See also:Grattan, for many years recorder of
See also:Dublin, was
See also:born in Dublin on the 3rd of
See also:July 1746 . He early gave evidence of exceptional gifts both of intellect and character . At Trinity
See also:College, Dublin, where he had a distinguished career, he began a lifelong devotion to classical literature and especially to the
See also:great orators of antiquity . He was called to the Irish
See also:bar in 1772, but never seriously practised the
See also:law . Like
See also:Flood, with whom he was on terms of friendship, he cultivated his natural
See also:genius for eloquence by study of
See also:models, including Bolingbroke and Junius . A visit to the
See also:House of Lords excited boundless admiration for
See also:Lord Chatham, of whose
See also:style of oratory Grattan contributed an interesting description to Baratariana (see FLOOD,
See also:HENRY) . The influence of Flood did much to give direction to Grattan's
See also:political aims; and it was through no design on Grattan's
See also:part that when Lord Charlemont brought him into the Irish parliament in 1775, in the very session in which Flood damaged his popularity by accepting
See also:office, Grattan quickly superseded his friend in the leadership of the
See also:national party . Grattan was well qualified for it . His oratorical
See also:powers were unsurpassed among his contemporaries . Hes conspicuously lacked, indeed, the
See also:grace of gesture which he so much admired in Chatham; he had not the sustained dignity of Pitt; his powers of close reasoning were inferior to those of
See also:Fox and Flood . But his speeches were packed with
See also:epigram, and expressed with rare felicity of phrase; his terse and telling sentences were richer in profound aphorisms and
See also:maxims of political philosophy than those of any other statesman save 379 Burke; he possessed the orator's incomparable
See also:gift of conveying his own
See also:enthusiasm to his
See also:audience and convincing them of the loftiness of his aims . The
See also:object of the national party was to set the Irish parliament
See also:free from constitutional bondage to the English privy council .
By virtue of Poyning's
See also:Act, a celebrated
See also:statute of Henry VII., all proposed Irish legislation had to be submitted to the English privy council for its approval under the great seal of England before being passed by the Irish parliament . A
See also:bill so approved might be accepted or rejected, but not amended . More
See also:recent English acts had further emphasized the
See also:complete dependence of the Irish parliament, and the appellate jurisdiction of the Irish House of Lords had also been annulled . Moreover, the English Houses claimed and exercised the power to legislate directly for
See also:Ireland without even the nominal concurrence of the parliament in Dublin . This was the constitution which
See also:Molyneux and Swift had denounced, which Flood had attacked, and which Grattan was to destroy . The menacing attitude of the Volunteer
See also:Convention at
See also:Dungannon greatly influenced the decision of the
See also:government in 1782 to resist the agitation no longer . It was through ranks of
See also:drawn up outside the parliament house in Dublin that Grattan passed on the 16th of
See also:April 1782, amidst unparalleled popular enthusiasm, to move a declaration of the independence of the Irish parliament . " I found Ireland on her knees," Grattan exclaimed, " I watched over her with a paternal solicitude; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, and from arms to liberty . Spirit of Swift, spirit of Molyneux, your genius has prevailed ! Ireland is now a nation!" After a
See also:month of negotiation the claims of Ireland were conceded . The gratitude of his countrymen to Grattan found expression in a
See also:grant of £1oo,000, which had to be reduced by one
See also:half before he would consent to accept it . One of the first acts of " Grattan's parliament " was to prove its
See also:loyalty to England by passing a
See also:vote for the support of 20,000 sailors for the
See also:navy .
Grattan himself never failed in loyalty to the
See also:crown and the English connexion . He was, however, anxious for moderate parliamentary reform, and, unlike Flood, he favoured Catholic emancipation . It was, indeed, evident that without reform the Irish House of
See also:Commons would not be able to make much use of its newly won independence . Though now free from constitutional
See also:control it was no less subject than before to the influence of corruption, which the English government had wielded through the Irish
See also:borough owners, known as the " undertakers," or more directly through the great executive
See also:officers . " Grattan's parliament " had no control over the Irish executive . The lord
See also:lieutenant and his chief secretary continued to be appointed by the English ministers; their tenure of office depended on the vicissitudes of English, not Irish, party politics; the royal
See also:prerogative was exercised in Ireland on the advice of English ministers . The House of Commons was in no sense representative of the Irish
See also:people . The great majority of the people were excluded as
See also:Roman Catholics from the franchise; two-thirds of the members of the House of Commons were returned by small boroughs at the absolute disposal of single patrons, whose support was bought by a lavish distribution of peerages and
See also:pensions . It was to give stability and true independence to the new constitution that Grattan pressed for reform . Having quarrelled with Flood over "
See also:simple repeal " Grattan also differed from him on the question of maintaining the Volunteer Convention . He opposed the policy of protective duties, but supported Pitt's famous commercial propositions in 1785 for establishing free
See also:trade between Great Britain and Ireland, which, however, had to be abandoned owing to the hostility of the English
See also:mercantile classes . In general Grattan supported the government for a
See also:time after 1782, and in particular spoke and voted for the stringent coercive legislation rendered necessary by the Whiteboy outrages in 1785; but as the years passed without Pitt's
See also:personal favour towards parliamentary reform bearing fruit in legislation, he gravitated towards the opposition, agitated for commutation of
See also:tithes in Ireland, and supported the Whigs on the regency question in 1788 .
In 1792 he succeeded in It is a curious circumstance, in view of the subsequent
See also:history of Irish politics, that it was from the
See also:Protestant Established
See also:Church, and particularly from the
See also:Orangemen, that the bitterest opposition to the union proceeded; and that the proposal found support chiefly among the Roman Catholic
See also:clergy and especially the bishops, while in no part of Ireland was it received with more favour than in the city of
See also:Cork . This attitude of the Catholics was caused by Pitt's encouragement of the expectation that Catholic emancipation, the commutation of tithes, and the endowment of the Catholic priesthood, would accompany or quickly follow the passing of the measure . When in 1799 the government brought forward their bill it was defeated in the Irish House of Commons . Grattan was still in retirement . His popularity had temporarily declined, and the fact that his proposals for parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation had become the watchwords of the rebellious
See also:United Irishmen had brought upon him the bitter hostility of the governing classes . He was dismissed from the privy council; his portrait was removed from the
See also:hall of Trinity College; the
See also:Merchant Guild of Dublin struck his name off their rolls . But the threatened destruction of the constitution of 1782 quickly restored its author to his former place in the affections of the Irish people . The parliamentary recess had been effectually employed by the government in securing by lavish corruption a majority in favour of their policy . On the 15th of
See also:January 1800 the Irish parliament met for its last session; on the same
See also:day Grattan secured by
See also:purchase a seat for
See also:Wicklow; and at a
See also:hour, while the debate was proceeding, he appeared to take his seat . "There was a moment's pause, an electric thrill passed through the House, and a long
See also:wild cheer burst from the galleries."3 Enfeebled by illness, Grattan's strength gave way when he
See also:rose to speak, and he obtained leave to address the House sitting . Nevertheless his speech was a superb effort of oratory; for more than two
See also:hours he kept his audience spellbound by a flood of epigram, of sustained reasoning, of eloquent
See also:appeal . After prolonged debates Grattan, on the 26th of May, spoke finally against the committal of the bill, ending with an impassioned peroration in which he declared, " I will remain anchored here with fidelity to the fortunes of my
See also:country, faithful to her freedom, faithful to her fall."4 These were the last words spoken by Grattan in the Irish parliament .
The bill establishing the union was carried through its final stages by substantial majorities . The people remained listless, giving no indications of any eager dislike of the government policy . " There were absolutely none of the signs which are invariably found when a nation struggles passionately against what itdeems an impending tyranny, or rallies around some institution which it really loves." s One of Grattan's
See also:main grounds of opposition to the union had been his dread of seeing the political leadership in Ireland pass out of the hands of the landed gentry; and he prophesied that the time would come when Ireland would send to the united parliament " a
See also:hundred of the greatest rascals in the
See also:kingdom."S Like Flood before him, Grattan had no leaning towards democracy; and he anticipated that by the removal of the centre of political
See also:interest from Ireland the evil of
See also:absenteeism would be intensified . For the next five years Grattan took no active part in public affairs; it was not till 18o5 that he became a member of the parliament of the United Kingdom . He modestly took his seat on one of the back benches, till Fox brought him forward to a seat near his own, exclaiming, " This is no place for the Irish
See also:Demosthenes ! " His first speech was on the Catholic question, and though some doubt had been
See also:felt lest Grattan, like Flood, should belie at
See also:Westminster the reputation made in Dublin, all agreed with the description of his speech by the
See also:Register as " one of the most brilliant and eloquent ever pronounced within the walls of parliament." When Fox and
See also:Grenville came into power in 18o6 Grattan was offered, but refused to 3 Ibid. i . 241 . ' Grattan's Speeches, iv . 23 . 6 W . E . H .
Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, viii . 491 . Cf . Cornwallis
See also:Correspondence, iii . 250 . 6 W . E . H . Lecky, Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland, i . 27o . carrying an Act conferring the franchise on the Roman Catholics; in 1794 in conjunction with
See also:Ponsonby he introduced a reform bill which was even less democratic than Flood's bill of 1783 . He was as anxious as Flood had been to retain the legislative power in the hands of men of
See also:property, for `.` he had through the whole of his
See also:life a strong conviction that while Ireland could best be governed by Irish hands, democracy in Ireland would inevitably turn to
See also:plunder and anarchy."' At the same time he desired to admit the Roman Catholic gentry of property to membership of the House of Commons, a proposal that was the logical corollary of the
See also:Relief Act of 1792 .
The defeat of Grattan's mild proposals helped to promote more extreme opinions, which, underFrench revolutionary influence, were now becoming heard in Ireland . The Catholic question had rapidly become of the first importance, and when a powerful section of the Whigs joined Pitt's
See also:ministry in 1794, and it became known that the lord-lieutenancy was to go to Lord
See also:Fitzwilliam, who shared Grattan's views, expectations were raised that the question was about to be settled in a manner satisfactory to the Irish Catholics . Such seems to have been Pitt's intention, though there has been much controversy as to how far Lord Fitzwilliam (q.v.) had been authorized to
See also:pledge the government . After taking . Grattan into his confidence, it was arranged that the latter should bring in a Roman Catholic emancipation bill, and that it should then receive government support . But finally it appeared that the
See also:viceroy had either misunderstood or exceeded his instructions; and on the 19th of
See also:February 1795 Fitzwilliam was recalled . In the outburst of indignation, followed by increasing disaffection in Ireland, which this event produced, Grattan acted with conspicuous moderation and loyalty, which won for him warm acknowledgments from a member of the English
See also:cabinet .2 That cabinet, however, doubtless influenced by the wishes of the
See also:king, was now determined firmly to resist the Catholic demands, with the result that the country rapidly drifted to-wards
See also:rebellion . Grattan warned the government in a series of masterly speeches of the lawless
See also:condition to which Ireland had been driven . But he could now count on no more than some
See also:forty followers in the House of Commons, and his words were unheeded . He retired from parliament in May 1797, and departed from his customary moderation by attacking the government in an inflammatory "
See also:Letter to the citizens of Dublin." At this time religious animosity had almost died out in Ireland, and men of different faiths were ready to combine for
See also:common political
See also:objects . Thus the Presbyterians of the
See also:north, who were mainly republican in sentiment, combined with a section of the Roman Catholics to
See also:form the organization of the United Irishmen, to promote revolutionary ideas imported from France; and a party prepared to welcome a French invasion soon came into existence . Thus stimulated, the increasing disaffection culminated in the rebellion of 1798, which was sternly and cruelly repressed .
No sooner was this effected than the project of a legislative union between the
See also:British and Irish parliaments, which had been from time to time discussed since the beginning of the 18th century, was taken up in
See also:earnest by Pitt's government . Grattan from the first denounced the
See also:scheme with implacable hostility . There was, however, much to be said in its favour . The constitution of Grattan's parliament offered no security, as the differences over the regency question had made evident that in matters of imperial interest the policy of the Irish parliament and that of Great Britain would be in agreement; and at a moment when England was engaged in a life and
See also:death struggle with France it was impossible for the ministry to ignore the danger, which had so recently been emphasized by the fact that the
See also:independent constitution of 1782 had offered no safe-, guard against armed revolt . The rebellion put an end to the growing reconciliation between Roman Catholics and Protestants; religious passions were now violently inflamed, and the Orange-men and Catholics divided the
See also:island into two hostile factions . 1 W . E . H . Lecky, Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland, i . I27 (enlarged edition, 2 vols., 1903) . 2 Ibid. i . 204 .
381 GRATTIUS [FALISCUS], Roman poet, of theage of
See also:Augustus, accept, an office in the government . In the following
See also:year he showed the strength of his
See also:judgment and character by supporting, in spite of consequent unpopularity in Ireland, a measure for increasing the powers of the executive to
See also:deal with Irish disorder . Roman Catholic emancipation, which he continued to
See also:advocate with unflagging energy though now advanced in age, became complicated after 18o8 by the question whether a
See also:veto on the
See also:appointment of Roman Catholic bishops should
See also:rest with the crown . Grattan supported the veto, but a more extreme Catholic party was now arising in Ireland under the leadership of Daniel O'Connell, and Grattan's influence gradually declined . He seldom spoke in parliament after 181o, the most notable exception being in 1815, when he separated himself from the Whigs and supported the final struggle against
See also:Napoleon . His last speech of all, in 1819, contained a passage referring to the union he had so passionately resisted, which exhibits the statesmanship and at the same time the equable quality of Grattan's character . His sentiments with regard to the policy of the union remained, he said, unchanged; but "the
See also:marriage having taken place it is now the
See also:duty, as it ought to be the inclination, of every individual to render it as fruitful, as profitable and as advantageous as possible." In the following summer, after
See also:crossing from Ireland to
See also:London when out of
See also:health to bring forward the Catholic question once more, he became seriously
See also:ill . On -his death-
See also:bed he spoke generously of Castlereagh, and with warm eulogy of his former
See also:rival, Flood . He died on the 6th of
See also:June 1820, and was buried in Westminster Abbey close to the tombs of Pitt and Fox . His statue is in the
See also:lobby of the Houses of Parliament at Westminster . Grattan had married in 1782 Henrietta
See also:Fitzgerald, a
See also:lady descended from the
See also:family of Desmond, by whom he had two sons and two daughters . The most searching
See also:scrutiny of his private life only increases the respect due to the memory of Grattan as a statesman and the greatest of Irish orators .
His patriotism was untainted by self-seeking; he was courageous in risking his popularity for what hissound judgment showed him to be the right course . As
See also:Smith said with truth of Grattan soon after his death: " No government ever dismayed him . The
See also:world could not bribe him . He thought only of Ireland; lived for no other object; dedicated to her his beautiful
See also:fancy, his elegant wit, his manly courage, and all the splendour of his astonishing eloquence." 1 1
See also:Amhurst, History of Catholic Emancipation (2 vols., London, 1886);
See also:Sketch of the late Catholic Association of Ireland (London, 1829) ; W . J . MacNeven, Pieces of Irish History (New
See also:York, 1807) containing an account of the United Irishmen; for the volunteer
See also:movement Thomas MacNevin, History of the Volunteers of 1782 (Dublin, 1845) ; Proceedings of the Volunteer Delegates of Ireland 1784 (Anon . Pamph . Brit .
See also:Mus.) . See also F .
See also:Memoirs of Lord Charlemont (London, 1812);
See also:Warden Flood, Memoirs of Henry Flood (London, 1838) ;
See also:Francis Plowden, Historical Review of the State of Ireland (London, 1803);
See also:Alfred Webb, Compendium of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878); Sir Jonah
See also:Barrington, Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation (London, 1833) ; W . J .
O'Neill Daunt, Ireland and her
See also:Agitators; Lord Mountmorres, History of the Irish Parliament (2 vols., London, 1792) ; Horace Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of
See also:George III . (4 vols., London, 1845 and 1894) ; Lord Stanhope, Life of William Pitt (4 vols., London, 1861); Thomas
See also:Davis, Life o J . P .
See also:Curran (Dublin, 1846)—this contains a memoir of Grattan by D . O .
See also:Madden, and Grattan's reply to Lord Clare on the question of the Union;
See also:Phillips, Recollections of Curran and some of his Contemporaries (London, 1822); J . A .
See also:Froude, The English in Ireland (London, 1881) ; J . G . McCarthy, Henry Grattan: an Historical Study (London, 1886); Lord Mahon's History of England, vol. vii . (1858) . With
See also:special reference to the Union see Castlereagh Correspondence; Cornwallis Correspondence; Westmorland Papers (Irish State Paper Office) .
(R . J . M.) Sydney Smith's
See also:Works, ii . 166-167.author of a poem on
See also:hunting (Cynegetica), of which 541 hexameters remain . He was possibly a native of Falerii . The only reference to him in any ancient writer is incidental (Ovid, Ex Ponto, iv . 16 . 33) . He describes various kinds of
See also:game, methods of hunting, the best breeds of horses and
See also:dogs . There are
See also:editions by R . Stern (1832); E . Bahrens in Poctae
See also:Latini Minores (i., 1879) and G .
G . Curcio in Poeti Latini Minori (i., 1902), with bibliography.; see also H . Schenkl, Zur Kritik
See also:des G . (1898) . There is a
See also:translation by Christopher Wase (1654) .
AUGUSTE JOSEPH ALPHONSE GRATRY (1805-1872)
GRAUDENZ (Polish Grudziadz)
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