HINDOSTANI (properly Hindustani, of or belonging to Hindostan') , the name given by Europeans to an Indo-
See also:Aryan dialect (whose home is in the upper Gangetic
See also:Doab and near the city of
See also:Delhi), which, owing to
See also:political causes, has become the
See also:great lingua franca of
See also:modern India . The name is not employed by natives of India, except as an imitation of the
See also:English nomenclature . Hindostani is by origin a dialect of Western Hindi, and it is first of all necessary to explain what we mean by the
See also:term " Hindi " as applied to language . Modern Indo-Aryan
See also:languages fall into three groups,—an
See also:band, the language of the Midland and an intermediate band . The Midland consists of the Gangetic Doab and of the
See also:country to its immediate
See also:north and south, extending, roughly speaking, from the Eastern
See also:Punjab on the west, to
See also:Cawnpore on its east . The language of this
See also:tract is called "Western Hindi"; to its west we have
See also:Panjabi (of the Central Punjab), and to the east, reaching as far as
See also:Benares, Eastern Hindi, both Intermediate languages . These three will all be dealt with in the
See also:present article . Panjabi and Western Hindi are derived from Sauraseni, and Eastern Hindi from Ardham gadha
See also:Prakrit, through the corresponding Apabhramsas (see PRAKRIT) . Eastern Hindi differs in many respects from the two others, but it is customary to consider it together with the language of the Midland, and this will be followed on the present occasion . In 1901 the speakers of these three languages numbered: Panjabi, 17,070,961; Western Hindi, 40,714,925; Eastern Hindi, 22,136,358 . Linguistic Boundaries.—Taking the tract covered by these three forms of speech, it has to its west, in the western Punjab, Lahnda (see
See also:SINDHI), a language of the Outer band . The
See also:parent of Lahnda once no doubt covered the whole of the Punjab, but, in the
See also:process of expansion of the tribes of the Midland described in the article INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES, it was gradually driven back, leaving traces of its former existence which grow stronger as we proceed westwards, until at about the 74th degree of east longitude there is a mixed, transition dialect .
To the west of that degree Lahnda may be said to be established, the deserts of the west-central Punjab forming a barrier and protecting it, just as, farther south, a continuation of the same
See also:desert has protected Sindhi from Rajasthan . It is the old traces of Lahnda which mainly differentiate Panjabi from Hindostani . To the south of Panjabi and Western Hindi lies Rajasthani . This language arose in. much the same way as Panjabi . The expanding Midland language was stopped by the desert from reaching Sindhi, but to the south-west it found an unobstructed way into
See also:Gujarat, where, under the
See also:form of
See also:Gujarati, ' " Hindustan " is a Persian word, and in modern Persian is pronounced " Hindustan." It means the country of the
See also:Hindus . In
See also:medieval Persian the word was " Hindustan," with an o, but in the modern language the distinctions between e and i and between o and u have been lost .
See also:Indian languages have borrowed Persian words in their medieval form . Thus in India we have sher, a tiger, as compared with modern Persian shir; go, but modern Pers. gu• bosun, but modern Pers. bustdn . The word "
See also:Hindu " is in medieval Persian " Hindu " representing the
See also:ancient Avesta hendaea (
See also:Sanskrit, saindhava), a dweller on the Sindhu or
See also:Indus . Owing to the influence of scholars in modern Persian the word " Hindu " is now established in English and, through English, in the Indian
See also:literary languages; but " Hindu " is also often heard in India . " Hindostan " with o is much more
See also:common both in English and in Indian languages, although " Hindustan " is also employed . Up to the days of Persian supremacy inaugurated in
See also:Calcutta by Gilchrist and his friends, every traveller in India spoke of " Indostan " or some such word, thus bearing testimony to the current pronunciation .
Gilchrist introduced " Hindoostan," which became " Hindustan " in modern spelling . The word is not an Indian one, and both pronunciations, with o and with u, are current in India at the present
See also:day, but that with o is unquestionably the one demanded by the
See also:history of the word and of the form which other Persian words take on Indian
See also:soil . On the other
See also:hand " Hindu " is too firmly established in English for us to suggest the spelling " Hindo." . The word " Hindi " has another derivation, being formed from the Persian
See also:Hind, India (Avesta hindu, Sanskrit sndhu, the Indus) . " Hindi " means " of or belonging to India," while " Hindu " now means " a
See also:person of the Hindu religion." (Cf .
See also:Sir C . J . Lyall, A
See also:Sketch of the Hindustani Language, p . 1).it broke the continuity of the Outer band . Eastern Hindi, as an Intermediate form of speech, is of much older lineage . It has been an Intermediate language since, at least, the institution of Jainism (say, 500 B.C.), and is much less subject to the influence of the Midland than is Panjabi . To its east it has
See also:Bihari, and, stretching far to the south, it has
See also:Marathi as its neighbour in that direction, both of these being Outer languages .
Dialects.—The only important dialect of Eastern Hindi is Awadhi, spoken in Oudh, and possessing a large literature of great excellence . Chhattisgarhi and Bagheli, the other dialects, have scanty literatures of small value . Western Hindi has four
See also:main dialects, Bundeli of
See also:Bundelkhand, Braj Bhasha (properly "Braj Bhasa ") of the country
See also:round Mathura (
See also:Muttra), Kanauji of the central Doab and the country to its north, and vernacular Hindostani of Delhi and the Upper Doab . West of the Upper Doab, across the
See also:Jumna, another dialect, Bangaru, is also found . It possesses no literature . Kanauji is very closely allied to Braj Bhasha, and these two
See also:share with Awadhi the
See also:honour of being the great literary speeches of
See also:northern India . Nearly all the classical literature of India is religious in character, and we may say that, as a broad
See also:rule, Awadhi literature is devoted to the Ramaite religion and the epic
See also:poetry connected with it, while that of Braj Bhasha, is concerned with the religion of
See also:Krishna . Vernacular Hindostani has no literature of its own, but as the lingua franca now to be described it has a large one . Panjabi has one dialect, Dogri, spoken in the Himalayas . Hindostani as a Lingua Franca.—It has often been said that Hindostani is a
See also:mongrel "
See also:pigeon " form of speech made up of contributions from the various languages which met in Delhi
See also:bazaar, but this theory has now been proved to be unfounded, owing to the
See also:discovery of the fact that it is an actual living dialect of Western Hindi, existing for centuries in its present habitat, and the
See also:direct descendant of Sauraseni Prakrit . It is not a typical dialect of that language, for, situated where it is, it represents Western Hindi merging into Panjabi (Braj Bhasha being admittedly the standard of the language), but to say that it is a mongrel
See also:tongue thrown together in the market is to
See also:reverse the
See also:order of events . It was the natural language of the
See also:people in the neighbourhood of Delhi, who formed the bulk of those who resorted to the bazaar, and hence it became the bazaar language .
From here it became the lingua franca of the
See also:camp and was carried everywhere in India by the lieutenants of the
See also:empire . It has several recognized varieties, amongst which we may mention Dakhini,
See also:Urdu, Rekhta and Hindi . Dakhini or "
See also:southern," is the form current in the south of India, and was the first to be employed for literature . It contains many archaic expressions now
See also:extinct in the standard dialect . Urdu, or Urdu zabdn, " the language of the camp," is the name usually employed for Hindostani by natives, and is now the standard form of speech used by Mussulmans . All the early Hindostani literature was in poetry, and this literary form of speech was named " Rekhta," or " scattered," from the way in which words borrowed from Persian were " scattered " through it . The name is now reserved for the dialect used in poetry, Urdu being the dialect of
See also:prose and of conversation . The introduction of these borrowed words, which has been carried to even a greater extent in Urdu, was facilitated by the facts that the latter was by origin a " camp " language, and that Persian was the official language of the Mogul
See also:court . In this way Persian (and, with Persian, Arabic) words came into current use, and, though the language remained Indo-Aryan in its grammar and essential characteristics, it soon became un= intelligible to any one who had not at least a moderate acquaintance with the vocabulary of
See also:Iran . This extreme Persianization of Urdu was due rather to Hindu than to Persian influence . Although Urdu literature was Mussulman in its origin, the Persian
See also:element was first introduced in excess by the pliant Hindu officials employed in the Mogul administration, and acquainted with Persian, rather than by Persians and Persianized Moguls, who for many centuries used only their own languages for literary purposes.2 Prose Urdu literature took its 2 Sir C . J .
Lyall, op. cit. p, 9 . origin in the English occupation of India and the need fortext- element, indeed, we do find not a few instances in which nouns books for the
See also:college of Fort
See also:William . It has had a prosperous career since the commencement of the 19th century, but some writers, especially those of
See also:Lucknow, have so overloaded it with Persian and Arabic that little of the
See also:original Indo-Aryan character remains, except, perhaps, an occasional pronoun or
See also:auxiliary verb . The Hindi form of Hindostani was invented simultaneously with Urdu prose by the teachers at Fort William . It was intended to be a Hindostani for the use of Hindus, and was derived from Urdu by ejecting all words of Persian or Arabic
See also:birth, and substituting for them words either borrowed from Sanskrit (tatsamas) or derived from the old
See also:primary Prakrit (tadbhavas) (see INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES) . Owing to the popularity of the first
See also:book written in it, and to its supplying the need for a lingua franca which could be used by the most patriotic Hindus without offending their religious prejudices, it became widely adopted, and is now the recognized vehicle for writing prose by those inhabitants of northern India who do not employ Urdu . This Hindi, which is an altogether artificial product of the English, is hardly ever used for poetry . For this the indigenous dialects (usually Awadhi or Braj Bhasha) are nearly always employed by Hindus . Urdu, on the other hand, having had a natural growth, has a vigorous poetical literature . Modern Hindi prose is often disfigured by that too
See also:free borrowing of Sanskrit words instead of using home-
See also:born tadbhavas, which has been the ruin of
See also:Bengali, and it is rapidly becoming a Hindu counterpart of the Persianized Urdu, neither of which is intelligible except to persons of high
See also:education . Not only has Urdu adopted a Persian vocabulary, but even a few peculiarities of Persian construction, such as
See also:reversing the positions of the governing and the governed word (e.g. bap 'nerd for mera bap), or of the adjective and the substantive it qualifies, or such as the use of Persian phrases with the pre-position ba instead of the native postposition of the ablative case (e.g. ba-khushi for khushi-se, or ba-hukm
See also:sark(ir-ke instead of sarkdr-ke hukm-se) are to be met with in many writings; and these, perhaps, combined with the too free indulgence on the
See also:part of some authors in the use of high-flown and pedantic Persian and Arabic words in place of common and yet chaste Indian words, and the general use of the Persian instead of the Nagari character, have induced some to regard Hindostani or Urdu as a language distinct from Hindi . But such a view betrays a
See also:radical misunderstanding of the whole question .
We must define Urdu as the Persianized Hindostani of educated Mussulmans, while Hindi is the Sanskritized Hindostani of educated Hindus . As for the written character, Urdu, from the number of Persian words which it contains, can only be written conveniently in the Persian character, while Hindi, for a parallelreason, can only be written in the Nagari or one of its related alphabets (see SANSKRIT) . On the other hand, " Hindostani " implies the great lingua franca of India, capable of being written in either character, and, without purism, avoiding the excessive use of either Persian or Sanskrit words when employed for literature . It is easy to write this Hindostani, for it has an opulent vocabulary of tadbhava words understood everywhere by both Mussulmans and Hindus . While " Hindostani," " Urdu " and " Hindi " are thus names of dialects, it should be remembered that the terms " Western Hindi " and " Eastern Hindi " connote, not dialects, but languages . The epoch of
See also:Akbar, which first saw a
See also:regular revenue
See also:system established, with toleration and the free use of their religion to the Hindus, was, there can be little doubt, the
See also:period of the formation of the language . But its final consolidation did not take place till the reign of Shah Jahan . After the date of this monarch the changes are comparatively immaterial until we come to the
See also:time when
See also:sources began to mingle with those of the East . Of the contributions from these sources there is little. to say . Like the greater part of those from Arabic and Persian, they are chiefly nouns, and may be regarded rather as excrescences which have sprung up casually and have attached themselves to the original trunk than as ingredients duly incorporated in the
See also:body . In the case of the Persian and Arabic ' This and the preceding
See also:paragraph are partly taken from Ms . Platts's article in vol. xi. of the 9th edition of this
See also:encyclopaedia .
have been furnished with a Hindi termination, e.g . Maridna, badalna, guzarna, daghna, bakhshna, kaminapan, &c.; but the European element cannot be said to have at all
See also:woven itself into the grammar of the language . It consists, as has been observed, solely of nouns, principally substantive nouns, which on their
See also:admission into the language are spelt phonetically, or according to the corrupt pronunciation they receive in the mouths of the natives, and are declined like the indigenous nouns by means of the usual postpositions or case-affixes . A few examples will suffice . The Portuguese, the first in order of seniority, contributes a few words, as kamara or kamra (camera), a
See also:room; martol (martello), a
See also:hammer; nilam (leilao), an
See also:auction, &c . &c . Of French and Dutch influence scarcely a trace exists . English has contributed a number of words, some of which have even found a place in the literature of the language; e.g. kamishanar (
See also:commissioner); jaj (
See also:judge); daktar (
See also:doctor); daktari, " the science of
See also:medicine " or " the profession of physicians "; inspektar (inspector); istant (assistant); sosayati (society); apil (
See also:appeal); apil karna, " to appeal "; dikri or digri (decree); tligri (degree); inc (inch); fact (
See also:foot); and many more, are now words commonly used . Some borrowed words are distorted into the shape of genuine Hindostani words
See also:familiar to the speakers; e.g. the English railway term "
See also:signal " has become sikandar, the native name for
See also:Alexander the Great, and " signal-man " is sikandar-man, or " the
See also:pride of Alexander." How far the free use of Anglicisms will be adopted as the language progresses is a question upon which it would be hazardous to pronounce an opinion, but of
See also:late years it has greatly increased in the language of the educated, especially in the case of technical terms . A native veterinary surgeon once said to the present writer, " kutte-ka saliva bahut antiseptic
See also:hai " for " a
See also:dog's saliva is very antiseptic," and this is not an extravagant example.' The vocabulary of Panjabi and Eastern Hindi is very similar to that of Western Hindi . Panjabi has no literature to speak of and is free from the
See also:burden of words borrowed from Persian or Sanskrit, only the commonest and simplest of such being found in it . Its vocabulary is thus almost entirely tadbhava, and, while capable of expressing all ideas, it has a charming rustic flavour, like the
See also:Lowland Scotch of Burns, indicative of the
See also:national character of the sturdy peasantry that employs it .
Eastern Hindi is very like Panjabi in this respect, but for a different reason . In it were written the
See also:works of Tulsi Das, one of the greatest writers that India has produced, and his influence on the language has been as great as that of
See also:Shakespeare on English . The peasantry are continually quoting him without knowing it, and his
See also:simple and yet vigorous, thoroughly Indian and yet free from purism, has set a
See also:model which is everywhere followed except in the large towns where Urdu or Sanskritized Hindi prevails . Eastern Hindi is written in the Nagari
See also:alphabet, or in the current character related to it called " Kaithi " (see BIHARI) . The indigenous alphabet of the Punjab is called Landa or " clipped." It is related to Nagari, but is hardly legible to any one except the original writer, and sometimes not even to him . To remedy this defect an improved form of the alphabet was devised in the 16th century by Angad, the fifth
See also:Sikh Guru, for the purpose of recording the Sikh scriptures . It was named Gurmukhi, " proceeding from the mouth of the Guru," and is now generally used for writing the language . Grammar.—In the following account we use these contractions: Skr . =Sanskrit; Pr.= Prakrit ; Ap . = Apabhram§a ; W.H. raa . Western Hindi; E.H . =Eastern Hindi; H .
=Hindostani; Br . = Braj Bhasha; P . =Panjabi . (P,)
See also:Phonetics.—The phonetic system of all three languages is nearly the same as that of the Apabhramsas from which they are derived . With a few exceptions, to be noted below, the letters of the alphabets of the three languages are the same as in Sanskrit . Panjabi, and the western dialects of Western Hindi, have preserved the old Vedic cerebral I . There is a tendency for concurrent vowels to run into each other, and for the semi-vowels y and v to become vowels . Thus, Skr. carmakaras, Ap. cammaaru, a
See also:leather-worker, wife of a caudhri or
See also:head man; mehtrani, the wife of a sweeper (Pres. mehtar, a sweeper) . With these exceptions weak forms rarely have any terminations distinctive of gender.' The synthetic declension of Sanskrit and Prakrit has disappeared . We see it in the actual stage of disappearance in Apabhrarhsa (see PRAKRIT), in which the case terminations had become worn down to -hu, -ho, -hi, -hi and.-ha, of which -hi and -hi were employed for several cases, both singular and plural . There was also a marked tendency for these terminations to be confused, and in the earliest stages of the modern vernaculars we find -hi freely employed for any oblique case of the singular, and -hi for any oblique case of the plural, but more especially for the genitive and the locative . In the case of modern weak nouns these terminations have disappeared altogether in W.H. and P. except in sporadic forms of the locative such as gawe (for ghaahi), in the
See also:village .
In E.H. they are still heard as the termination of a form which can stand for any oblique case, and is called the " oblique form " or the " oblique case." Thus, from ghar, a
See also:house (a weak noun), we have W.H. and P. oblique form ghar, E.H. gharahi, ghare or ghar . In the plural, the oblique form is sometimes founded on the Ap. terminations -ha and -hu, and sometimes on the Skr. termination of the genitive plural -anam (Pr . -
See also:aria, -anham), as in P. ghara, W.H. gharaii, gharb, gharani, E.H. gharan . In the case of masculine weak forms, the plural nominative has . dropped the old termination, except in E.H., where it has adopted. the oblique plural form for this case also, thus gharan . The nominative plural of feminine weak forms follows the example of the masculine in E.H . In P. it also takes the oblique plural form, while in W.H. it takes the old singular oblique form in
See also:saki, which it weakens to ai or (H.) e; thus
See also:bat (
See also:fern.), a word, nom. plur . E.H. bat-an, P. bat-a, W.H. batai or (H.) bate . Strong masculine bases in Ap. ended in -a-a (nom . 'a-u); thus ghoda-a- (nom. ghoija-u), and adding -hi we get ghoda-a-hi, which becomes contracted ghotlaha and finally to ghore . The nominative plural is the same as the oblique singular, except in E.H. where it follows the oblique plural . The oblique plural of all closely follows in principle the weak forms . Feminine strong forms in Ap. ended in -i-a, contracted to i in the modern languages .
Except in E.H. the -hi of the original oblique form singular disappears, so that we have E.H. ghorihi or ghori, others only ghori . The nominative plural of feminine strong forms exhibits some irregularities . In E.H., as usual, it follows the plural oblique forms . In W.H . (except Hindostani) it simply nasalizes the oblique form singular (i.e. adds -hi instead of -hi), as in ghOri . P. and H. adopt the obliquelong form for the plural and nasalize it, thus, P. ghoria, H. gho,°iyb . The oblique plurals
See also:call for no further remarks . We thus get the following
See also:summary, illustrating the way in which these nominative and oblique forms are made . becomes H. camar; Skr. rajani, Ap. ra(y)
See also:ani, H.
See also:night; Skr. dhavalakas, Ap. dhavalau, H. dhaula,
See also:white . Sometimes the semi-vowel is retained, as in Skr. kataras, Ap. ka(y)aru, H. kayar, a
See also:coward . Almost the only compound consonants which survived in the Pr. stage were
See also:double letters, and in W.H. and E.H. these are usually simplified, the preceding vowel being lengthened and sometimes nasalized, in compensation . P., on the other hand, prefers to retain the double consonant .
See also:karma, Ap. kammu, W.H. and E.H . Wm, but P. kamm, a
See also:work; Skr. satyas, Ap. saccu, W.H. and E.H.
See also:sac, but P. sacc, true (I-I., being the W.H. dialect which lies nearest to P., often follows that language, and in this instance has sacc, usually written sac); Skr. hastas, Ap. hatthu, \W.H. and E.H. hath, but P. hatth, a hand . The nasalization of vowels is very frequent in all three languages, and is here represented by the sign -- over the vowel . Sometimes it is compensatory, as in she, but it often represents an original m, as in kawal from Skr. kamalas, a
See also:lotus . Final
See also:short vowels quiesce in prose pronunciation, and are usually not written in transliteration; thus the final_a, or u has been lost in all the examples given above, and other tatsama examples are Skr. mati- which becomes
See also:mat, mind, and Skr. vastu-, which be-comes bast, a thing . In all poetry, however (except -in- the Urdu poetry formed on Persian
See also:models, and under the rules of Persian
See also:prosody), they reappear and are necessary for the scansion . In tadblzava words an original long vowel in any syllable earlier than the penultimate is shortened . In P. and H. when the long vowel is e or o it is shortened to i or u respectively, but in other W.H. dialects and in E.H. it is shortened to e or o; thus, befi, daughter, long form H. bitiya, E.H. betiya; ghori,
See also:mare, long form H. ghuriya, E.H. ghoriya . The short vowels e and o are very rare in P. and H., but are not uncommon (though ignored by most grammars) in E.H. and the other W.H. dialects . A medial d is pronounced as a strongly burred cerebral e, and is then written as shown, with a supposited dot . All these changes and various contractions of Prakrit syllables have caused considerable variations in the forms of words, but generally not so as to obscure the origin . (13) Declension.—The nominative form of a tadbhava word is de-rived from the nominative form in Sanskrit and Prakrit, but tatsama words are usually borrowed in the form of the Skr. crude
See also:base; thus, Skr. hatpin-, nom. hash, Ap. nom. hatthi, H. hathi, an
See also:elephant; Skr. base mati-, nom. matis, H .
(tatsama) mati, or, with elision of the final short vowel, mat . Some tatsamas are, however, borrowed in the nominative form, as in Skr. dhanin-, nom. dhani, H. dhani, a
See also:rich man . As another example of a tadbhava word, we may take the Skr. nom. ghotas, Ap. ghorlu, H. gltor, a
See also:horse . Here again the final short vowel has been elided, but in old poetry we should find ghoru, and corresponding forms in u are occasionally met with at the present day . In the article PRAKRIT
See also:attention is
See also:drawn to the frequent pleonastic suffixes, especially -ka- (fem.-(i)ka) . With such a suffix we have the Skr. ghofa-kas, Ap. ghoda-u, Western Hindi ghorau, or in P. and H . (which is the W.H. dialect nearest in locality to P.) ghora, a horse; Skr. ghoti-ka, Ap. ghodi-a, W.H. and P. ghodi, a mare . Such modern forms made with one pleonastic suffix are called " strong forms," while those made without it are called " weak forms." All strong forms end in au (or a) in the masculine, and in i in the feminine, whereas, in Skr., and hence in tatsamas, both a and i are generally typical of feminine words, though sometimes employed for the masculine . It is shown in the article PRAKRIT that these pleonastic suffixes can be doubled, or even trebled, and in this way we have a new series of tadbhava forms . Let us take the imaginary Skr . *ghats-ka-kas with a double suffix . From this we have the Ap. ghoda-a-u, and modern ghorawa (with euphonic w inserted), a horse .
Similarly for the feminine we have Skr . *ghori-ka-ka, Ap. ghodi-a-a, modern ghoriya (with euphonic y inserted), a mare . Such forms, made with two suffixes, are called " long forms," and are heard in familiar conversation, the feminine also serving as diminutives, There is a further stage, built upon three suffixes, and called the " redundant form," which is mainly used by the vulgar . As a rule masculine long forms end in -mud, -iya or -ua, and feminines in -iya, although the
See also:matter is complicated by the occasional use of pleonastic suffixes other than the -ka- which we have taken for our example, and is the most common . Strong forms are rarely met with in E.H., but on the other hand long forms are more common in that language . There are a few feminine terminations of weak nouns which may be noted . These are -ini, -in, -an, -ni (Skr . -ini, Pr . -ini) ; and -ani, -aril, -din (Skr . -ani, Pr . -
See also:ari) . These are found not only in words derived from Prakrit, but are added to Persian and even Arabic words; thus, hathini, hathni, hatpin (Skr. hastini, Pr. hatthini), a she-elephant; sunarin, sunaran, a
See also:female goldsmith (sonar); shorni, a tigress (Persian shier, a tiger); Na,'iban, a proper name (Arabic nasib); panditani, time wife of a pandit; caudhrain,the use of We have seen that the oblique form is the resultant of a general melting down of all the oblique cases of Sanskrit and Prakrit,
See also:anti that in consequence it can be used for any oblique case .
It is obvious that if it were so employed it would often give rise to great confusion . Hence, when it is necessary to show clearly what particular case is intended, it is usual to add defining particles corresponding to the English prepositions " of," " to," from," " by," &c., which, as in all Indo-Aryan languages they follow the main word, are here called " postpositions." The following are the postpositions commonly employed to form cases in our three languages:-- In some dialects of W.H. weak forms have masculines ending in u and corresponding feminines in i, but these are nowadays rarely met in the literary forms of speech . In old poetry they are common . In Braj Bhasha they have survived in the present participle . Panjabi . Hindostani . Braj Bhasha . Eastern Hindi . Weak Noun Masc. ghar ghar ghar ghar Nom . Sing. ghar ghar ghar ghar, gharahi Obl . Sing . . ghar ghar ghar gharan Nom .
Plur . . . ghara
See also:ghat-6 gharau", gharani gharan Obl . Plur . . . ghora ghora ghorau ghora Strong Noun Masc. ghare 0th-tie ghore, ghorai ghora, ghore Nom . Sing. ghore ghore ghore gharan Obl . Sing . . . . ghoria ghorb ghorau`, ghorani gharan Nom . Plur. bat bat bat bat Obl . Plur . . bat bat bat bat Weak Noun Fern. bald bate oata"a batan Nom . Sing. bald bato batan, batani batan Obl .
Sing . . ghorii ghori ghori ghori Nom . Plur. ghori ghori ghori ghori, ghorihi Obl . Plur . . ghoria ghoriyd ghori ghorin Strong Noun Fem. ghori$ ghoriya' ghoriyaa, ghorin Nom . Sing . 1 ghoriyani Obl . Sing . . Nom . Plur . Obl . Plur .
See also:Agent . Genitive . Dative . Ablative . Locative . Panjabi nai dd nu to
See also:vice Hindostani ne
See also:kit ko se me Braj Bhasha ne kau kau te, safe
See also:mar Eastern Hindi None
See also:ker, k ha se me, bikhe The agent case is the case which a noun takes when it is the subject of a transitive verb in a tense formed from the past participle . This participle is passive in origin, and must be construed passively . In the Prakrit stage the subject was in such cases put into the instrumental case (see PRAKRIT), as in the phrase aham terra matio, I by-him (was) struck, i.e. he struck me . In Eastern Hindi this is still the case, the old instrumental being represented by the oblique form without any suffix . The other two languages define the fact that the subject is in the instrumental (or agent) case by the addition of the postposition ne, &c., an old form employed elsewhere to define the dative . It is really the oblique form (by origin a locative) of na or no, which is employed in Gujarati (q.v.) for the genitive . As this suffix is never employed to indicate a material instrument but here only to indicate the agent or subject of a verb, it is called the postposition of the " agent " case .
The genitive postpositions have an interesting origin . In Buddhist Sanskrit the words krtas, done, and krtyas, to be done, were added to a noun to form akind of genitive . A synonym of krtyas was karyas . These three words were all adjectives, and agreed with the thing possessed in gender, number, and case; thus,
See also:mala-krte karat*, in the
See also:basket of the
See also:garland, literally, in the garland-made basket . In the various dialects of Apabhrarirsa Prakrit krtas became (strong form) kida-u or kia-u, krtyas became kicca-u, and karyas became kera-u or kajja-u, the initial k of which is liable to elision after a vowel . With the exception of Gujarati (and perhaps Marathi, q.v.) every Indo-Aryan language has genitive postpositions derived from one or other of these forms . Thus from (ki)da-u we have Panjabi da; from kia-u we have H . Wt, Br. kau, E.H. and Bihari k and Naipali ko; from (ki)cca-u we have perhaps Marathi ca; from kera-u, E.H. and Bihari her, kar, Bengali
See also:Oriya and
See also:Assamese -r, and Rajasthani -ro; while from (ka)jja-u we have the Sindhi jo . It will be observed that while k, her, kar, and r are weak forms, the
See also:rest are strong . As already stated, the genitive is an adjective . Bap means '
See also:father," and bap-ka ghora is literally " the paternal horse." Hence (while the weak forms as usual do not
See also:change) these genitives agree with the thing possessed in gender, number, and case . Thus, bap-ka ghora, the horse of the father, but bap-ki ghori, the mare of the father, and bap-be ghore-ko, to the horse of the father, the
See also:lea being put into the oblique case masculine he, to agree with ghore, which is itself in an oblique case .
The details of the agreement vary slightly in P. and W.H., and must be learnt from the grammars . The E.H. weak forms do not change in the modern language . Finally, in Prakrit it was customary to add these postpositions (kera-u, &c.) to the genitive, as in mama or mama kera-u, of me . Similarly these postpositions are, in the modern languages, added to the oblique form . The locative of the Sanskrit krtas,
See also:kite, was used in that language as a dative postposition, and it can be shown that all the dative postpositions given above are by origin old oblique forms of some genitive postposition . Thus H. ko, Br. kau, is a contraction of kahu, an old oblique form of kia-u . Similarly for the others . The origin of the ablative postpositions is obscure . To the present writer they all seem (like the Bengal ha'ite) to he connected with the verb substantive, but their derivation has not been definitely fixed . The locative postpositions me and mar are derived from the Skr. madhye, in, through majjhi,
See also:meal, and so on . The derivation of vice and bikhe is obscure . The pronouns closely follow the Prakrit originals .
This will be evident from the preceding table of the first two
See also:personal pronouns compared with Apabhrarhsa . It will be observed that in most of the nominatives of the first person, and in the E.H. nominative of the second person, the old nominative has disappeared, and its place has been supplied by an oblique form, exactly as we have observed in the nominative plural of nouns substantive . The P. asi, tust, &c., are survivals from the old Lahnda (see Linguistic Boundaries, above) . The genitives of these two pronouns are rarely used, possessive pronouns (in H. merd, my; hamara, our; tend, thy; tumhara, your) being employed instead . They can all (except P. asada, our; tusa<la, your, which are Lahndd) be referred to corresponding Ap. forms . There is no pronoun of the third person, the
See also:demonstrative pronouns being used instead . The following table shows the
See also:principal remaining pronominal forms, with their derivation from The origin' of the first pronoun given above (that, he; those, they) cannot be referred to Sanskrit . It is derived from an Indo-Aryan base which was not admitted to the classical literary language, but of which we find sporadic traces in Apabhrarhsa . The existence of this base is further vouched for by its occurrence in the Iranian language of the Avesta under the form
See also:ava- . The base of the second pronoun is the same as the base of the first syllable in the Skr. e-eas, this, and other connected pronouns, and also occurs in the Avesta . Ap. ehu is directly derived from e-sas . There are other pronominal forms upon which, except perhaps koi (Pr. ko-vi, Skr. ko-'pi), any one, it is unnecessary to dwell .
The phrase koi hai ? " Is any one (there)?" is the usual
See also:formula for calling a servant in upper India, and is the origin of the Anglo-Indian word " Qui-hi." The reflexive pronoun is ap (Ap. appu, Skr. atmet), self, which, something like the Latin suns (Skr. seas), always refers to the subject of the
See also:sentence, but to all persons, not only to the third . Thus maf apne (not mere) bap-ko dekhta-hi, " I see my father." C . Conjugation.—The synthetic conjugation was already cornmencin to disappear in Prakrit, and in the modern languages the only original tenses which remain are the present, the imperative, and here and there the future . The first is now generally employed as a present subjunctive . In the accompanying table we have the conjugation of this tense, and also the three participles, present active, and past and future passive, compared with Apabhrarhsa, the verb selected being the intransitive
See also:root call or cal, go . In Ap. the word may be spelt with one or with two is, which accounts for the variations of spelling in the modern languages . The imperative closely resembles the old present, except that it drops all terminations in the 2nd person singular; thus, cal, go thou . In P. and H. a future is formed by adding the syllable ga (fern. gi) to the simple present . Thus, H . calu-ga, I shall go . The ga is commonly said to be derived from the Skr. galas (Pr.
See also:gao), gone, but this
See also:suggestion is not altogether acceptable to the present writer, although he is not now able to
See also:pro- pose a better .
Under the form of -
See also:gau the same termination is used in Br., but in that dialect the old future has also survived, as in calihau (_Ap. calihau, Skr. calisyami), I shall go, which is conjugated like the simple present . The E.H. formation of the future is closely analogous to what we find in Bihari (q.v.) . The third person is formed as in Braj Bhasha, but the first and second persons are formed by adding pronominal suffixes, meaning " by me," " by thee," &c., to the future passive participle . Apabhramsa . Panjabi . Hindostani . Braj Eastern Bhasha . Hindi .
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