 Oct. „ 23 Oct. 22 Oct. „ 22 Oct.,, 22 Oct., 23 Oct. „ 23 Oct. ,, 22 Oct. „ i Frimaire . 21 Nov. „ 21 Nov.,, 22 Nov. „ 21 Nov. „ 21 Nov. „ 21 Nov. „ 22 Nov. „ 22 Nov. , I NivBse 21 Dec. 21 Dec. 22 Dec. 21 21 Dec. 21 Dec. 22 22 Dec. „ Dec. Dec. I PluviBse 20 Janv. 1794 20 Janv. 1795 21 J anv. 1796 20 Janv. 1797 20 Janv. 1798 o Janv. 1799 21 J anv. 1800 21 Janv. 1801 I Ventbse 19 Fevr. „ 19 Fevr. „ 20 Fevr. „ 19 Fevr. „ 19 Fev. „ 20 20 Fev. 19 Fev. „ Fev. „ i Germinal . 21 Mars „ 21 Mars „ 21 Mars „ 21 Mars „ 21 Mars „ 21 Mars „ 22 Mars „ 22 Mars 1 Floreal 20 Avr. „ 20 Avr. „ 20 Avr. „ 20 Avr. „ 20 Avr. „ 20 Avr. „ 21 Avr. „ 21 Avr. „ 1 Prairial 20 Mai „ 20 Mai „ 20 Mai „ 20 Mai „ 20 Mai „ 20 Mai „ 21 Mai „ 21 Mai „ 1 Messidor . 19 Juin „ 19 Juin „ 19 Juin „ 19 Juin „ 19 Juin „ 19 Juin „ 20 Juin „ 20 Juin „ I Thermidor 19 Juil. „ 19 Juil. „ 19 Juil. „ 19 Juil. „ 19 Juil. „ 19 Juil. „ 20 Juil. „ 20 Juil. i Fructidor . 18 Aoflt „ 18 Aoflt „ 18 Aoflt „ 18 Aoflt „ 18 Aoflt „ 18 Aoflt „ 19 Aoflt „ 19 Aoflt I Sans-culottides 17 Sept. 1794 17 Sept. 1795 17 Sept. 1796 17 Sept. 1797 17 Sept. 1798 17 Sept. 1799 18 Sept. 'Soo 18 Sept. 1801 6 „ 22 „ „ 22 , AN X. AN XI. AN XII. AN XIII. AN XIV. 1801-1802. 1802-1803. 1803-1804. 1804-1805. 1805. 1 Vendemiaire 23 Septembre 18o1 23 Septembre 1802 24 Septembre 1803 23 Septembre 1804 23 Septembre 1805 1 Brumaire . . 23 Octobre „ 23 Octobre ,, 24 Octobre „ 23 Octobre , 23 Octobre „ I Frimaire . . . 22 Novembre „ 22 Novembre „ 23 Novembre „ 22 Novembre 22 Novembre 1 NivBse . . . 22 Decembre 22 Decembre , 23 Decembre , 22 Decembre , 22 Decembre I PluviBse . . . 21 Janvier 1802 21 Janvier 1803 22 Janvier 1804 21 Janvier 1805 1 VentBse . . . 20 Fevrier „ 20 Fevrier „ . 21 Fevrier II 20 Fevrier I Germinal. . . 22 Mars „ 22 Mars ,, 22 Mars ,, 22 Mars ,, I Floreal . . . 21 Avril „ 2I Avril i, 21 Avril ,, 21 Avril I Prairial . . . 21 Mai ,, 21 Mai ,, 21 Mai „ 21 Mai I Messidor . . 20 Juin 20 Juin 20 Juin 20 Juin I Thermidor . . . „ 20 illet ,, 20 Juilllet „ 20 Juillet 20 Juillet „ „ „ Fructidor . . 19 Aoflt ,, 19 Aoflt ,, 19 Aoflt ,, 19 Aoflt 1 Sans-culottides 18 Septembre 1802 18 Septembre 1803 18 Septembre 1804 18 Septembre 1805 6 ,, 23 ., ,, the month of frost. The winter months were Nivose, the snowy, Pluviose, the rainy, and Ventose, the windy month; then followed the spring months, Germinal, the month of buds, Floreal, the month of flowers, and Prairial, the month of meadows; and lastly the summer months, Messidor, the month of reaping, Thermidor, the month of heat, and Fructidor, the month of fruit. To the days Fabre d'Eglantine gave names which retained the idea of their numerical order, calling them Primedi, Duodi, &c., the last day of the ten, the day of rest, being named Decadi. The new order was soon in force in France and the new method was employed in all public documents, but it did not last many years. In September 1805 it was decided to restore the Gregorian calendar, and the republican one was officially discontinued on the 1st of January 1806. It will easily be seen that the connecting link between the old and the new calendars is very slight indeed and that the expression of a date in one calendar in terms of the other is a matter of some difficulty. A simple method of doing this, however, is afforded by the table on the preceding page, which is taken from the article by J. Dubourdieu in La Grande Encyclopedie. Thus Robespierre was executed on to Thermidor An II., i.e. the 28th of July 1794. The insurrection of 12 Germinal An III. took place on the 1st of April 1795. The famous 18 Brumaire An VIII. fell on the 9th of November 1799, and the coup d'etat of 18 Fructidor An V. on the 4th of September 1797. For a complete concordance of the Gregorian and the republican calendars see Stokvis, Manuel d'histoire, tome iii. (Leiden, 1889) ; also G. Villain, " Le Calendrier republicain," in La Revolution Fraaagaise for 1884–1885. (A. W. H.*)
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