See also:

• GRAMMAR (from Lat. grammatica, sc. ars; Gr. ypaµ)

GRAMMAR (from See also:

• LAT

Lat. grammatica, sc. ars; Gr. ypaµ)  .ta, See also:

• LETTER (through Fr. lettre from Lat. littera or litera, letter of the alphabet; the origin of the Latin word is obscure; it has probably no connexion with the root of linere, to smear, i.e. with wax, for an inscription with a stilus)

letter, from ypacbea, to write) . By the See also:

• GRAMMAR (from Lat. grammatica, sc. ars; Gr. ypaµ)

grammar of a See also:

• LANGUAGE (adapted from the Fr. langage, from langue, tongue, Lat. lingua)

language is meant either the relations See also:

• BORNE, KARL LUDWIG (1786–1837)

borne by the words of a See also:

• SENTENCE (Lat. sententia, a way of thinking, opinion, judgment; vote, sentire, to feel, think)

sentence and by sentences themselves one to another, or the systematized exposition of these . The exposition may be, and frequently is, incorrect; but it always presupposes the existence of certain customary uses of words when in See also:

• COMBINATION (Lat. combinare, to combine)

combination . In what follows, therefore, grammar will be generally employed in its See also:

• PRIMARY

primary sense, as denoting the mode in which words are connected in See also:

• ORDER
• ORDER (through Fr. ordre, for earlier ordene, from Lat. ordo, ordinis, rank, service, arrangement; the ultimate source is generally taken to be the root seen in Lat. oriri, rise, arise, begin; cf. " origin ")
• ORDER, HOLY

order to See also:

• EXPRESS (through the French from the past participle of the Lat. exprimere, to press out, by transference used of representing objects in painting or sculpture, or of thoughts, &c. in words)

express a See also:

• COMPLETE

complete thought, or, as it is termed in See also:

• LOGIC (Xoy1K7, sc. rixvrt, the art of reasoning)

logic, a proposition . The See also:

• OBJECT

object of language is to convey thought, and so See also:

• LONG, GEORGE (1800-1879)
• LONG, JOHN DAVIS (1838– )

long as this object is attained the machinery for attaining it is of comparatively slight importance . The way in See also:

• SCOPE (through Ital. scopo, aim, purpose, intent, from Gr. o'KOaos, mark to shoot at, aim, o ic07reiv, to see, whence the termination in telescope, microscope, &c.)

scope of which we combine our words and sentences matters grammar . little, provided that our meaning is clear to others . The expressions " horseflesh " and " flesh of a See also:

• HORSE (a word common to Teutonic languages in such forms as hors, hros, ros; cf. the Ger. ross)

horse " are equally intelligible to an Englishman and therefore are equally recognized.by See also:

• ENGLISH

English grammar . The See also:

• CHINESE, JAPANESE AND

Chinese manner of denoting a genitive is by placing the defining word before that which it defines, as in koue jin, " See also:

• MAN
• MAN, ISLE OF (anc. Mona)

man of the See also:

• KINGDOM

kingdom," literally " kingdom man," and the only See also:

• REASON (Lat. ratio, through French raison)

reason why it would be incorrect in See also:

• FRENCH
• FRENCH, DANIEL CHESTER (1850– )
• FRENCH, NICHOLAS (1604-1678)

French or See also:

• ITALIAN

Italian is that such a combination would be unintelligible to a Frenchman or an Italian . Hence it is evident that the grammatical correctness or incorrectness of an expression depends upon its intelligibility, that is to say, upon the See also:

• ORDINARY (med. Lat. ordinarius, Fr. ordinaire)

ordinary use and See also:

• CUSTOM (from O. Fr. costume, costume or coustume; Low Lat. costuma, a shortened form of consuetudo)

custom of a particular language . Whatever is so unfamiliar as not to be generally understood is also ungrammatical . In other words, it is contrary to the See also:

• HABIT (through the French from Lat. habitus, from habere, to have, hold, or, in a reflective sense, to be in a certain condition; in many of the English senses the French use habitude, not habit)

habit of a language, as determined by See also:

• COMMON

common usage and consent .

In this way we can explain how it happens that the grammar of a cultivated See also:

• DIALECT (from Gr. Sia stcror, conversation, manner of speaking, &aXeyec6at, to converse)

dialect and that of a See also:

• LOCAL

local dialect in the same See also:

• COUNTRY (from the Mid. Eng. contre or contrie, and O. Fr. cuntree; Late Lat. contrata, showing the derivation from contra, opposite, over against, thus the tract of land which fronts the sight, cf. Ger. Gegend, neighbourhood)

country so frequently disagree . Thus, in the dialect of See also:

• WEST
• WEST, BENJAMIN (1738-1820)
• WEST, NICHOLAS (1461-1533)

West See also:

• SOMERSET, EARLS AND DUKES OF
• SOMERSET, EDMUND BEAUFORT, DUKE OF (c. 1404–1455)
• SOMERSET, EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF (c. 1506–1552)
• SOMERSET, LORD ROBERT EDWARD HENRY (1776-1842)
• SOMERSET, ROBERT CARR (or KER), EARL OF (e. 1590-1645)

Somerset, thee is the nominative of the second See also:

• PERSONAL

personal pronoun, while in cultivated English the plural See also:

• ACCUSATIVE (Lat. accusativus, sc. casus, a translation of the Gr. aletartKI vrrwves, the case concerned with cause and effect, from atria, a cause)

accusative you (A.-S. cow) has come to represent a nominative singular . Both are grammatically correct within the See also:

• SPHERE (Gr. vclsa?pa, a ball or globe)

sphere of their respective dialects, but no further . You would be as ungrammatical in West Somerset as thee is in classical English; and both you and thee, as nominatives singular, would have been equally ungrammatical in See also:

• EARLY
• EARLY, JUBAL ANDERSON (1816-1894)

Early English . Grammatical propriety is nothing more than the established usage of a particular See also:

• BODY

body of speakers at a particular See also:

• TIME (0. Eng. Lima, cf. Icel. timi, Swed. timme, hour, Dan. time; from the root also seen in " tide," properly the time of between the flow and ebb of the sea, cf. O. Eng. getidan, to happen, " even-tide," &c.; it is not directly related to Lat. tempus)
• TIME, MEASUREMENT OF
• TIME, STANDARD

time in their See also:

• HISTORY

history . It follows from this that the grammar of a See also:

• PEOPLE

people changes, like its See also:

• PRONUNCIATION (Lat. pronuntiatio, from pronuntiare, proclaim, announce, pronounce)

pronunciation, from See also:

• AGE (Fr. age, through late Lat. aetaticum, from aetas)

age to age . Anglo-Saxon or Early English grammar is not the grammar of See also:

• MODERN

Modern English, any more than Latin grammar is the grammar of modern Italian; and to defend an unusual construction or See also:

• INFLEXION (from Lat. inflectere, to bend)

inflexion on the ground that it once existed in See also:

• LITERARY

literary Anglo-Saxon is as wrong as to import a peculiarity of some local dialect into the grammar of the cultivated speech . It further follows that different See also:

• LANGUAGES

languages will have different grammars, and that the See also:

• DIFFERENCES, CALCULUS OF (Theory of Finite Differences)

differences will be more or less according to the nearer or remoter relation-See also:

• SHIP

ship of the languages themselves and the modes of thought of those who speak them . Consequently, to force the grammatical framework of one language upon another is to misconceive the whole nature of the latter and seriously to mislead the learner . Chinese grammar, for instance, can never be under-stood until we discard, not only the terminology of See also:

• EUROPEAN

European grammar, but the very conceptions which underlie it, while the polysynthetic idioms of See also:

• AMERICA

America defy all attempts to discover in them " the parts of speech " and the various grammatical ideas which occupy so large a See also:

• PLACE (through Fr. from Lat. platea, street; Gr. IrAar6s, wide)

place in our school-grammars . The endeavour to find the distinctions of Latin grammar in that of English has only resulted in See also:

• GROTESQUE

grotesque errors, and a See also:

• TOTAL

total misapprehension of the usage of the English language . It is to the Latin grammarians—or, more correctly, to the See also:

• GREEK
• GREEK, ETRUSCAN AND

Greek grammarians, upon whose labours those of the Latin writers were based—that we owe the See also:

• CLASSIFICATION (Lat. classis, a class, probably from the root cal-, cla-, as in Gr. icaMce, clamor)

classification of the subjects with which grammar is commonly sup- sub-See also:

• DIVISION (from Lat. dividere, to break up into parts, separate)

division of posed to See also:

• DEAL

deal .

The grammar of See also:

• DIONYSIUS
• DIONYSIUS (c. 432–367 B.C.)

Dionysius Thrax, grammar . which he wrote for See also:

• ROMAN

Roman schoolboys in the time of See also:

• POMPEY

Pompey, has formed the starting-point for the innumerable school-grammars which have since seen the See also:

• LIGHT

light, and suggested that division of the See also:

• MATTER

matter treated of which they have followed . He defines grammar as a See also:

• PRACTICAL

practical acquaintance with the language of literary men, and as divided into six parts—accentuation and phonology, explanation of figurative expressions, See also:

• DEFINITION (Lat. definitio, from de-finire, to set limits to, describe)

definition, See also:

• ETYMOLOGY (Gr. grvµos, true, and X6yos, "account)

etymology, See also:

• GENERAL
• GENERAL (Lat. generalis, of or relating to a genus, kind or class)

general rules of flexion and See also:

• CRITICAL (in alphabetical order of authors)

critical canons . Of these, phonology and accentuation, or See also:

• PROSODY (Gr. rpovwSta)

prosody, can properly be included in grammar only in so far as the construction of a sentence and the grammatical meaning of a word are determined by See also:

• ACCENT

accent or letter-See also:

• CHANGE (derived through the Fr. from the Late Lat. cambium, cambiare, to barter; the ultimate derivation is probably from the root which appears in the Gr. «a urmu', to bend)

change; the accentual difference in English, for example, between See also:

• INCENSE

incense and incense belongs to the See also:

• PROVINCE
• PROVINCE (Lat. provincia; perhaps a contraction of providentia)

province of grammar, since it indicates a difference between noun and verb; and the changes of vowel in the Semitic languages, by which various nominal and verbal forms are distinguished from one another, constitute a very important See also:

• PART

part of their grammatical machinery . But where accent and pronunciation do not serve to express the relations of words in a sentence, they fall into the domain of phonology, not of grammar .. The explanation of figurative expressions, again, must be See also:

• LEFT

left to the rhetorician, and definition to the lexicographer; the grammarian has no more to do with them than he has with the canons of See also:

• CRITICISM
• CRITICISM (from the Gr. KpiTrlS, a judge, Kpivew, to decide, to give an authoritative opinion)

criticism . In fact, the old subdivision of grammar, inherited from the grammarians of See also:

• ROME
• ROME (Roma)

Rome and See also:

• ALEXANDRIA
• ALEXANDRIA (Arab. Iskenderia)

Alexandria, must be given up and a new one put in its place . What grammar really deals with are all those contrivances whereby the relations of words and sentences are pointed out . Sometimes it is position, sometimes phonetic symbolization, sometimes See also:

• COMPOSITION
• COMPOSITION (Lat. compositio, from componere, to put together)

composition, sometimes flexion, sometimes the use of auxiliaries, which enables the See also:

• SPEAKER

speaker to combine his words in such a way that they shall be intelligible to another . Grammar may accordingly be divided into the three departments of composition or " word-See also:

• BUILDING

building," syntax and See also:

• ACCIDENCE (a mis-spelling of " accidents," from the Latin neuter plural accidentia, casual events)

accidence, by which is meant an exposition of the means adopted by language for expressing the relations of grammar when recourse is not had to composition or See also:

• SIMPLE

simple position . A systematized exposition of grammar may be intended for the purely practical purpose of teaching the mechanism of a See also:

• FOREIGN

foreign language . In this See also:

• CASE
• CASE, JOHN (d. 1600)

case all that is necessary is a correct and complete statement of the facts .

But Modes of a correct and complete statement of the facts is by no See also:

• MEAT

meat. means so easy a matter as might appear at first sight . The facts will be distorted by a false theory in regard to them, while they will certainly not be presented in a complete See also:

• FORM (Lat. forma)

form if the grammarian is ignorant of the true theory they presuppose . The Semitic verb, for example, remains unintelligible so long as the explanation of its forms is sought in the conjugation of the See also:

• ARYAN

Aryan verb, since it has no tenses in the Aryan sense of the word, but denotes relation and not time . A See also:

• GOOD, JOHN MASON (1764-1827)

good practical grammar of a language, therefore, should be based on a correct appreciation of the facts which it expounds, and a correct appreciation of the facts is only possible where they are examined and co-ordinated in accordance with the scientific method . A practical grammar ought, wherever it is possible, to be preceded by a scientific grammar . Comparison is the See also:

• INSTRUMENT (Lat. instrumentum, from insincere, to build up, furnish, arrange, prepare)

instrument with which See also:

• SCIENCE (Lat. scientia, from scire; to learn, know)

science See also:

• WORKS

works, and a scientific grammar, accordingly, is one in which the See also:

• COMPARATIVE

comparative method has been applied to the relations of speech . If we would understand the origin and real nature of grammatical forms, and of the relations which they represent, we must compare them with similar forms in kindred dialects and languages, as well as with the forms under which they appeared themselves at an earlier See also:

• PERIOD
• PERIOD (Gr. irepioSos, a going or way round, circuit, aepi, round, and &Sis, way, road)

period of their history . We shall thus have a comparative grammar and an See also:

• HISTORICAL

historical grammar, the latter being devoted to tracing the history of grammatical forms and usages in the same language . Of course, an historical grammar is only possible where a See also:

• SUCCESSION (Lat. successio, from succedere, to follow after)

succession of written records exists; where a language possesses no older literature we must be content with a comparative grammar only, and look to cognate idioms to throw light upon its grammatical peculiarities . In this case we have frequently to leave whole forms unexplained, or at most conjecturally interpreted, since the machinery by means of which the relations of grammar are symbolized is often changed so completely during the growth of a language as to cause its earlier shape and See also:

• CHARACTER (Gr. xapareri7p, from xap&crew, to scratch)

character to be unrecognizable . Moreover, our See also:

• AREA

area of comparison must be as wide as possible; where we have but two or three languages to compare, we are in danger of building up conclusions on insufficient See also:

• EVIDENCE (Lat. evidentia, evideri, to appear clearly)

evidence . The grammatical errors of the classical philologists of the 18th See also:

• CENTURY (from Lat. centuria, a division of a hundred men)

century were in See also:

• GREAT

great measure due to the fact that their area of comparison was confined to Latin and Greek .

The historical grammar of a single language or dialect, which traces the grammatical forms and usages of the language as far back as documentary evidence allows, affords material to the comparative grammarian, whose task it is to compare the grammatical forms and usages of an allied See also:

• GROUP

group of See also:

• TONGUES, GIFT OF, or GLOSSOLALIA (yXwova, tongue, aXeiv, speak)

tongues and thereby reduce them to their earliest forms and senses . The See also:

• WORK

work thus carried out by the comparative grammarian within a particular See also:

• FAMILY

family of languages is made use of by universal grammar, the object of which is to determine the ideas that under-See also:

• LIE, JONAS LAURITZ EDEMIL (1833—1908)
• LIE, MARIUS SOPHUS (1842–1899)

lie all grammar whatsoever, as distinct from those that are See also:

• PECULIAR

peculiar to See also:

• SPECIAL

special families of speech . Universal grammar is sometimes known as " the See also:

• METAPHYSICS
• METAPHYSICS, or METAPHYSIC (from Gr. /sera, after, d v med, things of nature, lots, i.e. the natural universe)

metaphysics of language," and it has to decide such questions as the nature of gender or of the verb, the true purport of the genitive relation, or the origin of grammar itself . Such questions, it is clear, can only be answered by comparing the results gained by the comparative treatment of the grammars of various See also:

• GROUPS
• GROUPS, THEORY

groups of language . What historical grammar is to comparative grammar, comparative grammar is to universal grammar . Universal grammar, as founded on the results of the scientific study of speech, is thus essentially different from that " universal grammar " so much in See also:

• VOGUE, EUGENE MELCHIOR, COMTE DE (1848- )

vogue at the beginning of the 19th century, which consisted of a See also:

• SERIES (a Latin word from serere, to join)

series of a priori assumptions based on the peculiarities of European grammar and illustrated from the same source . But universal grammar, as conceived by modern science, is as yet in its See also:

• INFANCY

infancy; its materials are still in the See also:

• PROCESS

process of being collected . The comparative grammar of the Indo-European languages is alone in an advanced See also:

• STATE
• STATE, GREAT OFFICERS OF

state, those of the Semitic idioms, of the Finno-Ugrian tongues and of the See also:

• BANTU

Bantu dialects of See also:

• SOUTHERN

southern See also:

• AFRICA
• AFRICA, ROMAN

Africa are still in a backward See also:

• CONDITION (Lat. condicio, from condicere, to agree upon, arrange; not connected with conditio, from condere, conditum, to put together)

condition; and the other families of speech existing in the See also:

• WORLD

world, with the exception of the Malayo-Polynesian and the Sonorian of See also:

• NORTH
• NORTH, BARONS
• NORTH, MARIANNE (1830—1890)
• NORTH, ROGER (1653-1734)
• NORTH, SIR THOMAS (1535?-16o1?)

North America, have not as yet been treated scientifically . Chinese, it is true, possesses an historical grammar, and See also:

• VAN

Van Eys, in his comparative grammar of Basque, endeavoured to solve the problems of that interesting language by a comparison of its various dialects; but in both cases the area of comparison is too small for more than a limited success to be attainable . Instead of attempting the questions of universal grammar, therefore, it will be better to confine our See also:

• ATTENTION (from Lat. ad-tendo, await, expect; the condition of being " stretched " or " tense ")

attention to three points—the fundamental differences in the grammatical conceptions of different groups of languages, the See also:

• MAIN (from the Aryan root which appears in " may " and " might," and Lat. magnus, great)
• MAIN (Lat. Moenus)

main results of a scientific investigation of Indo-European grammar, and the light thrown by comparative See also:

• PHILOLOGY

philology upon the grammar of our own See also:

• TONGUE (O. Eng. lunge)

tongue . The proposition or sentence is the unit and starting-point of speech, and grammar, as we have seen, consists in the relations Differ- of its several parts one to another, together with the ences in expression of them . These relations may be regarded grammar from various points of view .

In the polysynthetic 0f 'mauled languages of America the sentence is conceived as a languages. whole, not composed of See also:

• INDEPENDENT

independent words, but, like the thought which it expresses, one and indivisible . What we should denote by a series of words is consequently denoted by a single long See also:

• COMPOUND
• COMPOUND (from Lat. componere, to combine or put together)

compound—kuligatchis in See also:

• DELAWARE

Delaware, for instance, signifying " give me your See also:

• PRETTY

pretty little paw," and aglekkigiartdr-asuarnipok in See also:

• ESKIMO, ESKIMOS

Eskimo, " he goes away hastily and exerts himself to write." Individual words can be, and often are, extracted from the sentence; but in this case they stand, as it were, outside it, being represented by a pronoun within the sentence itself . Thus, in Mexican, we can say not only ni-sotsi-temoa, " I look for See also:

• FLOWERS, ARTIFICIAL

flowers," but also ni-k-temoa sotsitl, where the interpolated guttural is the See also:

• OBJECTIVE, or OBJECT GLASS

objective pronoun . As a necessary result of this conception of the sentence the See also:

• AMERICAN

American languages possess no true verb, each See also:

• ACT (Lat. actus, actum)

act being expressed as a whole by a single word . In See also:

• CHEROKEE
• CHEROKEE (native Tsalagi, " cave people ")

Cherokee, for example, while there is no verb signifying " to See also:

• WASH, THE

wash " in the abstract, no less than thirteen words are used to signify every conceivable mode and object of washing . In the incorporating languages, again, of which Basque may be taken as a type, the object cannot be conceived except as contained in the verbal See also:

• ACTION

action . Hence every verbal form embodies an objective pronoun, even though the object may be separately expressed . If we pass to an isolating language like Chinese, we find the exact converse of that which meets us in the polysynthetic tongues . Here each proposition or thought is analysed into its several elements, and these are set over against one another as so many independent words . The relations of grammar are consequently denoted by position, the particular position of two or more words determining the relation they See also:

• BEAR
• BEAR, BLACK
• BEAR, BROWN
• BEAR, GRIZZLY
• BEAR, ISABELLINE
• BEAR, WHITE

bear to each other . The See also:

• ANALYSIS (Gr. avci and Meta, to break up into parts)

analysis of the sentence has not been carried so far in agglutinative languages like See also:

• TURKISH

Turkish . In these the relations of grammar are represented by individual words, which, however, are subordinated to the words expressing the main ideas intended to be in relation to one another .

The defining words, or indices of grammatical relations, are, in a large number of instances, placed after the words which they define; in some cases, however, as, for example, in the Bantu languages of southern Africa, the relation is conceived from the opposite point of view, the defining words being prefixed . The inflexional languages See also:

• CALL (from Anglo-Saxon ceallian, a common Teutonic word, cf. Dutch kallen, to talk or chatter)

call in the aid of a new principle . The relations of grammar are denoted symbolically either by a change of vowel or by a change of termination, more rarely by a change at the beginning of a word . Each See also:

• IDEA (Gr. Ibia, connected with i&eiv, to see; cf. Lat. species from specere, to look at)

idea, together with the relation which it bears to the other ideas of a proposition, is thus represented by a single word; that is to say, the ideas which make up the elements of a sentence are not conceived severally and independently, as in Chinese, but as always having a certain connexion with one another . Inflexional languages, however, tend to become See also:

• ANALYTICAL

analytical by the logical separation of the flexion from the idea to which it is attached, though the See also:

• PRIMITIVE

primitive point of view is never altogether discarded, and traces of flexion remain even in English and See also:

• PERSIAN
• PERSIAN, SYRIAN, EGYPTIAN AND TURKISH

Persian . In fact, there is no example of a language which has wholly forsaken the conception of the sentence and the relation of its elements with which it started, although each class of languages occasionally trespasses on the grammatical usages of the others . In language, as elsewhere in nature, there are no See also:

• SHARP, GRANVILLE (1735-1813)
• SHARP, JAMES (1618-1679)
• SHARP, JOHN (1645-1714)
• SHARP, RICHARD (1759-1835)
• SHARP, WILLIAM (1749-1824)
• SHARP, WILLIAM (1856-1905)

sharp lines of division, no sudden leaps; See also:

• SPECIES

species passes insensibly into species, class into class . At the same time the several types of speech—polysynthetic, isolating, agglutinative and inflexional—remain clear and fixed; and even where two languages belong to the same general type, as, for instance, an Indo-European and a Semitic language in the inflexional group, or a Bantu and a Turkish language in the agglutinative group, we find no certain example of grammatical interchange . A mixed grammar, in which the grammatical See also:

• PROCEDURE (Fr. procedure, from Lat. procedere, to go for-ward)

procedure of two distinct families of speech is intermingled, is almost, if not altogether, unknown . It is obvious, therefore, that grammar constitutes the surest and most important basis for a classification of languages . Words may be borrowed freely by one dialect from another, or, though originally unrelated, may, by the action of phonetic decay, come to assume the same forms, while the limited number of articulate sounds and conceptions out of which language was first See also:

• DEVELOPED

developed, and the similarity of the circumstances by which the first speakers were everywhere surrounded, naturally produce a resemblance between the roots of many unconnected tongues . Where, however, the fundamental conceptions of grammar and Universal grammar .

the machinery by which they are expressed are the same, we may have no hesitation in inferring a common origin . The main results of scientific inquiry into the origin and primitive meaning of the forms of Indo-European grammar may be summed up as follows . We start with stems or themes, by which are meant words of two or more syllables which terminate in a limited number of sounds . These stems can be classed in groups of two kinds, one in which the groups consist of stems of similar meanings and similar initial syllables, and another in which the final syllables alone coincide . In the first case we have what are termed roots, the simplest elements into which words can be decomposed; in the second case stems proper, which may be described as consisting of suffixes attached to roots . Roots, therefore, are merely the materials out of which speech can be made, the embodiments of isolated conceptions with which the lexicographer alone has to deal, whereas stems See also:

• PRESENT

present us with words already combined in a sentence and embodying the relations of grammar . If we would rightly understand primitive Indo-European grammar, we must conceive it as having been expressed or implied in the suffixes of the stems, and in the order according to which the stems were arranged in a sentence . In other words, the relations of grammar were denoted partly by juxtaposition or syntax, partly by the suffixes of stems . These suffixes were probably at first unmeaning, or rather clothed with vague significations, which changed according to the place occupied in the sentence by the See also:

• STEM (O. Eng. staefn, stemn, cf. Du. stain, Ger. Stamm, &c., probably related to " staff ")

stem to which they were joined . Gradually this vagueness of signification disappeared, and particular suffixes came to be set apart to represent particular relations of grammar . What had hitherto been expressed by See also:

• MERE
• MERE, ADALBERT (1838-1909)

mere position now attached itself to the terminations or suffixes of stems, which accordingly became full-grown words . Some of the suffixes denoted purely grammatical ideas, that is to say, were flexions; others were classificatory, serving to distinguish nouns from verbs, presents from aorists, See also:

• OBJECTS

objects from agents and the like; while others, again, remained unmeaning adjuncts of the See also:

• ROOT (late O.E. rot, adopted from Scand., cf. Norw. and Swed. rot, Dan. rod; the true O.E. word was wyrt, plant, represented in Ger. Wurz or Wurzel; the ultimate root is the same in both words, and is seen in Lat. radix)
• ROOT, ELIHU (1845– )

root .

This origin of the flexions explains the otherwise See also:

• STRANGE, SIR ROBERT (1721-1792)

strange fact that the same suffix may symbolize wholly different grammatical relations . In Latin, for instance, the context and See also:

• DICTIONARY

dictionary will alone tell us that See also:

• MUS

mus-as is the accusative plural of a noun, and am-as the second See also:

• PERSON, OFFENCES AGAINST THE

person singular of a verb, or that mus-a is the nominative singular of a feminine substantive, bon-a the accusative plural of a neuter See also:

• ADJECTIVE (from the Lat. adjectives, added)

adjective . In See also:

• SHORT, FRANCIS JOB (1857– )

short, the flexions were originally merely the terminations of stems which were adapted to express the various relations of words to each other in a sentence, as these gradually presented themselves to the consciousness and were extracted from what had been previously implied by position . Necessarily, the same suffix might be used sometimes in a classificatory, sometimes in a flexional sense, and sometimes without any definite sense at all . In the Greek See also:

• DATIVE (Lat. dativus, giving or given, from dare, to give)

dative-locative Ir6S-See also:

• EA(nar...), (p.s„,.,.)
• EA(psr...), (p, „...)• (pqr...)

ea-at, for example, the suffix -es is classificatory; in the nominative abS-es it is flexional . When a particular termination or suffix once acquired a special sense, it would be separated in thought from the stem to which it belonged, and attached in the same sense to other stems and other terminations . Thus in modern English we can attach the suffix -ize to almost any word whatsoever, in order to give the latter a transitive meaning, and the Gr. mr56evvi, quoted above, really contains no less than three suffixes, -es, -au and =c, the last two both denoting the locative, and coalescing, through eh, into a single syllable -at . The latter instance shows us how two or more suffixes denoting exactly the same idea may be tacked on one to another, if the See also:

• ORIGINAL

original force and signification of the first of them comes to be forgotten . Thus, in O . Eng. sang-estre was the feminine of sang-ere, " See also:

• SINGER, SIMEON (1846-1906)

singer," but the meaning of the termination has so entirely. died out of the memory that we have to add the Romanic -See also:

• ESS, JOHANN HEINRICH VAN (1772-1847)

ess to it if we would still distinguish it from the masculine singer . A See also:

• FAMILIAR (through the Fr. familier, from Lat. familiaris, of or belonging to the familia, family)

familiar example of the way in which the full sense of the exponent of a grammatical idea fades from the mind and has to be supplied by a new exponent is afforded by the use of expletives in conversational Englishto denote the superlative . " Very warm " expresses little more than the See also:

• POSITIVE (or PORTABLE) ORGAN

positive, and to represent the intensity of his feelings the Englishman has recourse to such expressions as " awfully warm " like the Ger .

" schrecklich warm." Such words as " very," " awfully," " schrecklich," illustrate a second mode in which Indo-European grammar has found means of expression . Words may lose their true signification and become the mere exponents of grammatical ideas . See also:

• PROFESSOR (the Latin noun formed from the verb profiteri, to declare publicly, to acknowledge, profess)

Professor See also:

• EARLE, JOHN (c. 16o1-1665)
• EARLE, RALPH (1751-1801)

Earle divides all words into presentive and symbolic, the former denoting objects and conceptions, the latter the relations which exist between these . Symbolic words, therefore, are what the Chinese grammarians call " empty words "—words, that is, which have been divested of their proper signification and serve a grammatical purpose only . Many of the classificatory and some of the flexional suffixes of Indo-European speech can be shown to have had this origin . Thus the suffix See also:

• TAR

tar, which denotes names of kinship and agency, seems to come from the same root as the See also:

• LAT

Lat. See also:

• TERMINUS

terminus and trans, our through, the Sans. tar-See also:

• ANTI, or CAMPA

anti, " I pass over," and to have primarily signified " one that goes through " a thing . Thus, too, the Eng. See also:

• HEAD (in 0. Eng. heafad; the word is common to Teutonic languages; cf. Dutch hoofd, Ger. Haupt, generally taken to be in origin connected with Lat. caput, Gr. KerbOvi7)
• HEAD, SIR EDMUND WALKER, BART
• HEAD, SIR FRANCIS BOND, BART

head or See also:

• HOOD,
• HOOD, JOHN BELL (1831–1879)
• HOOD, SAMUEL HOOD, VISCOUNT (1724–1816)
• HOOD, SIR SAMUEL (1762-1814)
• HOOD, THOMAS (1799-1845)
• HOOD, TOM (1835–1874)

hood, in words like godhead and brotherhood, is the A.-S. had, " character " or " See also:

• RANK (O.Fr. rant or rent, mod. rang, generally connected with the O.E. and O.H.G. bring, a ring)

rank "; donz, in kingdom, the A.-S. dom, " See also:

• JUDGMENT

judgment "; and See also:

• LOCK (from the O. Eng. loc.; the word appears, in different forms, in many Teutonic languages, but with such various meanings as " hole," Ger. Loch, " lid," Swed. lock, &c.; probably the original was a root meaning " to enclose ")
• LOCK, MATTHIAS

lock or ledge, in wedlock and knowledge, the A.-S . Mc, " See also:

• SPORT (a contracted or shortened form of "disport," to amuse, divert oneself, O. Fr. se dis porter or deporter, to leave off work, hence to play, Lat. dis-, away, and portare, to carry; the origin of the meaning lies in the notion of turning away from ser

sport " or " See also:

• GIFT (a common Teutonic word, cf. Ger. die Gift, gift, das Gift, poison, formed from the Teut. stem gab-, to give, cf. Dutch geven, Ger. geben; in O. Eng. the word appears with initial y, the guttural of later English is due to Scandinavian influence)

gift." In all these cases the " empty words," after first losing every trace of their original significance, have followed the general See also:

• ANALOGY (Gr. avaXo-yLa, proportion)

analogy of the language and assumed the form and functions of the suffixes with which they had been confused . A third mode of representing the relations of grammar is by the symbolic use of vowels and diphthongs . In Greek, for instance, the distinction between the reduplicated present &Scow and the reduplicated perfect &See also:

• SANTA

Santa is indicated by a distinction of vowel, and in primitive Aryan grammar the vowel d seems to have been set apart to denote the subjunctive See also:

• MOOD

mood just as ya or i was set apart to denote the potential . So, too, according to M . Hovelacque, the change of a into i or u in the See also:

• PARENT, SIMON NAPOLEON (1855– )

parent Indo-European symbolized a change of meaning from passive to active .

This symbolic use of the vowels, which is the purest application of the principle of flexion, is far less extensively carried out in the Indo-European than in the Semitic languages . The Semitic family of speech is therefore a much more characteristic type of the inflexional languages than is the Indo-European . The primitive Indo-European noun possessed at least eight cases—nominative, accusative, vocative, instrumental, dative, genitive, See also:

• ABLATIVE (Lat. ablativus, sc. cases, from ablatum, taken away)

ablative and locative . M . Bergaigne has attempted to show that the first three of these, the " strong cases " as they are termed, are really abstracts formed by the suffixes -as (-s), -an, -m, -t, -i, -d and -ya (-i), the plural being nothing more than an abstract singular, as may be readily seen by comparing words like the Gr. giro-s, and dire-s, which mean precisely the same . The remaining" weak " cases, formed by the suffixes -sma, -sya, -syd, -yd, -i, -an, -t, -bhi, -set, -i, -a and -a, are really adjectives and adverbs . No distinction, for example, can be See also:

• DRAWN

drawn between " a See also:

• CUP (in O.E. cuppe; generally taken to be from Late Lat. cuppa, a variant of Lat. cupa, a cask, cf. Gr. KuaeXXov)

cup of See also:

• GOLD
• GOLD [symbol Au, atomic weight 195.7(H = 1),197.2(0 =16)]

gold " and " a See also:

• GOLDEN

golden cup," and the instrumental, the dative, the ablative and the locative are, when closely examined, merely adverbs attached to a verb . The terminations of the strong cases do not displace the accent of the stem to which they are suffixed; the suffixes of the weak cases, - on the other See also:

• HAND
• HAND (a word common to Teutonic languages; cf. Ger. Hand, Goth. handus)
• HAND, FERDINAND GOTTHELF (1786-185r)

hand, generally draw the accent upon themselves . According to Hubschmann, the nominative, accusative and genitive cases are purely grammatical, distinguished from one another through the exigencies of the sentence only, whereas the locative, ablative and instrumental have a logical origin and determine the logical relation which the three other cases bear to each other and the verb . The nature of the dative is left undecided . The locative primarily denotes See also:

• REST (O. Eng. rest, reste, bed, cognate with other Teutonic forms, e.g. Ger. Rast, Riiste, rest, and probably Gothic Rasta, league, i.e. resting or stopping place)

rest in a place, the ablative See also:

• MOTION (Lat. motio, from movere, to move)
• MOTION, LAWS OF

motion from a place, and the instrumental the means or concomitance of an action . The dative Hubschmann regards as " the case of the participant object." Like Hubschmann, Holzweissig divides the cases into two classes—the one grammatical and the other logical; and his analysis of their primitive meaning is the same as that of Hubschmann, except as regards Forms of /See also:

• ADO (d. 874)

ado-European grammar .

the dative, the primary sense of which he thinks to have been motion towards a place . This is also the view of See also:

• DELBRUCK, HANS (1848— )
• DELBRUCK, MARTIN FRIEDRICH RUDOLF VON

Delbruck, who makes it denote tendency towards an object . Delbruck, how-ever, holds that the primary sense of the ablative was that of separation, the instrumental originally indicating concomitance, while there was a See also:

• DOUBLE
• DOUBLE (from the Mid. Eng. duble, the form which gives the present pronunciation, through the Old Er. duble, from Lat. duplus, twice as much)

double locative, one used like the ablative See also:

• ABSOLUTE (Lat. absolvere, to loose, set free)

absolute in Latin, the other being a locative of the object . The dual was older than the plural, and after the development of the latter survived as a merely useless encumbrance, of which most of the Indo-European languages contrived in time to get rid . There are still many See also:

• SAVAGE
• SAVAGE, MINOT JUDSON (1841– )
• SAVAGE, RICHARD (d. 1743)

savage idioms in which the conception of See also:

• PLURALITY (0. Fr. pluralitd, Late Lat. pluralitas, plural number)

plurality has not advanced beyond that of duality . In the Bushman dialects, for instance, the plural, or rather that which is more than one, is expressed by repeating the word; thus to is " mouth," tutu " mouths." It may be shown that most of the suffixes of the Indo-European dual are the longer and more primitive forms of those of the plural which have grown out of them by the help of phonetic decay . The plural of the weak cases, on the other hand (the accusative alone excepted), was identical with the singular of abstract nouns; so far as both form and meaning are concerned, no distinction can be drawn between ones and isms . Similarly, humanity and men signify one and the same thing, and the use of English words like See also:

• SHEEP
• SHEEP (from the Anglo-Saxon sceap, a word common in various forms to Teutonic languages; e.g. the German Schaf)

sheep or See also:

• FISH (O. Eng. fist, a word common to Teutonic languages, cf. Dutch visch, Ger. Fisch, Goth. fisks, cognate with the Lat. piscis)
• FISH, HAMILTON (1808-1893)

fish for both singular and plural shows to what an extent our appreciation of number is determined by the context rather than by the form of the noun . The so-called " broken plurals " of Arabic and Ethiopic are really singular collectives employed to denote the plural . Gender is the product partly of analogy, partly of phonetic decay . In many languages, such as Eskimo and See also:

• CHOCTAW

Choctaw, its place is taken by a division of objects into animate and inanimate, while in other languages they are separated into rational and irrational . There are many indications that the parent Indo-European in an early See also:

• STAGE (Fr. 6/age; from Lat. stare, to stand)

stage of its existence had no signs of gender at all .

The terminations of the names of See also:

• FATHER

father and See also:

• MOTHER

mother, paler and mater, for example, are exactly the same, and in Latin and Greek many diphthongal stems, as well as stems in i or ya and u (like vacs and vEKVr, rats and Xis), may be indifferently masculine and feminine . Even stems in o and a (of the second and first declensions), though the first are generally masculine and the second generally feminine, by no means invariably maintain the See also:

• RULE

rule; and feminines like humus and bbOs, or masculines like advena and rroAlrns, show that there was a time when these stems also indicated no particular gender, but owed their subsequent See also:

• ADAPTATION (from Lat. adaptare. to fit to)

adaptation, the one to See also:

• MARK
• MARK, CARL (1858– )
• MARK, GOSPEL OF ST
• MARK, ST

mark the masculine and the other to mark the feminine, to the See also:

• INFLUENCE (Late Lat. influentia, from influere, to flow in)

influence of analogy . The idea of gender was first suggested by the difference between man and woman, male and See also:

• FEMALE

female, and, as in so many languages at the present See also:

• DAY (O. Eng. dreg, Ger. Tag; according to the New English Dictionary, " in no way related to the Lat. dies")
• DAY, JOHN (1574-1640?)
• DAY, THOMAS (1748-1789)

day, was represented not by any outward sign but by the meaning of the words themselves . When once arrived at, the conception of gender was extended to other objects besides those to which it properly belonged . The primitive Indo-European did not distinguish between subject and object, but personified objects by ascribing to them the motives and See also:

• POWERS, HIRAM (1805-1873)

powers of living beings . Accordingly they were referred to by different pronouns, one class denoting the masculine and another class the feminine, and the distinction that existed between these two classes of pronouns was after a time transferred to the nouns . As soon as the preponderant number of stems in o in daily use had come to be regarded as masculine on See also:

• ACCOUNT
• ACCOUNT (through O. Fr. acont, Late Lat. comptum, cornputare, to calculate)

account of their meaning, other stems in o, whatever might be their signification, were made to follow the general analogy and were similarly classed as masculines . In the same way, the suffix i or ya acquired a feminine sense, and was set apart to represent the feminine gender . Unlike the Semites, the Indo-Europeans were not satisfied with these two genders, masculine and feminine . As soon as object and subject, patient and See also:

• AGENT (from Lat. agere, to act)

agent, were clearly distinguished from each other, there arose a need for a third gender, which should be neither masculine nor feminine, but denote things without See also:

• LIFE

life . This third gender was fittingly expressed either by the objective case used as a nominative (e.g. regnum), or by a stem without any case ending at all (e.g. See also:

• VIRUS, CHRISTOBAL DE (1550?-1615?)

virus) . The adverbial meaning of so many of the cases explains the readiness with which they became crystallized into adverbs and prepositions .

An adverb is the attribute of an attribute—" the See also:

• ROSE
• ROSE (Rosa)
• ROSE, GEORGE (1744-1818)
• ROSE, HUGH JAMES (1795—1838)
• ROSE, WILLIAM STEWART (1775-1843)

rose smells sweetly," for example, being resolvable into "the rose has the attribute of See also:

• SCENT

scent with the further attribute of sweetness." In our own language once, twice, needs, are all genitives; seldom is a dative . The Latin and Greek humi and xa).iat are locatives, facillime (facillumed) and ebrVXi r ablatives, rravrf and a,ua instrumentals, rrapos, i 6s and rr)Xov genitives . The frequency with which particular cases of particular nouns were used in a specifically attributive sense caused them to become, as it were, petrified, the other cases of the nouns in question passing out of use, and the original force of those that were retained being gradually forgotten . Prepositions are adverbs employed to define nouns instead of verbs and adjectives . Their See also:

• APPEARANCE (from Lat. apparere, to appear)

appearance in the Indo-European languages is comparatively See also:

• LATE

late, and the Homeric poems allow us to trace their growth in Greek . The adverb, originally intended to define the verb, came to be construed with the noun, and the See also:

• GOVERNMENT
• GOVERNMENT (0. Fr. governement, mod. gouvernement, O. Fr. governer, mod. gouverner, from Lat. gubernare, to steer a ship, guide, rule; cf. Gr. xv(3epvav)

government of the case with which it was construed was accordingly transferred from the verb to the noun . Thus when we read in the Odyssey (iv . 43), abrous 1' doi33yov Beiov Soµov, we see that as is still an adverb, and that the accusative is governed by the verb; it is quite otherwise, however, with a See also:

• LINE

line like Arpelbns bi yipovras aoXXias r)yev 'Axauav is KXtal7v (Il. i . 89) where the adverb has passed into a preposition . The same process of transformation is still going on in English, where we can say indifferently, " What are you looking at ? " using "at " as an adverb, and governing the pronoun by the verb, and " At what are you looking?" where "at " has become a preposition . With the growth and increase of prepositions the need of the case-endings diminished, and in some languages the latter disappeared altogether .

Like prepositions, conjunctions also are primarily adverbs used in a See also:

• DEMONSTRATIVE

demonstrative and relative sense . Hence most of the conjunctions are petrified cases of pronouns . The relation between two sentences was originally expressed by simply setting them See also:

• SIDE
• SIDE (mod. Eski Adalia)

side by side, afterwards by employing a demonstrative at the beginning of the second clause to refer to the whole pre-ceding one . The relative pronoun can be shown to have been in the first instance a demonstrative; indeed, we can still use that in English in a relative sense . Since the demonstrative at the beginning of the second clause represented the first clause, and was consequently an attribute of the second, it had to stand in some case, and this case became a See also:

• CONJUNCTION (from Lat. conjungere, to join together)

conjunction . How closely allied the adverb and the conjunction are may be seen from Greek and Latin, where ths or quum can be used as either the one or the other . Our own and, it may be observed, has probably the same root as the Greek locative adverb Eri, and originally signified " going further." Another form of adverb is the See also:

• INFINITIVE

infinitive, the adverbial force of which appears clearly in such a phrase as " A wonderful thing to see." Various cases, such as the locative, the dative or the instrumental, are employed in Vedic See also:

• SANSKRIT

Sanskrit in the sense of the infinitive, besides the See also:

• BARE

bare stem or neuter formed by the suffixes man and van . In Greek the neuter stem and the dative case were alone retained for the purpose . The first is found in infinitives like bOyev and Opens (for an earlier Oepe fep), the second in the infinitives in -ac . Thus the Gr . 8ofivac answers letter for letter to the Vedic dative ddvane, " to give," and the form 1/tei&eoBae is explained by the Vedic vayodhai, for vayas-dhai, literally " to do living," dhai being the dative of a noun from the root dha, " to place " or " do." When the form iliebbewOat had once come into existence, analogy was ready to create such false imitations as ypanbaaBac or ypac/Bi7Qev8ac . The Latin infinitive in -re for -se has the same origin, aware, for instance, being the dative of an old stem amas .

In fieri for fierei or fiesci, from the same root as our English be, the original length of the final syllable is preserved . The suffix in -See also:

• URN (Lat. urna, either from root of urere, to burn, being made of burnt clay, or connected with urceus, Gr. I5pxa, jar)

urn is an accusative, like the corresponding infinitive of classical Sanskrit . This origin of the infinitive explains the Latin construction of the accusative and infinitive . When the Roman said, " Miror to ad me nihil scribere," all that he meant at first was, " I wonder at you for See also:

• WRITING
• WRITING (the verbal noun of " to write," O. Eng. writan, to inscribe)

writing nothing to me," where the infinitive was merely a dative case used adverbially . The history of the infinitive makes it clear how little distinction must have been See also:

• FELT (cognate with Ger. Filz, Du. vilt, Swed. and Dan. fill; the root is unknown; the word has given Med. Lat. filtrum, " filter ")

felt at the outset between the noun and the verb . Indeed, the growth of the verb was a slow process . There was a time in the history of Indo-European speech when it had not as yet risen to the consciousness of the speaker, and in the period when the noun did not possess a plural there was as yet also no verb . The See also:

• ATTACHMENT

attachment of the first and second personal pronouns, or of suffixes resembling them, to certain stems, was the first stage in the development of the latter . Like the Semitic verb, the Indo-European verb seems primarily to have denoted relation only, and to have been attached as an attribute to the subject . The idea of time, however, was soon put into it, and two tenses were created, the one expressing a present or continuous action, the other an aoristic or momentary one . The distinction of sense was symbolized by a distinction of pronunciation, the root-syllable of the See also:

• AORIST (from Gr. abpOrror, indefinite)

aorist being an abbreviated form of that of the present . This See also:

• ABBREVIATION (Lat. brevis, short)

abbreviation was due to a change in the position of the accent (which was shifted from the stem-syllable to the termination), and this change again was probably occasioned by the prefixing of the so-called See also:

• AUGMENT (Lat. augere, to increase)

augment to the aorist, which survived into historical times only in Sanskrit, Zend and Greek, and the origin of which is still a See also:

• MYSTERY (Gr. µw(Trilpcov, from tcuvrm, an initiate, µfew, to shut the mouth)

mystery .

The See also:

• WEIGHT

weight of the first syllable in the aorist further caused the person-endings to be shortened, and so two sets of person-endings, usually termed primary and secondary, sprang into existence . By reduplicating the root-syllable of the present tense a perfect was formed; but originally no distinction was made between present and perfect, and Greek verbs like SL& . and ')KW are memorials of a time when the difference between " I am come " and " I have come " was not yet felt . Reduplication was further adapted to the expression of intensity and See also:

• DESIRE

desire (in the so-called intensive and desiderative forms) . By the side of the aorist stood the imperfect, which differed from the aorist, so far as outward form was concerned, only in possessing the longer and more original stem of the present . Indeed, as See also:

• BENFEY, THEODOR (1809-1881)

Benfey first saw, the aorist itself was primitively an imperfect, and the distinction between aorist and imperfect is not older than the period when the stem-syllables of certain imperfects were shortened through the influence of the accent, and this differentiation of forms appropriated to denote a difference between the sense of the aorist and the imperfect which was beginning to be felt . After the analogy of the imperfect, a pluperfect was created out of the perfect by prefixing the augment (of which the Greek i,UEt171KOP is an See also:

• ILLUSTRATION

illustration); though the pluperfect, too, was originally an imperfect formed from the reduplicated present . Besides time, mood was also expressed by the primitive Indo-European verb, recourse being had to symbolization for the purpose . The imperative was represented by the bare stem, like the vocative, the accent being drawn back to the first syllable, though other modes of denoting it soon came into vogue . Possibility was symbolized by the attachment of the suffix -ya to the stem, See also:

• PROBABILITY (Lat. probabilis, probable or credible)

probability by the attachment of -a and -a, and in this way the optative and conjunctive moods first arose . The creation of a future by the help of the suffix -sya seems to belong to the same period in the history of the verb . This suffix is probably identical with that used to form a large class of adjectives and genitives (like the Greek iir7roio for i1r7rooto); in this case future time will have been regarded as an attribute of the subject, no distinction being drawn, for instance, between " rising See also:

• SUN
• SUN (0. Eng. sonne, Ger. sonne. Fr. soleil, Lat. sol, Gr. ijXior, from which comes helio- in various English compounds)

sun " and " the sun will rise." It is possible, however, that the See also:

• AUXILIARY (from Lat. auxilium, help)

auxiliary verb as, " to be," enters into the composition of the future; if so, the future will be the product of the second stage in the development of the Indo-European verb when new forms were created by means of composition . The sigmatic or first aorist is in favour of this view, as it certainly belongs to the age of Indo-European unity, and may be a compound of the verbal stem with the auxiliary as .

After the separation of the Indo-European languages, composition was largely employed in the formation of new tenses . Thus in Latin we have perfects like See also:

• SCRIP

scrip-si and ama-vi, formed by the help of the auxiliaries as (sum) and fuo, while such forms as amaveram (amavi-eram) or amarem (ama-sem) bear their origin on their See also:

• FACE (from Lat. fades, derived either from facere, to make, or from a root fa-, meaning " appear "; cf. Gr. cbatvstv)

face . So, too, the future in Latin and Old See also:

• CELTIC

Celtic (amabo, Irish carob) is based upon the substantive verb fuo, " to be," and the English preterite in -ed goes back to a suffixed did, the reduplicated perfect of do . New tenses and moods, however, were created by the aid of suffixes as well as by the aid of composition, or rather were formed from nouns whose stems terminated in the suffixes in question . Thus in Greek we have aorists and perfects in -Ka, and the characteristics of the two passive aorists, ye and the, are more probably the suffixes of nominal stems than the roots of the two verbs ya, " to go," and dha, " to place," as See also:

• BOPP, FRANZ (1791-1867)

Bopp supposed . How late some of these new formations were may be seen in Greek, where the Homeric poems are still ignorant of the weak future passive, the optative future, and the aspirated perfect, and where the strong future passive occurs but once and the desiderative but twice . On the other hand, many of the older tenses were disused and lost . In classical Sanskrit, for instance, of the modal aorist forms the precative and benedictive almost alone remain, while the pluperfect, of which Delbruck has found traces in the Veda, has wholly disappeared . The passive See also:

• VOICE (Fr. voix, from Lat. vox)

voice did not exist in the parent Indo-European speech . No need for it had arisen, since such a sentence as " I am pleased " could be as well represented by " This pleases me," or " I please myself." It was long before the speaker was able to imagine an action without an object, and when he did so, it was a neuter or substantival rather than a passive verb that he formed . The passive, in fact, See also:

• GREW, NEHEMIAH (1641-1712)

grew out of the See also:

• MIDDLE

middle or reflexive, and, except in the two aorists, continued to be represented by the middle in Greek . So, too, in Latin the second person plural is really the middle participle with estis understood, and the whole class of deponent or reflexive verbs proves that the characteristic r which Latin shares with Celtic could have had at the outset no passive force .

Much light has been thrown on the character and construction of the primitive Indo-European sentence by comparative syntax . In contradistinction to Semitic, where the defining word follows that which is defined, the Indo-European languages place that which is defined after that which defines it; and Bergaigne has made it clear that the original order of the sentence was (I) object, (2) verb, and (3) subject . Greater complication of thought and its expression, the connexion of sentences by the aid of conjunctions, and rhetorical See also:

• INVERSION (Lat. invertere, to turn about)

inversion caused that dislocation of the original order of the sentence which reaches its culminating point in the involved periods of Latin literature . Our own language still remains true, however, to the syntax of the parent Indo-European when it sets both adjective and genitive before the nouns which they define . In course of time a distinction came to be made between an attribute used as a mere qualificative and an attribute used predicatively, and this distinction was expressed by placing the predicate in op-position to the subject and accordingly after it . The opposition was of itself sufficient to indicate the logical copula or substantive verb; indeed, the word which afterwards commonly stood for the latter at first signified " existence," and it was only through the See also:

• WEAR

wear and See also:

• TEAR

tear of time that a phrase like See also:

• DEUS
• DEUS, JOAO DE (1830-1896)

Deus See also:

• BONUS (a jocular application of the Lat. bonus, for bonum, " a good thing ")

bonus est, " See also:

• GOD

God exists as good," came to mean simply " God is good." It is needless to observe that neither of the two articles was known to the parent Indo-European; indeed, the definite See also:

• ARTICLE (from Lat. articulus, a joint)

article, which is merely a decayed demonstrative pronoun, has not yet been developed in several of the languages of the Indo-European family . We must now glance briefly at the results of a scientific investigation of English grammar and the. modifications they necessitate in our conception of it . The idea that Investigathe See also:

• FREE

free use of speech is tied down by the rules of :See also:

• ION

ion of the grammarian must first be given up; all that the English grammarian can do is to formulate the current uses grammar. of his time, which are determined by habit and custom, and are accordingly in a perpetual state of See also:

• FLUX (Lat. fluxus, a flowing; this being also the meaning of the English term in medicine, &c.)

flux . We must next get rid of the notion,that English grammar should be modelled after that of See also:

• ANCIENT
• ANCIENT (also spelt ANTIENT; derived, through the Fr. ancien, old, from the late Lat. antianum, from ante, before)

ancient Rome; until we do so we shall never understand even the elementary principles upon which it is based . We cannot speak of declensions, since English has no genders except in the pronouns of the third person, and no cases except the genitive and a few faint traces of an old dative . Its verbal conjugation is essentially different from that of an inflexional language like Latin, and cannot be compressed into the same categories . In English the syntax has been enlarged at the expense of the accidence; position has taken the place of forms .

To speak of an adjective " agreeing " with its substantive is as misleading as to speak of a verb " governing " a case . In fact, the distinction between noun and adjective is inapplicable to English grammar, and should be replaced by a distinction between objective and attributive words . In a phrase like " this is a See also:

• CANNON (a word common to Romance languages, from the Lat. canna, a reed, tube, with the addition of the augmentative termination -on, -one)

cannon," cannon is objective; in a phrase like " a cannon-See also:

• BALL (in Mid. Eng. bal; the word is probably cognate with " bale," Teutonic in origin, cf. also Lat. falls, and Gr. 7raXXa)
• BALL, JOHN (1585-1640)
• BALL, JOHN (1818-1889)
• BALL, JOHN (d. 1381)
• BALL, SIR ALEXANDER JOHN, BART
• BALL, THOMAS (1819- )

ball," it is attributive; and to call it a substantive in the one case and an adjective in the other is only to introduce confusion . With the exception of the nominative, the various forms of the noun are all attributive; there is no difference, for example, between " doing a thing " and " doing badly." Apart from the personal pronouns, the accusative of the classical languages can be represented only by position; but if we were to say that a noun which follows a verb is in the accusative case we should have to define " See also:

• KING
• KING (O. Eng. cyning, abbreviated into cyng, cing; cf. O. H. G. chun- kuning, chun- kunig, M.H.G. kiinic, kiinec, kiinc, Mod. Ger. Konig, O. Norse konungr, kongr, Swed. konung, kung)
• KING [OF OCKHAM], PETER KING, 1ST BARON (1669-1734)
• KING, CHARLES WILLIAM (1818-1888)
• KING, CLARENCE (1842–1901)
• KING, EDWARD (1612–1637)
• KING, EDWARD (1829–1910)
• KING, HENRY (1591-1669)
• KING, RUFUS (1755–1827)
• KING, THOMAS (1730–1805)
• KING, WILLIAM (1650-1729)
• KING, WILLIAM (1663–1712)

king " as an accusative in such sentences as " he became king " or " he is king." In conversational English " it is me " is as correct as " c'est moi in French, or " det er mig " in Danish; the literary " it is I " is due to the influence of classical grammar . The combination of noun or pronoun and preposition results in a compound attribute . As for the verb, Sweet has well said that " the really characteristic feature of the English finite verb is its inability to stand alone without a pronominal prefix." Thus " See also:

• DREAM (from a root dreug, connected with Germ. trugen, to deceive)</