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INDIVIDUALISM (from Lat. individualis...

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Originally appearing in Volume V14, Page 500 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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INDIVIDUALISM (from Lat. individualis, that which is not divided, an individual), in political philosophy, the theory of government according to which the good of the state consists in the well-being and free initiative of the component members. From this standpoint, as contrasted with that of the various forms of socialism (q.v.) which subordinate the individual to the community, the community as such is an artificial unity. Individualism is, however, by no means identical with egoism, though egoism is always individualistic. An individualist may also be a conscientious altruist: he is by no means hostile to or aloof from society (any more than the socialist is necessarily hostile to the individual), but he is opposed to state interference with individual freedom wherever, in his opinion, it can be avoided. The practical distinction in modern society is necessarily one of degree, and both " individualism." and " socialism " are very vaguely used, and generally as terms of reproach by opponents. Every practical politician of whatever party must necessarily combine inhis programme individualistic and socialist principles. Extreme individualism is pure anarchy: on the other hand Thomas Hobbes, a characteristic individualist, vigorously supported absolute government as necessary to the well-being of individuals. Moreover it is conceivable under given circumstances that an individualist might logically advocate measures (e.g. compulsory military service) which conflict with individual freedom. In practice individualism is chiefly concerned to oppose the concentration of commercial and industrial enterprise in the hands of the state and the municipality. The principles on which this opposition is based are mainly two: that popularly elected representatives are not likely to have the qualifications or the sense of responsibility required for dealing with the multitudinous enterprises and the large sums of public money involved, and that the health of the state depends on the exertions of individuals for their personal benefit. INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES. " Indo-Aryan " is the name generally adopted for those Aryans who entered India and settled there in prehistoric times, and for their descendants. It distinguishes them from the other Aryans who settled in Persia and elsewhere, just as the name " Aryo-Indian " signifies those inhabitants of India who are Aryans, as distinguished from other Indian races, Dravidians, Mundas and so on. A synonym of " Aryo-Indian " is " Gaudian " or " Gaurian," based on a Sanskrit word for the non-Dravidian parts of India proper. These two words refer to the people from the point of view of India, while " Indo-Aryan " looks at them from the wider aspect of Indo-European ethnology and philology. The general history of the Aryan languages is treated in the articles INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES and ARYAN. Here we propose to offer a brief review of the special course of their development in India. Most of the Indo-Aryans branched off from the common Aryan stock in the highlands of Khokand and Badakshan, and marched south into what is now eastern Afghanistan. Here some of them settled, while others entered the Punjab by the valley of the river Kabul. This last migration was a gradual process extending over several centuries, and at different epochs different tribes came in, speaking different dialects of the common language. The literary records of the latest times of this invasion show us one Indo-Aryan tribe complaining of the unintelligible speech of another, and even denying to it the right of common Aryan-hood. The Pis¢ca Languages.—Before proceeding farther, it is advisable to discuss the fate of another small group of languages spoken in the extreme north-west of India. After the great fission which separated the main body of the Indo-Aryans from the Iranians, but before all the special phonetic characteristics of Iranian speech had developed, another horde of invaders crossed the Hindu Kush from the Pamirs, journeying directly south. They occupied the submontane tract, including the country round Chitral and Gilgit, Kashmir and Kafiristan. Some even followed the course of the Indus as far as Sind, and formed colonies there and in the western Punjab. Here they mingled with the Indo-Aryans who had come down the Kabul valley, and to a certain extent infected the local dialect with their idioms. How far their influence extended over the rest of India is undecided, and will probably never be known, but traces of it have been detected by some inquirers even in the dialects of modern Marathi. Those who remained behind in the hill country, the whole of which is popularly known as Dardistan, were isolated by the inhospitable nature of their home and by their own savage character. They seem to have had customs allied to cannibalism, and in later Indian literature legends grew around them as a race of demons called Pi.4cas, wµocpayoc, who spoke a barbaric tongue called Paifaci. This language appears now and then in the Sanskrit drama, and Sanskrit philologists wrote still-extant grammatical notices of its peculiarities. These show that it possessed an extremely archaic character, and the same fact is prominent in the Pisaca languages of the present day. Some words which were spoken in the oldest time are preserved with hardly a change of letter, while in India proper the corresponding forms have either disappeared altogether or have been so changed as to be hardly recognizable at first sight. The principal modern Pisaca languages are three or four spoken in Kafiristan, Khowar of Chitral, Shiner of Gilgit, Kashmiri, and Kohistani. The last two are border tongues, much mixed with the neighbouring languages of India proper. The only one which has any literature is Kashmiri (q.v.). The rest are entirely uncultivated. Their general character may be described as partly Indian and partly Iranian, although they have in their isolated position developed some phonetic laws of their own. Indo-Aryan Classification.—The oldest specimens of Indo-Aryan speech which we possess very closely resemble the oldest Iranian (see PERSIA: Language). There are passages in the Iranian Avesta which can be turned into good Vedic Sanskrit by the application of a few simple phonetic laws. It is sufficient for our present purposes to note that after the separation the development of the two old forms of speech went on independently and followed somewhat different lines. This is most marked in the treatment of a nexus of two consonants. While modern Iranian often retains the nexus with little or no alteration, modern Indo-Aryan prefers to simplify it. For instance, while the old Aryan sth becomes sit or ist in modern Persian, it becomes tth or th in modern Indo-Aryan. Similarly bhr becomes b*r in the former, but bbh or bh in the latter. Thus: Old Indo-Aryan. Old Iranian. Modern Persian. Hindi. sthana- sterna- s'tan or istdn thank, a place. bhrktar- bratar- b~radar badi, a brother. The earliest extant literary record of Indo-Aryan languages is the collection of hymns known as the Rig-Veda. As we have it now, we may take it as representing, on the whole, the particular vernacular dialect spoken in the east of the Punjab and in the upper portion of the Gangetic Doab where it was compiled. The tribe which spoke this dialect spread east and south, and their habitat, as so extended, between the Punjab and the modern Allahabad and reaching from the Himalaya to the Vindhya Hills in the south, became known to Sanskrit geographers as the Miadhyadefa or "Midland," also called Ary'dvarta, or the " home of the Aryans." The language spoken here received constant literary culture, and a refined form of its archaic dialect became fixed by the labours of grammarians about the year 300 B.C., receiving the name of Samskr1a (Sanskrit) or " purified, in contradistinction to the folk-speech of the same tract and to the many Indo-Aryan dialects of other parts of India, all of which were grouped together under the title of Pritkr1a (Prakrit) or "natural," " unpurified." Sanskrit (q.v.) became the language of religion and polite literature, and thus the Midland, the native land of its mother dialect, became accepted as the true pure home of the Indo-Aryan people, the rest being, from the point of view of educated India, more or less barbarous. In later times, the great lingua franca of India, Hindostani, also took its origin in this tract. Round the Midland, on three sides—west, south and east—lay a country inhabited, even in Vedic times, by other Indo-Aryan tribes. This tract included the modern Punjab, Sind, Gujarat, Rajputana with the country to its east, Oudh and Behar. Rajputana belongs geographically to the Midland, but it was a late conquest, and for, our present purposes may be considered as belonging to the Outer Band. The various Indo-Aryan dialects spoken over this band were all more closely related to each other than was any of them to the language of the Midland. In fact, at an early period of the linguistic history of India there must have been two sets of Indo-Aryan dialects,—one the language of the Midland and the other that of the Outer Band.' Hoernle was the first to suggest that the dialects of the Outer Band represent on the whole the language of the earlier Indo-Aryan immigrants,while the language of the Midland ' Attempts have been made to discover dialectic variations in the Veda itself, and, as originally composed in various parts of the Punjab widely distant from each other, the hymns probably did contain many such. But they have been edited by compilers whose home was in the Midland, and now their language is fairly uniform throughout. In the time of Asoka (250 B.C.) there were at least two dialects, an eastern and a western, as well as another in the extreme north-west. The grammarian Patafijali (15o B.c.) mentions the existence of several dialects. was that of the latest corners, who entered the Punjab like a wedge and thrust the others outwards in three directions. As time went on, the population of the Midland expanded and forced the Outer Band into a still wider circuit. The Midland conquered the eastern Punjab, Rajputana with Gujarat (where it reached the sea) and Oudh. With its armies and its settlers it carried its language, and hence in all these territories we now find mixed forms of speech. The basis of each is that of the Outer Band, but the body is that of the Midland. Moreover, as we leave the Midland and approach the external borders of this tract, the influence of the Midland language grows weaker and weaker, and traces of the original Outer language become more and more prominent. In the same way the languages of the Outer Band were forced farther and farther afield. There was no room for expansion to the west, but to the south it flowed over the Maratha country, and to the east into Orissa, into Bengal and, last of all, into Assam. The state of affairs at the present day is therefore as follows: There is a Midland Indo-Aryan language (Western Hindi) occupying the Gangetic Doab and the country immediately to its north and south. Round it, on three sides, is a band of mixed languages, Panjabi (of the central Punjab), Gujarati, Rajasthani (of Rajputana and its neighbourhood), and Eastern Hindi (of Oudh and the country to its south). Beyond these again, there is the band of Outer Languages (Kashmiri, with its Pisaca basis), Lahnda (of the western Punjab), Sindhi (here the band is broken by Gujarati), Marathi, Oriya (of Orissa), Bihari, Bengali and Assamese. There are also, at the present day, Indo-Aryan languages in the Himalaya, north of the Midland. These belong to the Intermediate Band, being recent importations from Rajputana. The Midland language is there-fore now enclosed within a ring fence of Intermediate forms of speech. We have seen that the word " Prakrit " means " natural " or " vernacular, " as opposed to the " purified " literary Sanskrit. From this point of view every vernacular of India, from the earliest times, is a Prakrit. The Rig-Veda itself, composed long before the birth of " purified " Sanskrit, can only be considered as written in an old vernacular, and its language, together with the other contemporary Indo-Aryan dialects which never attained to the honour of " purification," may be called the Primary Prakrits of India. If we compare literary Sanskrit with classical Latin (see Brandreth, " The Gaurian compared with the Romance Languages," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society xi. (1879), 287; xii. (188o), 335), then these Primary Prakrits correspond to the old Italic dialects con-temporary with and related to the literary language of Rome. They were synthetic languages with fairly complicated grammars, no objection to harsh combinations of consonants, and several grammatical forms strange to the classical speech. In the course of centuries (while literary Sanskrit remained stereotyped) they decayed into Secondary Prakrits. These still remained synthetic, and still retained the non-classical forms of grammar, but diphthongs and harsh combinations of consonants were eschewed. They now corresponded to the post-classical Italic dialects. Just as Sanskrit (and the Primary Prakrits) knew of a city called Kausambi, which was known as Kosambi to the Secondary Prakrits, so the real Umbrian name of the poet known to literature as Plautus was Plot(u)s. Again, as the Latin lactuca became lattuca, so the Primary Prakrit bhakta- became the Secondary bhatta-. In India, the dislike to harsh consonantal sounds, a sort of glottic laziness, finally led to a condition of almost absolute fluidity, each word of the Secondary Prakrits ultimately becoming an emasculated collection of vowels hanging on to an occasional consonant. This weakness brought its own Nemesis and from, say, A.D. 1000 we find in existehce the series of modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars, or, as they may be called, Tertiary Prakrits, closely corresponding to the modern Romance languages. Here we find the hiatus between contiguous vowels abolished by the creation of new diphthongs, declensional and conjugational terminations consisting merely of vowels becoming worn away, and new languages appearing, no longer synthetic,but analytic, and again reverting to combinations of consonants under new forms, which had existed three thousand years ago, but which two thousand years of attrition had caused to vanish. It is impossible to fix any approximate date for the change from the Primary to the Secondary Prakrits. We see sporadic traces of the secondary stage already occurring in the Rig-Veda itself, of which the canon was closed about i000 B.C. At any rate Secondary Prakrits were the current vernacular at the time of the emperor Asoka (250 B.c.). Their earliest stage was that of what is now called Pali, the sacred language of the Buddhists, which forms the subject of a separate article (see PALI). A still later and more abraded stage is also discussed under the head of PRAKRIT. This stage is known as that of the Prakrit par excellence. When we talk of Prakrit without any qualifying epithet, we usually mean this later stage of the Secondary Prakrits, when they had developed beyond the stage of Pali, but before they had reached the analytic stage of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars. The next, and final, stage of the Secondary Prakrits was that of the Apabhratsas. The word Apabhrarimsa means " corrupt " or " decayed," and was applied to the vernaculars in contrast to the Prakrit par excellence, which had in its turn (like Sanskrit and Pali) become stereotyped by being employed for literature. It is these Apabhrarinfas which are the direct parents of the modern vernacular. The following is a list of the Indo-Aryan vernaculars, showing, when known, the names of the Apabhramsas from which they are sprung, and the number of speakers of each in the year tool: Apabhrantsa. Modern Language. Nof Number Speakers. Saurasena A. Language of the Midland. 40,714,925 Western Hindi Avanta B. Intermediate Languages. 10,917,712 Rajasthani Pahari Languages 3,124,681 Gaurjara . . . Gujarati 9,439,925 Saurasena . . . Panjabi 17,070,961 Ardhamagadha . Eastern Hindi 22,136,358 Unknown . . . C. Outer Languages. 1,007,957 (a) North-Western Group. Kashmiri (with a Pisaca basis) (unknown) Kohistani (with a Pisaca 3,337,917 basis) Lahnda or Western Panjabi Vraca . . Sindhi 3,494,971 Maharastra . . (b) Southern Language. 18,237,899 Marathi Magadha . . (c) Eastern Group. 34,579,844 Bihari Oriya 9,687,429 Bengali 44,624,048 Assamese 1,350,846 Total . . More than 219,725,473 these, the Paha.ri languages are offshoots of Rajasthani imported into the Himalaya. Kohistani includes the mixed dialects of the Swat and Indus Kohistans. The census of 1901 did not extend to these tracts. A full account of the Apabhramsas will be found in the article PRAKRJT. Although the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars are not derived from Sanskrit, and though all, or nearly all, are not derived from the language of the Rig-Veda, nevertheless, as these Aire almost the only sources of our information as to what the Primary Prakrits of India were, and as all Primary Prakrits were related to these two and were in approximately the same stage of phonetic development, they afford a convenient means for carrying out historical investigation into the origin of all the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars to its legitimate conclusion. At the same time they are not always trustworthy guides, and sometimes fail to explain forms derived from other ancient contemporary dialects, the originals of which were unknown to the Vedic and classical literature. A striking example is the origin of the very common locative suffix -e. This can be traced through the A pabhrarizsa -hi to the Pali -dhi. There all Indian clues cease, and it is not till we recognize its relationship to the Greek -BI that we understand that it is an ancient Indo-European termination kept alive in India by some of the Primary Prakrits, but ignored both by the dialect of the Rig-Veda and by literary Sanskrit. With this reservation, a short comparison of Sanskrit with the Secondary and Tertiary Prakrit developments will be of interest. As the Pali and Prakrit stages are fully treated under their proper heads, very brief references to them will be sufficient. A. Vocabulary.—The ground of all the vocabularies of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars is, of course, the vocabulary of Aryan India in the Vedic period. Thousands of words have descended from the earliest times and are still in existence, after passing through certain changes subject to well-known phonetic laws. As many of these laws are the same for every language, it follows that a large stock of words; which principally differ in inflection, is common to all these modern forms of speech. These words, which natives believe to be derived from Sanskrit itself, are called by them t,¢dbhava, i.e. " having ' that ' (sc. Sanskrit, or, more correctly, the Primary Prakrit) for its origin." As the language of the Midland is derived from the old dialect of which Sanskrit is the " polished " form, it is approximately true to say that it is derived from that form of speech, and its native vocabulary (allowing for phonetic development) may be said to be the same as that of Sanskrit. But the farther we go from the Mid-land, the more examples we meet of a new class of words which natives of India call desya or " country-born." Most of these are really also tadbhavas, descendants of the old Primary Prakrit dialects spoken outside the Midland, of whose existence native scholars took no account. Finally, owing to the ever-present influence of literary Sanskrit, words are, and have been for many generations, borrowed direct from that language. Some of these borrowed words are due to the existence of Sanskrit as the language of religion. Their use is paralleled by the employment of Greek and Latin words for religious technical terms in all the languages of Europe. Others are technical terms of arts and sciences, but most of those which we meet are simply employed for the sake of fine language, much as if some purist were to insist on employing hlaford instead of lord " in writing English. These Sanskrit words are known as tatsama or " the same as' that ' (sc. Sanskrit)." The number of tatsamas employed varies much. In languages such as Panjabi which have little or no literature, and in the speech of the peasantry all over India, they are few in number. In the modern literary Bengali a false standard of literary taste has led to their employment in overwhelming numbers, and the homely vigorous home-speech, which is itself capable of expressing every idea that the mind of man can conceive, flounders about awkwardly enough under the weight of its borrowed plumes. The native vocabulary of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars is thus made up of ladbhavas, desyas and tatsamas. The Dravidian languages of southern India have also contributed a small quota to the Indo-Aryan vocabulary. Most of the words have been given a colour of contempt in the process of borrowing. Thus the word pilla, a cub, is really the Dravidian pillai, a son. But the most important accretion from outside comes from Persian, and (through Persian) from Arabic. This is due to Mahommedan influence. In the Mogul courts Persian was for long the language of politeness and literature, and words belonging to it filtered into all stages of society. The proportion of these Persian words varies greatly in the different languages. In some forms of Western Hindi they have almost monopolized the vocabulary, while in others, such as Bengali and Marathi, the number is very few. Instances of borrowing from other languages are of small importance. B. Phonetics.—The alphabet of the Indo-Aryan languages is, on the whole, the same as that of Sanskrit (q.v.), and the system of transliteration adopted for that language is also followed for them.' Some new sounds have, however, developed in the Secondary and Tertiary Prakrits. New signs will be used for them, and will be explained in the proper places. Sanskrit knew only long e and b, but already in the Secondary Prakrits we find a corresponding short pair, Band o, of which the use is considerably extended in the tertiary stage. The N agari (see SANSKRIT) and allied alphabets, when employed for modern Indo-Aryan languages or for Prakrit, are transliterated in this work according to the following system: a a i i u u r i' e e ai aI o o au au m (anusvara) 00 (anunasika) (visarga) . k kh g gh' r"c c (ts) ch (tsh) j ((la) jh ((fah) Cs t th d (r) dh (rh) 1 Ih u t th d dh n p ph b bh m yrIv(w) s$sh. Special sounds employed by particular languages are described in the articles in which reference is made to them. Here we may mention 4, sounded like the aw in " law," and a, o, u, pronounced as in German. The Sanskrit diphthongs ai and an disappeared in the secondary stage, e and o being substituted for them respectively. On the other hand, in the same stage, we frequently come across pairs of vowels, such as ai, au, with a hiatus between the two members. In the tertiary stage, these pairs have been combined into new diphthongs ai and au, shorter in pronunciation than ai and an. The pronunciation of ai and ai may be compared with that of the English " aye " and " I " respectively. In the languages of the Outer Band, there is again a tendency to weaken this new ai to e, and the new an to ei. All the tertiary languages weaken a short final vowel. In most it is elided altogether in prose, but in some of those of the Outer Band (Kashmiri, Sindhi and Bihari) it is half pronounced. Some of the Outer languages have also developed a new a-sound, corresponding to that of a in the German Mann. The stress-accent of classical Sanskrit has as a rule been preserved throughout. In the tertiary stage it generally resolves itself into falling on the ante-penultimate, if the penultimate is short. If the latter is long it takes the accent. In the eastern-languages there is a tendency to throw the accent even farther back. There is also everywhere a tendency to lighten the pronunciation of a short vowel after an accented syllable, so that it is barely audible. Thus, calata for cdlata. In some dialects, e.g. the Urdu form of Western Hindi, this " imperfect " vowel has altogether disappeared, as in calla. The tertiary languages have on the whole preserved the consonantal system of the secondary stage, preferring, however, as a rule, to simplify double consonants, with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Thus, for Sanskrit hasta-, a hand, we have Secondary Prakrit hattha-, Tertiary bath. Some tertiary languages have both hatth and hath: others (like Gujarati) have only bath: while others (like Panjabi) have only hatth. In the extreme north-west, Sindhi and Lahnda, under the influence of the Pisaca languages, simplify the double consonant without compensatory lengthening, so that we have hath. Again, many languages of the Outer Band show a tendency to avoid aspiration, so that Kashmiri, Marathi, Bengali and others have hat.. It is well known that the Iranian languages change s to h. The Tertiary Prakrits of the Outer Band find analogous difficulty in pronouncing a sibilant. The north-western languages change it to has in Persian. Marathi changes s to s before palatal sounds, and the same change occurs in Bengali in the case of every uncompounded sibilant. Eastern Bengali and Assamese go farther. Here s is again sounded almost like h. On the other hand, in the Midland, s rarely becomes h and then only when medial. In the Outer languages the palatal consonants are also liable to change; j and jh approach the sound of z, and c and ch often become ts, or, in the East, a simple s. Thus, the Midland cakar, a servant, is pronounced tsakar in Marathi, and the Midland mach, a fish, is sounded mas in Marathi, Bengali and Assamese. C. Declension.—In the latest stage of the Secondary Prakrits the neuter gender begins to disappear, and in the tertiary stage, except in Gujarati and Marathi, it is nearly altogether wanting. Elsewhere we only come across occasional relics of its employment. In some of the tertiary languages grammatical gender, as distinct from sexual gender, has disappeared as entirely as it has in English. The dual number had already fallen into disuse in the Secondary Prakrits. In the secondary stage we see a gradual simplification of grammatical form and a disappearance of case endings. The complicated Sanskrit system is more and more superseded by the simple uniformity of the declension of a-bases. One by one the case endings were discarded, and cases were confounded with one another till at Iength in Apabhramsa only one or two forms remained for each number. In the tertiary stage there remain in most languages only two cases, which we may call the nominative and the oblique. The latter can be employed for any case except the nominative, but the sense is usually defined by the aid of help-words called postpositions.2 It is a linguistic rule that languages in which the genitive precedes the governing noun prefer suffixes to prefixes and vice versa;' and, as the genius of the Indo-Aryan languages does require the genitive to be prefixed, these help-words take the form of suffixes. In the Midland they are still separate words, but in the Outer Band each has in general become incorporated with the main word to which it is attached. Thus, the Midland ghora, a horse, has its oblique form ghore, genitive ghore leer, but Bengali has oblique form ghora, genitive ghdrar contracted from ghora-k(k)ar. The ground principles of declension in all tertiary languages are the same, but as each employs different postpositions the systems of declension vary considerably. Marathi is the only true Indo-Aryan language which has preserved anything more than sporadic relics of the old system of case termifih.-tions. D. Conjugation.—Two tenses, the present and the imperative, of the old synthetic system of conjugation have survived in all the Tertiary Prakrits, and in some of them we also find the ancient future. All other tenses are now made periphrastically, mostly with the aid of participles to which auxiliary verbs may or may not be added. The participles employed are all survivals of the old participles of the present, of the past and (in some languages) of the 2 The origin of the postpositions is discussed in the article HINDOSTANI. 3 See P. W. Schmidt in Mitteilungen der Wiener Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, xxxiii. 381. future. The past and future participles are passive in their origin, and hence tenses formed with these participles must be construed passively. Thus, instead of " I struck him " we must say, either he was struck by me," or else (impersonally) " it was struck by me with reference to him." So, for an intransitive verb we have, either " I am gone," or " it is gone by me." In the language of the Midland this is quite simple and clear, but in those of the Outer Band the subject (in the instrumental, or as it is usually called " agent " case) is indicated by means of pronominal suffixes attached to the participle or auxiliary verb; thus (Bengali) marila+am, struck+by-me, becomes marilam, I struck. In such cases all memory of the passive meaning of the participle is lost by the eastern languages, and it, together with the appropriate pronominal suffixes, becomes in appearance and in practical use an ordinary past tense conjugated as in Latin or in Sanskrit. It is an instance of reversion to the original type; first synthetic, then analytic, and then again a new synthetic conjugation. In the other languages of the Outer Band, the memory of the passive nature of the participle is retained, although the conjugation is as synthetic as in the East, and the subject has to be put into the " agent " case. Geology.—The deltaic tracts of the Mekong and Red river are composed of alluvium (generally silicious clay) deposited by the rivers. The mountains from which this soil is derived are granitic in formation, the framework being almost always schists of ancient date, dislocated, folded and occasionally rounded into hills moo to 1300 ft. in height, belonging to the Devonian period. Above these schists lie—more especially in the north and south of Tongking—marbles and other highly crystalline limestones, upon which rest, unconformably in places (Nong-Son, Ke-Bao, Hon-Gay), Carboniferous formations. In the upper part of the Red river valley rich deposits of coal have been found between Yen-Bay and Hai-Duong, in a considerable tract of Tertiary rock. Limestone occurs also in the valley of the Mekong, forming an extensive massif in the district of Lakhon and in the basins of the Nam-Ka-Dinh and Nam-Hin-Bun. These limestones appear to be Carboniferous. In the region south of Lakhon the rock is Triassic, and gold has been found in several districts. The natives collect it in very small quantities by a washing process. In the lateral valleys of the Mekong copper and tin are found. On the course of the Nam-Paton, a tributary of the Natn-Hin-Bun, the natives work a moderately productive tin-mine. Layers of spicgeleisen, limonite and other iron ores are numerous in the Laos states, in which also antimony occurs. Climate.—The climate of Indo-China is that of an inter-tropical country, damp and hot. But the difference between the southern and northern regions is marked, as regards both temperature and meteorology. Cochin-China and Cambodia have very regular seasons, corresponding with the monsoons. The north-easterly monsoon blows from about the 15th of October to the 15th of April. within a day or so. The temperature remains almost steady durin% this time, varying but slightly from 78.8° to 8o•6° F. by day to 68 INDO-CHINA, FRENCH.' The geographical denomination of French Indo-China includes the protectorates of Annam, Tongking and Cambodia, the colony of Cochin-China and part of the Laos country. In 1900 the newly-acquired territory of Kwang-Chow Bay, on the coast of China, was placed under the authority of the governor-general of Indo-China. Cochin-China, a geographical definition which formerly included all the countries in the Annamese empire—Tongking, Annam and Cochin-China—now signifies only the French colony, consiEting of the " southern provinces " originally conquered from Annam, having Saigon as its capital. In its entirety French Indo-China, the eastern portion of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, lies between 8° 30' and 23° 25' N. and loo° and 109° 20' E. It is bounded N. by China, on which side the frontiers have been delimited; E. and S.E. by the Gulf of Tongking and the China Sea; W. by the Gulf of Siam and Siam, and N.W. by Burma. The area is estimated at about 290,000 sq. m., with a population of 171 millions, of whom 75 or 8o% are Annamese. The French inhabitants number about 13,000. The configuration of the country is determined by two rivers of unequal importance—the Mekong and the Song-Koi—and a continuous chain of mountains, an offshoot of the great Chinese group of Yun-nan, which, making a double curve, forms an immense S. South and west of this- mountain chain the country forms part of the Mekong basin. To the north and north-east of the chain the valley of the Song-Koi, or Red river, ' See also ANNAM, CAMBODIA, COCHIN-CHINA,KWANG-CHOW BAY, LAOS, FONGKING. by night. This is the dry season. From the 15th of April to the 15th of October the monsoon reverses, and blows from the south-west. The season of daily rains and tornadoes commences. The temperature rises from 8o•6° to 84.2°, at which it remains day and night. April and May are the hottest months (from 86° to 93.2°). The damp unwholesome heat sometimes produces dysentery and cholera. The climate of Annam is less regular. The north-easterly monsoon, which is " the ocean-wind," brings the rains in September. The north-easterly gales lower the temperature below 59°. September is the month in which the typhoon blows. During the dry season—June, July and August—the thermometer oscillates between 86° and 95°. The nights, however, are comparatively cool. Tongking has a winter season—October to May. The temperature, lowered by fog and the rains, does not rise above 75.2° and descends to 5o° over the delta, and to 44.6° and even 42.8° in the highlands, where white frost is occasionally seen. The summer, on the other hand, is scorching. The wind veers to the south-east and remains there until October. The temperature rises to over 83°; often it reaches and continues for several days at 95° or even more. The nights are distressingly airless. The Laos country in the interior and lying at a high altitude is cooler and drier. Its deep valleys and high hills vary its climate. Fauna and Flora.—From the populous cultivated districts wild animals, once plentiful, have retired towards the wooded and mountainous districts. The wild life of Laos includes fairly numerous herds of elephants, the rhinoceros (one- and two-horned; rhinoceros horn is employed as a " medicine "), tiger, panther, brown bear, tree-bear, monkeys and rats, among which are the musk rat, the palm rat and the nu-khi, or rat found in the rice-fields of the highlands, in which its ravages are considerable. In mountain districts the leopard, wild boar and deer are found, and in the neighbourhood of habitations the tiger-cat and ichneumon. The buffalo is commonly found wild in Laos; as a domesticated animal it also holds a prominent place. The zebu bull is used for transport purposes. Attempts to acclimatize the Arab horse and to introduce sheep from Aden and China have failed. There is, however, an indigenous race of horses, excellent in spite of their small size—the horses of Phu-Yen. Among birds the woodcock, peacock and numerous species of duck inhabit the woods and marshes. The goose and guinea-fowl appear, as also the turkey, to have become easily acclimatized. Reptiles (apart from the caimans of the Mekong, which attain a length of over 30 ft., and are much appreciated by the Annamese as food) are extremely numerous and varied in species. The rivers are rich in fish. The sole is found in the rivers of Tongking. The Mekong is fished for two species peculiar to it—the pa-beuk and the pa-leun, which attain a length of nearly 6 ft. All varieties of mosquitoes, ants and leeches combine to render the forests bordering the Mekong impracticable. Peculiar species of grubs and caterpillars destroy the cotton and coffee plantations of Cochin-China. The silkworm may be said to be indigenous in Tongking, where there are several thousand acres of mulberry trees. The flora is inter-tropical, and comprises nearly all the trees known in China and Japan. The bamboo is utilized in building and a variety of other ways. Formerly the teak was believed not to exist in the forests of Indo-China, but it was found some years ago in considerable abundance, and plantations of it have been made. Certain hard woods are used for marqueterie and other ornamental work. Rubber is also exploited. Cotton, previously cultivated in Cochin-China and Cambodia, gives excellent results in Laos. Tea, of which there are a certain number of plantations in the highlands of Tongking and Annam, grows wild in Upper Laos, and in quality closely resembles the Pou-eurl or Pueul variety noted in Yun-nan. Cocoa, coffee and cotton are cultivated in Tongking and Cambodia. Cinnamon and cardamoms are gathered in Laos and Annam. Ground nuts, sesame, sugar canes, pepper, jute, tobacco and indigo are also grown. The area under rice, which is incomparably the most important crop, is approximately 1,750,000 acres. All European fruits and vegetables have been introduced into Tongking, and with certain exceptions—the grape, for example—succeed perfectly. Measures taken to secure the monopoly of opium have notably in-creased the cultivation of the poppy. People.—The population of French Indo-China falls into five chief divisions—the Annamese, forming the bulk of the population in Annam, Tongking and Cochin-China and four-fifths of that of the whole country; the Khmers or Cambodians; the Chains of southern Annam; the Thais, including the Laotians; and the autochthonous tribes classed by the other inhabitants as Mois or Khas (" savages "). Driven into the interior by the now dominant races, these older people have mixed and blended with the peoples whom they found there, and new tribes have arisen, intermingled with fugitives from China, Annam and even Siam. In the north of Tongking people of Laos origin occur—the Th6s round Kaobang, the Muongs in the mountains bordering the Red river. When mixed with Chinese the Muongs and the Th6s are known asthe Hung-dans, Mans and Miens. The Muongs are bigger and stronger than the Annamese, their eyes often almost straight. They have square foreheads, large faces and prominent cheek-bones. In the centre and south of the Indo-Chinese mountain chain are found, under a multiplicity of names—Phon-tays, Sonia, Bah-nan, Bolovens, Stiengs, Mors, Kongs, &c.—people of Malayan origin mixed with all the races of Indo-China. Laos is inhabited by an essentially miscellaneous population—falling into three main groups—the Thais; various aboriginal peoples classed as Khas; and the Moos and Yaos, tribes of Chinese origin. Religions.—The Annamese religion is a somewhat vague and very tolerant Buddhism, which in practice resolves itself chiefly into the worship of ancestors. Certain ceremonies performed in Cambodia resemble distantly the Brahminical cult. The Roman Catholic religion has been introduced by missionaries. The course of its history has not been free from catastrophes and accidents. There is an apostolical vicariate in Cochin-China, one in Cambodia and several mission stations in Tongking. Two of these missions are mainly conducted by Spanish priests. Administration.—Before taking its present form the govern-mental organization of Indo-China underwent many changes. Originally Cochin-China, the only French possession in the peninsula, was a colony directly administered, like other colonies, by the ministry of marine, and its earliest governors were admirals. Later, as further conquests were effected, Tong-king and Cambodia were subjected to the regime of a protect-orate somewhat ill-defined, and placed under the authority of residents-general. The seat of the resident-general of Tongking was at Hanoi; of Cambodia, at Pnom-Penh. The government of the colonies having been transferred (1889) from the ministry of marine to the ministry of commerce, and in 1894 to the newly created ministry of the colonies, the control of the residencies passed gradually into the hands of civil agents. Cochin-China, which already by the decree of the 8th of February 188o had been endowed with a colonial eouncil, had a municipality, a chamber of commerce, and even a deputy in the French parliament. There had thus been three distinct states, each with its own ruler and government. But by the decrees of the 17th of October and the 3rd of November 1887 the unity of Indo-China was determined. By decree of October the post of director of the interior of Cochin-China was done away with and replaced by that of lieutenant-governor under the immediate authority of a governor-general. The functions and powers of the latter official were, however, but vaguely defined before the decree of the 21st of April 1881, which conferred on M J. M. A. de Lanessan, appointed governor-general, the most extensive powers. The residents-general of Tongking, Annam and Cambodia, and the lieutenant-governor of Cochin-China, as well as the military authorities, were placed under him. But this change of policy, which put an end to the system of expeditions and minor military operations, and restricted the power of the residents whilst restoring to the mandarins a share of authority, was unwelcome to numerous interests, which, combining, secured the abrupt recall of M de Lanessan on the 29th of December 1894. The decree of the 21st of April 1891 was not, however, revoked, but the powers it conferred were restricted. After the appointment of M Doumer, successor to M Rousseau, who died on the loth of December 1896, this decree was again put in force on the former scale, and in 1898 it was supplemented by the decrees of the 3rd and 31st-pi July, which definitely established the political and financial unity of Indo-China. The governor-general is the sole intermediary between the Indo-Chinese Union and the home government, the powers of which, with few restrictions, are delegated to him. As supreme administrative and military authority, he directly controls the civil services, and, though prohibited from commanding in the field, disposes of the land and sea forces in the country. His diplomatic negotiations with foreign powers must be carried on under the authorization and surveillance of the home authorities. The governor-general is assisted by the Superior Council of Indo-China, which meets monthly, and as reorganized by the decree of the 8th of August 1898 is composed as follows: the governor-general (president); the general commanding as head of the troops; the rear-admiral commanding the naval squadron of the Far East; the lieutenant-governor of Cochin-China; the residents superior of Tongking, Annam, Cambodia and Laos•; the director-general of finances; the director of the controle financier; the head of the judicial service of Indo-China; the director-general of the customs and excise of Indo-China; the directors-general of agriculture, forests and commerce; of public works; of posts and telegraphs; of health; and of public instruction; the treasurer-general of Indo-China; the director of the school of medicine at Hanoi; the president of the colonial council of Cochin-China; the presidents of the chambers of commerce of Saigon, Hanoi and Hai-Phong; the presidents of the united chambers of commerce and agriculture of A.nnam and Cambodia; the presidents of the chambers of agriculture of Tongking and Cochin-China; four influential natives; the chief of the cabinet and the governor-general's secretary. This list sufficiently indicates the depart-mental services, by means of which the general government is carried on. The Superior Council meets not only at Hanoi, the seat of the government, but also at Saigon, Hue and Pnom-Penh. It delegates its powers to a " permanent commission " consisting of thirteen of its members, and dispensing with the attendance of the local authorities of regions other than those in which the place of meeting is situated. The Superior Council meets annually to receive the general budget and the local budgets which " must be accepted by the governor-general at a session of the Superior Council."' It must also be consulted on the distribution of military credits, and on the credits to be devoted to public works. The controle financier, which scrutinizes and sanctions all measures of the public services involving outlay of money, is dependent on the ministry of the colonies. Its returns have to be communicated to the governor-general. The governor-general is also assisted by a " council of defence," comprising the chief military and naval authorities. Justice.—The whole of Indo-China is, in principle, subject to French justice, represented by a court of appeal and a certain number of tribunals. Before 1898 the administration of justice was not centralized. There was a court of appeal at Hanoi, and another at Saigon. But the decree of the 8th of August 1898 established one court of appeal for French Indo-China: two chambers sitting at Saigon and the other two at Hanoi. Three tribunals of commerce are established at Saigon, Hanoi and Hai-Phong. There are courts of first instance at Saigon, My-Tho, Vinh-Long, Ben-Tre, Chau-Doc, Kantho, Soc-Trang, Tra-vinh, Long-Xuyen for Cochin-China, at Pnom-Penh for Cambodia, and at Hanoi and Hai-Phong for Tongking. These courts are supplemented by juges de paix in Cochin-China, and there are juges de paix at Nam-Dinh (Tongking) and Tourane; elsewhere in the protectorates the residents perform judicial functions. There are criminal courts at Saigon, My-Tho, Vinh-Long and Long-Xuyen in Cochin-China, at Hanoi in Tongking and at Pnom-Penh in Cambodia. In Cochin-China Annamese law is administered in the French courts in suits between natives, but native tribunals have been superseded. In Annam-Tongking, out-side the sphere of the French tribunals, the natives are subject to Annamese justice, represented in each province by a mandarin, called the An Sat, and in Cambodia the natives are subject to the native tribunals. At the same time, whenever a French subject or European or other foreigner is a party in an affair, French justice only is competent. Public Works.—The order of the 9th of September 1898 placed the public works of Indo-China under the " direct authority of the governor-general as regards works entered to the general budget account." There is a director of public works in Indo-China at Saigon, a director of engineering in the other countries. In 1895 a " special service " was created in Tongking to ;consider railway business. Posts and Telegraphs.—The country is divided into two sections for the purposes of this service, the one comprising Annam, Tongking and Upper Laos, the other Cochin-China, Cambodia and Lower Laos. The post and telegraph offices in Indo-China number about three hundred. Tourane communicates by submarine cable with Amoy in China, thence with Vladivostok and Europe. The Army—Land Force.—The military services are under the authority of a general of division commanding in chief. The European troops in 1907 comprised four regiments of colonial ' This does not apply to the budget of Cochin-China, which is voted by the colonial council and approved by the governor-general alone.infantry with 22 batteries of artillery (io in Tongking and 12 in Cochin-China). The native troops, numbering over 18,000, comprised four regiments of Tongkingese tirailleurs (sharp-shooters), two of Annamese, a battalion of Cambodian and a battalion of Chinese tirailleurs, a squadron of Annamese chasseurs or light horse and two companies of engineers. Sea Force.—Indo-China is protected by the naval division of the Far East. In addition five gunboats are stationed at Saigon and a third-class cruiser and some minor vessels at Hai-Phong. The Policing of the country is performed by natives (the garde indigene) under European officers and by the gendarmerie coloniale, which is reinforced by native auxiliaries. Money, fb'c.—The monetary unit is the piastre, which is of variable value, having fallen from 4.50 francs to 2.40 francs and fluctuating round that figure. The chief native coin is the sapek of zinc or tin, six hundred of which strung together form a ligature, a tenth of which is called a tien. The piastre is worth 2700 sapeks. The unit of weight, the picul, equals 60.4 kilos. (about 133 lb) ; the thuoc-moe equals .425 metre (about 17 in.). Education.—The Annamese are intelligent and have old intellectual and artistic traditions. In consequence the promotion of education has been assigned to a special council (Conseil de perfectionnement de l'enseignement) selected from Frenchmen and Asiatics particularly qualified for membership. Among its preoccupations are the reconstitution of the schools of Chinese characters in Cochin-China, the remodelling of the programmes of the triennial examinations in Annam and Tongking (see ANNAM) with a view to completing them with a summary knowledge of French and science, the improvement of the teaching given in the pagodas in Cambodia and Laos, and the foundation of a university comprising classes for natives. In 1906, in Cochin-China, where the largest sum (£45,000 in 1906) is devoted to instruction, 22,500 children received a French education. Finance.—The unification of the budget brought about by M Doumer (decree of the 31st of July 1898) specially contributed to that of the government. The financial scheme is based on the political. Just as a single central government directs the various local governments, so in addition to the general budget, comprising the revenue and expenditure of the supreme government, there are several local budgets, including the revenue and expenditure incidental to the individual provinces. The general budget in 1899 and 1904 is summarized below: Receipts. Expenditure. 1899 . £1,968,770 £1,639,800 1904 . . . . 2,809,851 2,797,031 While direct taxes, e.g. the poll-tax and land tax or (in Cambodia) the tax on products, are the main sources of revenue for the local budgets, those for the general budget are the indirect taxes: (1) customs (!619,616 in 1904) ; (2) " rhgies " and other indirect taxes (1,733,836 in 1904), these including the excise on alcohol, the monopoly of the purchase and sale of salt, and the monopoly of the purchase, manufacture and sale of opium. The chief items of expenditure in 1904 were the following:—Public Works . £385,680 618,654 527,663 Loans 2 417,421 Shipping.—The following table shows the total tonnage of shipping entered and cleared at the ports of French Indo-China in 1905 and its distribution over the countries of the Union: Country. Tonnage. Entered. Cleared. Cochin-China . 1,117,054 1,007,510 Tongking . 242,119 348,947 Annam 28,065 26,406 Cambodia 2,520 2,012 Total . . . . 1,389,758 1,384,875 Over half the tonnage was French (698,178 tons entered); the 2 This does not include the expenditure on account of the 3 % loan of £8,o00,000, which is inscribed in a special account. The debt of the government-general of Indo-China is composed as follows ~~ Nominal Capital, I Nominal Capital in circulation on Jan. 1, 1907. 2z % Loan of 1896 (Annam- £3,678,000 £3,342,800 Tongking) . . 3z% Loan of £8,000,00o 8,748,260 8,640,060 issued from 1899 to 1905 Total £12,426,260 £11,982.,86o Customs and " regies " Naval and Military Services United Kingdom came second (284,277 tons); Germany, third (205,615 tons). Commerce.-The value of the trade of French Indo-China increased from £6,796,000 in 1896 to £16,933,000 in 1905, its average annual value for the. years 1896-1905 being £12,213,000. The following table shows the movement of commerce in 1905: Imports. Exports. Total. £ £ £ France . . 4,314,586 1,233,295 5,547,881 French colonies . 163,568 76,855 240,423 Foreign countries . 5,704,257 5,440,156 11,144,413 Total. . . . j 10,182,411 6,750,306 16,932,717 In 1905 the principal foreign countries from which goods were Hong Kong for £2,473,8821 Singapore 598,449 China and Japan. 11 1,473,704 Burma and Siam . 289,542 The British Isles . 141,381 The United States 126,425 The principal countries to which goods were exported were: Hong Kong . . for £1,706,5971 China and Japan . 11, 497,288 Singapore . 360,510 Burma and Siam . 80,071 The British Isles . 55,539 The principal imports were: Wheat . for £214,156 Rice 226,755 Raw opium 271,582 Raw cotton ,> 167,020 Wine 340,027 Pit coal . 11 206,221 Petroleum 388,163 Gold 11 203,369 Iron and steel 353,214 Tin 526,428 Cotton thread 672,040 Jute tissues . 254,255 Cotton tissues 922,250 Silk tissues . 241,113 Paper . . 344,633 Metal-work . „ 1,170, 576 Arms, powder and ammunition. 170,882 The principal exports were: for £151,415 Dried fish, salt and smoked Rice . 71 2,848,389 Pepper . 214,297 Pit coal . 182,077 Tin 553,914 Cotton thread „ 421,162 The customs tariff is substantially the same as that of France, severe import duties being levied on foreign goods. French goods pay no import duty and goods exported thither are exempt from export duty, with the exception of sugar, which is regulated by special legislation, and of various other colonial products (e.g. coffee, cocoa, tea, vanilla, pepper) which pay half the duty applicable to similar foreign products according to the minimum tariff. Goods fro.n French colonies pay no import duty. About, 53% of the imports, comprising nearly all manufactured goods of European origin, come from France. China, Japan and Singapore are the other chief sources of imports. The Bank of Indo-China (capital (1,440,000) besides receiving deposits and discounting bills, issues bank-notes and has, till 1920, the privilege of lending money on security. Cononunications.-The railway communications of French Indo-China comprise lines from Hai - Phong to Lao - Kay, continued thence via the Nam-Te valley to Yun-nan; from Hanoi northward to Lang-Son and south to Vinh; from Tourane to Kwang-Tri via Hue and from Kan-Tho (Cochin-China) to Khanh-Hoa (Annam) via My-Tho, Saigon, Bien-Hoa and Jiring with branches to Phan-Tiet and Phan-Rang. The three last are the completed sections of a line which will unite Tongking with Cochin-China. The towns in the deltas of the Mekong and Red river are united by a network of canals. The mandarin road following the coast line of Annam connects Tongking with Cochin-China, but the easiest means of communication between these two territories is by sea, the voyage from Saigon to Tourane lasting three days, that from Tocrane to Hai-Phong, thirty hours. History-The beginning of French influence in Indo-China dates from 1787i when a treaty was concluded between Gia- i The transit trade between Hong Kong and Yun-nan via Tong-king is of considerable importance (sec T0NGKING).long, king of Annam (q.v.), and the king of France, whereby Tourane and the island of Pulo-Condore were ceded to the latter. The successors of Gia-long were averse from French influence and instituted persecutions of the Christian missionaries and natives, which led, in the reign of Tu-duc in 1858, to the arrival at Tourane of a French and Spanish fleet. The capture of that town was followed early in 1859 by the storming of Saigon, which Rigault de Genouilly, the French admiral, chose as his base of operations. The French and Spanish were, however, too few to take the offensive, and were forced to submit to a blockade, conducted by the Annamese general Nguyen Tri Phuong, at the head of 20,000 troops. It was not till February 1861 that reinforcements under Admiral Charner reached Saigon, and the Annamese were defeated and My-Tho taken. A revolt against Tu-duc in Tongking, and the stoppage of the rice supplies from Cochin-China, obliged the king to submit, in 1862, to a treaty by which three provinces of Cochin-China were ceded and other concessions accorded to France. However, it was only after further military operations that Tu-duc consented to the ratification of the treaty. In 1863 Admiral de la Grandiere was appointed governor of Cochin-China and in the same year France established her protectorate over Cambodia. It was under La Grandiere that the exploration of Mekong was undertaken (see GARNIKIZ, M J. F.) and that in 1867 the three provinces of Cochin-China left to Annam were annexed. French intervention in Tongking, which began with the expedition of Francois Gamier to Hanoi in 1873, culminated after a costly and tedious war (see ToNGIuNG) in the treaties of 1883 and 1884, whereby Annam and Tongking passed under the protectorate of France. The latter treaty, though its provisions were subsequently much modified, remains theoretic-ally the basis of the present administration of Annam. From 1884 onwards the history of Indo-China may be divided into two distinct periods, characteristic of the political conception and governmental system adopted by the French government. In the first period, 1884-1891, the French agents in Tongking and Indo-China generally proceeded under cover of the treaty of 1884 with the definite conquest and annexation of Tongking and also Annam. Cochin-China itself openly designed to seize the southern provinces of Annam, upon the borders of which it lay. This policy, momentarily checked by the war with China, was vigorously, even violently, resumed after the treaty of Tientsin (June 1885). The citadel of Hue was occupied in July 1885 by General de Courcy. The Annamese government forthwith decided upon rebellion. An improvised attack upon the French troops was led by the ministers Thu-yet and Thu-ong. The revolt was promptly suppressed. The regent Thu-yet and the king Ham-N'ghi (crowned in August 1884) fled. At this time the French government, following a very widespread error, regarded Tongking and Annam as two distinct countries, inhabited by populations hostile to each other, and considered the Tongkingese as the oppressed vassals of the Annamese conqueror. To conquer Annam, it was said, would liberate Tongking. This misconception produced the worst consequences. With the flight of the king civil war commenced in Annam. The people of Tongking, whose submission the court of Hue had not dared to demand, began to rise. Taking advantage of this state of anarchy, pirates of the Black Flag, Chinese deserters and Tongkingese rebels devastated the country. The occupation of Tongking became a prolonged warfare, in which 25,000 French, compelled to guard innumerable posts, had to oppose an intangible enemy, appearing by night, vanishing by day, and practising brigandage rather than war. The military expenditure, met neither by commerce, which had become impossible, nor taxation, which the Annamese could not pay nor the French receive, resulted in heavy deficits. The resident-general, Paul Bert, who hoped to gain the confidence of the mandarins by kindness and goodwill, did not succeed in pre-venting, or even moderating, the action of the military regime. Than-quan, Hon-Koi, Lao-Kay, Pak-Lun and Kao-Rang were occupied, but the troops were driven back to the delta and almost invested in the towns. Disappointed in his hopes and worn out imported were: rather by anxiety than work, Paul Bert succumbed to his troubles in November 1886, seven months after his arrival in the country. His successors possessed neither the strength nor the insight necessary to grapple with the situation. M. Constans, however, appointed " provisional " governor-general after the death of M. Filippini, succeeded to a certain extent in reviving commerce in the towns of the delta. MM. Richaud, Bihourd and Piquet, successors of M. Constans, were all powerless to deal with the uninterrupted " bush-fighting " and'the augmentation of the deficit, for no sooner was the latter covered by grants from the mother country than it began to grow again. At the close of the financial year in 1890 France had paid 13,000,000 francs. In April 1891 the deficit again approached the sum of 12,000,000 francs. The.rebels held almost all the delta provinces, their capitals excepted, and from Hanoi itself the governor-general could see the smoke of burning villages at the very gates of his capital. At this point a complete change of policy took place. M. de Lanessan, a Paris deputy sent on a mission in the course of 1887, made himself acquainted with the government and the court of Hue. He recognized the absolute falsity of the story which represented the Tongkingese as the oppressed subjects of the Annamese. He demonstrated the consanguinity of the populations, and after intercourse with the regents, or ministers, of Hue he realized that the pacification of the country depended upon harmonious relations being established between the general government and the court. Appointed governor-general with the fullest powers on the 21st of April 1891, he presented himself at Hue, concluded with the coma an agreement based on the principle of a " loyal protectorate," and reassured the court, up to this point uneasy under menace of annexation. The comat shortly issued' a proclamation under the great royal seal, never hitherto attached to any of the public acts imposed upon the king by the governors, who had been unaware of its existence. In this proclamation the king ordered all his subjects to obey the governor-general and to respect him, and commanded rebels to lay down arms. The effect was immediate—disorders in the delta ceased. The pirates alone, in revolt against the king of Annam and all authority, continued their brigandage. But the governor-general instituted four " military districts," the commanders of which were commissioned to destroy the pirates. At the same time he placed a force of native police, the linh co, at the disposal of the mandarins, hitherto regarded with suspicion and intentionally deprived of all means of action. Order was restored within the delta. In the mountainous districts infested by pirates roads were opened and posts established. The chief haunts of the pirates were demolished, and during 1893 the foremost pirate chiefs gave in their sub-mission. The Indo-Chinese budget regained4Jits balance. On the Chinese frontier agreements were concluded with Marshal Sou, in command of the Chinese forces, regarding the simultaneous repression of piracy in both countries. But on the Mekong difficulties arose with the Siamese. For centuries Siam had occupied the right bank of the Mekong, and her troops had crossed the river and occupied the left bank. Luang-Prabang was in the hands of the Siamese, who had also established posts at Stung-treng and elsewhere. Friction occurred between the French agents and Siamese soldiery. After the death of Inspector Crosgurin on the 5th of June 1893 the French government occupied Stung-treng and Khong. France demanded explanations and redress at Bangkok, but the court refusing concessions, an ultimatum was presented to the king by M. Pavie, French minister to Siam. The terms of the ultimatum not having been complied with within the given time, the French flotilla, consisting of the gunboats " L'Inconstant " and " La Comete," crossed the bar of the Menam on 13th July 1893, forced the entrance of the channel, and anchored at Bangkok, before the French legation. A second ultimatum was then presented. It contained the following conditions:—First. the occupation of Chantabun by the French until the Siamese should have entirely evacuated the left bank of the Mekong; secondly, the Siamese to be interdicted from maintaining military forces at Battambang, Siem-Reap, and generally from establishing fortified positions within 152 m. of the right bank of the Mekong; thirdly, Siam to be interdicted from having armed boats on the great lake Tonle-Sap. This agreement was executed immediately, the Laotians being eager parties to it. On the 29th of September 1893 the king of Luang-Prabang made his submission to the French government, and besought it to use its influence with the court of Siam for the return to their families of the sons of princes and mandarins then in schools at Bangkok. The Siamese evacuated the left bank of the Mekong, and France took possession of Laos, a treaty, on the basis of the ultimatum, being signed on the 1st of October 1893. The disputes to which this affair with Siam had given rise between France and Great Britain were amicably settled by an agreement concluded on the 15th of January 1896. This " declaration," virtually ratifying the treaty concluded in 1893 between France and Siam, settled the limits of the zones of influence of the two contracting powers in the north of the Mekong regions and on the frontiers of Siam and Burma. Great Britain resigned to France the regions of the Muong-Sing which she had previously occupied. The great part of Siam included in the Menam basin was declared neutral, so also the Me-ping basin in the north, Meklong Pechaburi and Bang Pa Kong rivers in the south. The neutral zone, 152 M. wide on the right bank of the Mekong, was formally recognized. In 1904, by a new Franco-Siamese treaty setting aside that of 1893, Chantabun was evacuated and the neutral zone renounced in return for the cession of the provinces of Bassac and Melupre and the district of Dansai (comprising the portion of Luang Prabang on the right bank of the Mekong) and the maritime district of Krat. By a further convention in 1907 Siam ceded the provinces of Battambang, Siem-Reap anc Sisophon, and received in return the maritime province of Krat and the district of Dansai ceded in 1904. At the same time France abandoned all designs on territory of Siam by giving up certain areas obtained for the purposes of railway building on the right bank of the Mekong. After the recall of M. de Lanessan in 1894 (see above), and before his successor, M. Rousseau, was able to acquaint himself fully with the condition of the country, military expeditions began again and the deficit soon reappeared. Tranquillity, however, being restored, attention was given to public works. On the 12th of October 1895 M. Rousseau left to ask parliament to vote a loan of 100,000,000 francs. On the Toth of February 1896 a law was passed authorizing a loan of 8o,000,000 francs, and on the 14th of March 1896 an office for the financial control of the government-general of Indo-China was established. In the interval a French company had obtained from China a concession to prolong the railway from Langson to Lungchow on a tributary of the Canton river. M. Rousseau, who died on the loth of December 1896, was replaced by M. Doumer, previously minister of finance, under whose government was realized, as has been before stated, the union of Indo-China. On the loth of December 1898 M. Doumer obtained from parliament authorization to contract a loan of 200,000,000 francs, the proceeds of which were appropriated to the construction of railway lines. (J. M. A. DE L.; R. TR.) INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES. The Indo-European (I.E.) languages are a family of kindred dialects spread over a large part of Europe, and of Asia as far as India. The main branches so far identified fall easily into two groups of four. These groups are distinguished from one another by the treatment of certain original guttural sounds, k(c), g, kh, gh, which one group shows as consonants, while the other converts them into sibilants. The variation is well shown in the word for " hundred ": Gr. i-rcarov, Lat. centum, Old Irish cet; Sanskrit gala m , Zend satam, Lithuanian szinntas, Old Bulgarian (Old ecclesiastical Slavonic) ado. In the first three the consonant is a hard guttural (the Romans said kentum, not sentum) , in the others it is a sibilant (the Lithuanian sz is the English sh). The first group (generally known as the centum-group) is the Western and entirely European group, the second (generally known as the satem-group) with one exception lies to the east of the centum-group and much its largest part is situated in Asia. To the centum-group belong (1) Greek; (2) the Italic languages, including Latin, Oscan, Umbrian and various minor dialects of ancient Italy; (3) Celtic, including (a) the Q-Celtic languages, Irish, Manx and Scotch Gaelic, (b) the P-Celtic, including the language of ancient Gaul, Welsh, Cornish and Breton : the differentiation, which exists also in the Italic languages, turning upon the treatment of original kw sounds, which all the Italic languages save Latin and the little-known Faliscan and the (b) group of the Celtic languages change to p. With these go (4) the Germanic or Teutonic languages, including (a) Gothic, (b) the Scandinavian languages, Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic—differentiated in historical times out of a single language, Old Norse,—(c) West Germanic, including English and Frisian, Low Frankish (from which spring modern Dutch and Flemish), Low and High German. To the satem-group belongs (1) Aryan or Indo-Iranian, including (a) Sanskrit, with its descendants, (b) Zend, and (c) Old Persian, from which is ultimately descended Modern Persian, largely modified, however, by Arabic words. This group is often divided into two sub-groups, Indo-Aryan, including the languages of India, and Iranian, used as a general title for Zend and Old Persian as the languages of ancient Iran. Although the sounds of Indo-Aryan and Iranian differ considerably, phrases of the earliest form of the one can be transliterated into the other without change in vocabulary or syntax. (2) To the west of these lies Armenian, which is so full of borrowed Iranian words that only in 1875 was it successfully differentiated by Hubschmann as an independent language. It is probably related to, or the descend-ant of, the ancient Phrygian, which spread into Asia from Thrace by the migration of tribes across the Hellespont. Of ancient Thracian unfortunately we know very little. (3) North of the Black Sea, and widening its borders in all directions, comes the great Balto-Slavonic group. In this there are two branches somewhat resembling the division between Indo-Aryan and Iranian. Here three small dialects on the south-east coast of the Baltic form the first group, Lithuanian, Lettish and Old Prussian, the last being extinct since the 17th century. The Slavonic languages proper themselves fall into two groups: (a) an Eastern and Southern group, including Old Bulgarian, the ecclesiastical language first known from the latter part of the 9th century A.D.; Russian in its varieties of Great Russian, White Russian and Little Russian or Ruthenian; and Servian and Slovene, which extend to the Adriatic. (b) The western group includes Polish with minor dialects, Czech or Bohemian, also with minor languages in the group, and Sorb. In the salon division is also included (4) Albanian, which like Armenian is much mixed with foreign elements—Latin, Greek, Turkish and Slavonic. The relation between it and the ancient Illyrian is not clear. Besides the languages mentioned there are many others now extinct or of which little is known—e.g. Venetic, found in clearly written inscriptions with a distinctive alphabet in north-eastern Italy; Messapian, in the heel of Italy, which is supposed to have been connected with the ancient Illyrian; and possibly also the unknown tongue which has been found recently on several inscriptions in Crete and seems to have been the language of thepre-Hellenic population, the finds apparently confirming the statement of Herodotus (vii. 170) that the earlier population survived in later times only at Praesos and Polichne. Names of deities worshipped by the Aryan branch are reported to have been discovered in the German excavations at Boghaz-Keui (anc. Pieria, q.v.) in Cappadocia; names of kings appear in widely separated areas elsewhere in Asia,' and a language not hitherto known has recently been found in excavations in Turkestan and christened by its first investigators Tocharish? So far as yet ascertained, Tocharish seems to be a mongrel dialect produced by an intermixture of peoples speaking respectively an I.E. language and a language of an entirely different origin. The stems of the words are clearly in many cases I.E., but the terminations are no less clearly alien to this family of languages. It is remarkable that some of its words, like ku, " dog," have a hard k, while the other languages of this stock in Asia, so far as at present known, belong to the satem-group, and have in such words replaced the k by a sibilant. Till the latter part of the 18th century it was the universal practice to refer all languages ultimately to a Hebrew origin, because Hebrew, being the language of the Bible, was assumed, with reference to the early chapters of Genesis, to be the original language. Even on these premises the argument was unsound, for the same authority also recorded a confusion of tongues at Babel, so that it was unreasonable to expect that languages thus violently metamorphosed could be referred so easily at a later period to the same original. The first person to indicate very briefly the existence of the Indo-European family, though he gave it no distinctive name, was Sir William Jones in his address to the Bengal Oriental Society in 1786. Being a skilled linguist, he recognized that Sanskrit must be of the same origin as Greek, Latin, Teutonic (Germanic) and possibly Celtic (Asiatic Researches, i. p. 422; Works of Sir W. Jones, i. p. 26, London, 1799). Unfortunately Sir William Jones's views as to the relationship of the languages were not adopted for many years by later investigators. He had said quite definitely, " No philologer could examine them all three (Sanskrit, Greek and Latin) without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which perhaps no longer exists." Friedrich Schlegel, who learnt Sanskrit from Alexander Hamilton in Paris nearly twenty years later, started the view that Sanskrit, instead of being the sister, was the mother of the other languages, a mistake which, though long since refuted in all philological works, has been most persistent. Curiously enough the history of the names given to the family is obscure. The earliest known occurrence of the word " Indo-European " is in an article in the Quarterly Review for '8133 by Dr Thomas Young. The term has been in use in English and in French almost continuously since that date. But a glance at Dr Young's article will show that he included under Indo-European many languages like Basque, Etruscan and Arabian (his term for Semitic), which certainly do not belong to this family of languages at all; and if the term is taken to mean, as it would seem to imply, all the languages spoken in India and Europe, it is undoubtedly a misnomer. There are many languages in India, as those of the Dravidians in Southern India and those of Northern Assam, which do not belong to this family. On the other hand there are many languages belonging to the family which exist outside both India and Europe—Zend, Old Persian, Armenian, Phrygian, to say nothing of language' recently discovered. The term most commonly used in Germany is "_ Indo-Germanic." This was employed by Klaproth as early as ?823. It is said not to have been invented by him, but by whom and E. Meyer, SitzungsberichtederBerliner Akademie (1908, pp. 14ff.), and more fully in Kuhn's Zeitschrift (xlii. pp. 17 ff.) ; also Geschtchte des Altertums (i. 2, and ed. pp. 807 ff.). x Sieg and Siegling, " Tocharisch, die Sprache der Indoskythen " (Sitzb. d. Berl. Ak. 1908, pp. 915 ff.). No. xix. p. 255, " Another ancient and extensive class of languages, united by a greater number of resemblances than can well be altogether accidental, may be denominated the Indo-European, comprehending the Indian, the West Asiatic, and almost all the European languages." when it was invented is not quite ascertained.' It is an attempt to name the family by its most easterly and most westerly links. At the time when it was invented it had not yet been settled whether Celtic was or was not a member of this family. But in any case the term would not have been wrong, for members of the Germanic stock have been settled for above a thousand years in Iceland, the most westerly land of Europe, and for the last four centuries have increasingly dominated the continent of America. As has been pointed out by Professor Buck of Chicago (Classical Review, xviii. p. 400), owing to the German method of pronouncing eu as oi, the word " Indo-Germanic " is easier for a German to pronounce than " Indo-European." Attempts to discover a more accurate and less ponderous term, such as " Indo-Celtic " or " Celtindic," have not met with popular favour. Aryan (q.v.) is conveniently brief, but is wanted as the proper term for the most easterly branch of the family. What is wanted is a term which does not confuse ethnological and linguistic ideas. Not all speakers of any given language are necessarily of the same stock. In ancient Rome Latin must have been spoken by many slaves or sons of slaves who had no Latin blood in their bodies, though a slave if manumitted by his master might be the father or grandfather of a Roman citizen with full rights. Plautus and Terence were both aliens, the one an Umbrian, the other an African. The speakers of modern English are even a more multifarious body. A possible name for the family, implying only the speaking of a language of the stock without any reference to racial or national characteristics, could be obtained from the name for man, so widely though perhaps not altogether universally diffused throughout the family —Sanskrit virus, Lithuanian wyras, Lat. air, Irish fey, Gothic wale, &c. If the speakers of these languages were called collectively Wires, no confusion with ethnological theories need arise. It is customary to talk of the roots, stems and suffixes of words in the Indo-European languages. These languages are distinguished from languages like Chinese by the fact that in the great majority of words suffixes can be separated from roots. But the distinction between them and the so-called agglutinative languages is one of degree rather than of kind. In the agglutinative languages, or at any rate in some of them, some of the post-fixed elements have still an independent value. In the Indo-Germanic languages no one can say what the meaning of the earliest suffixes was. Suffixes which have developed in individual languages or individual sections of this family of languages can often be traced, e.g. the often quoted -hood in English words like " manhood," or the English -ly in " manly," which has gradually extended till it is actually attached to its own parent like in " likely." But all recent investigation goes to show that before the Indo-European languages separated they possessed words with all the characteristics which we recognize in substantives like the Latin dominus or verbs like the Greek Sstsvurai. Or, to put the same fact in another way, by the comparative method it is impossible to reach a period when the speakers of Indo-European languages spoke in roots. A " root " is only a convenient philological abstraction; it is merely the remnant which is left when all the elements that can be analysed are taken away; it is therefore only a kind of greatest common measure for a greater or smaller body of words expressing modifications of the same idea. Thus, though by no means the earliest form of the word, the English man might be taken as the " root " from which are derived by various suffixes manhood, manly, mannish, manful, manned (past tense), manned (participle), unman, mannikin, &c. How far the suffixes which can be traced back to Indo-European times (i.e. to a time before the separation of the languages) had existence as separate entities it is impossible to say. From what we see of the later history of the languages it is much more probable that both forms and signification were very largely the result of analogy. For in the making of new words analogy plays a much larger part than any reference to general principles of formation or composition. New words are to a large extent, even in modern times, the invention of persons unskilled in the history of language. The first to point out that the term Indo-European (or Indo-Germanic) was not used uniformly in one sense was Professor Kretschmer in his Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Gottingen, 1896), pp. 9 if. It is in fact used in three senses. (I) Indo-European is treated as preceding and different from all its descendants, a single uniform speech without dialects. But, strictly, no such language can exist, for even individual members of the same family differ from one another in pronunciation, vocabulary, ' Leo Meyer, " tJbcr den Ursprung der Namen Indogermanen, Semiten and Ugrofinner," in the Gottinger gelehrte Nachrichtcn, philologisch-historische Klasse, 1901, pp. 454 if. sentence formation, etc. Thus it appears impossible to ascertain what the Indo-European term for the numeral I was, since different languages show at least four words for this, three of them presenting the same root with different suffixes: (a) Sanskrit eke (- *or—quo—) ; (b) Zend aeva, Old Persian aiva, Greek oZ-(F)o-s (_ *os no-) ; (c) Greek oivi , " ace," Latin unus (older oenus), Old Irish oen, Gothic ains, Lithuanian vines (where the initial v has no more etymological signification than the w which now begins the pronunciation of the English one), Old Bulgarian inu; (d) Greek eis, Es (= *sem—s). But the Indo-European community must have had a word for the numeral since the various languages agree in forms for the numerals 2 to 10, and the original Indo-European people seem to have been able to count at least as far as loo. On the other hand, if the Indo-European language must have had dialects, the line of differentiation between it and its descendants becomes obliterated. (2) But even when a word is found very widely diffused over the area of the Indo-European languages, it is not justifiable to conclude that therefore the word must have belonged to the original language. The dispersion of the Indo-European people over the areas they now inhabit, or inhabited in the earliest times known to history, must have been gradual, and commerce or communication between different branches must have always existed to some extent; the word might thus have been transmitted from one community to another. When a word is found in two branches which are geographically remote from one another and is not found in the inter-mediate area, the probability that the word is original is somewhat stronger. But even in this case the originality of the word is by no means certain, for (a) the intervening branch or branches which do not possess the word may merely have dropped it and replaced it by another; (b) the geographical position which the branches occupy in historical times may not be their original position; the branches which do not possess the word may have forced themselves into the area they now occupy after they had dropped the word; (c) if the linguistic communities which possess the word have a seaboard and the intervening communities have not, the possibility of its tra- smission in connexion with early sea-borne commerce must be considered. At the dawn of European history the Phoenicians and the Etruscans are great seafarers; at a later time the Varangians of the North penetrated to the Mediterranean and as far as Constantinople; in modern times sea-borne commerce brought to Europe words from the Caribbean Indians like potato and tobacco, and gave English a new word for man-eating savages—cannibal. Thus with Kretschmer we must distinguish between what is common Indo-European and what is original Indo-European in language. (3) A word may exist in several of the languages, and may have existed in them for a very long time, and yet not be Indo-European. Hehn (Des Sala, ed. 2, 1901) rejects salt as an Indo-European word because it is not found is the Aryan group, though in this case he is probably wrong, (a) because, as has been shown by Professor Johannes Schmidt, its irregular declension (sal-d, genitive sal-nes) possesses characteristics of the oldest Indo-European words; (b) because the great plains of Iran are characterized by their great saltness, so that the Aryan branch did not pass through a country where salt was unknown, although, according to Herodotus (i. 133), the Persian did not use salt to season his food. Since Kretschmer wrote, this argument has been used very extensively by Professor A. Meillet of Paris in his Dialectes indo-europeens (Paris, 1908). In this treatise he brings forward arguments from a great variety of facts to show that in the original Indo-European language there were dialects, the Aryan, Armenian, Balto-Slavonic and Albanian, as we have seen, forming an oriental group with novel characteristics developed in common, although in various other characteristics they do not agree. Similarly Italic, Celtic and Germanic form a Western group, while Greek agrees now with the one group now with the other, at some points being more intimately connected with Italic than with any other branch, at others inclining more towards the Aryan. This grouping, however, is by no means exclusive, members of either group having characteristics in common with individuals of the other group which they do not share with the other languages of their own group (Meillet, p. 131 ff.). From all this it is clear that in many cases it must be extremely uncertain what is original Indo-European and what is not. Some general characteristics can, however, be predicated from what is handed down to us in the earliest forms of all or nearly all the existing languages. (I) The noun had certainly a large number of distinct cases in the singular: nominative, accusative, genitive, ablative locative, instrumental, dative.' In the plural, however, there was less variety, the forms for dative and ablative being from the earliest times identical. In the dual, the oblique cases cannot be restored with certainty, so little agreement is there between the languages. In the locative-singular the ending —i seems to have been of the nature of a post-position, because in various languages (notably in Sanskrit) forms appear without any suffix. In the locative plural also the difference between the —suof Sanskrit and early Lithuanian (Slavonic —chit) on the one hand, and of —at in Greek on the other, ' The vocative is not strictly speaking a case at all, for it stands outside the syntax of the sentence. It was originally an exclamatory form consisting of the bare stem without case suffix. In the plural the nominative is used to supply the lacking vocative form. seems to be best explained by supposing that the -u and -i are post-positions, a conclusion which is strengthened by the Greek rule that -a- between vowels disappears. In the instrumental singular and plural it is noticeable that there are two suffixes—one, represented in Germanic and Balto-Slavonic only, beginning with the sound -m, the other, surviving in most of the other languages for the plural, going back to an Indo-European form beginning with -bh. Professor Hirt of Leipzig has argued (Idg. Forschungen, v. pp. 251 ff.) that -bh- originally belonged to the instrumental plural (cf. the Lat. filiabus, omnibus, &c.), and the forms with -m- to the dative and ablative. But this is merely a conjecture, which has no linguistic facts in its favour, for the -bi of the Latin dative tibi, which has parallel forms in many other languages, belongs to the pronouns, which show in their declension many differences from the declension of the noun (cf. also Brugmann, Grundriss (ed. 2), ii. 2, p. 120). (2) The adjective agrees with its noun in gender, number and case, thus introducing a superfluous element of agreement which is not found, e.g. in most of the agglutinative languages. Thus in phrases like the Greek saki) Kbpr7 or the Latin ilia pulchra puella the feminine gender is expressed three times, with no advantage, so far as can be detected, over the modern English, that fair maid, where it is not obviously expressed at all. In this respect and also in the employment of the same case endings for the plural as well as the singular, in the plural after a syllable expressing plurality, the agglutinative languages have a distinct superiority over the Indo-European languages in their earliest forms. Some languages, like English and Modern Persian, have practically got rid of inflexion altogether and the present difficulty with it; others, like modern German, as the result of phonetic and analogical changes have even intensified the difficulty. (3) In the personal pronouns, especially those of the first and second persons, there is widely spread agreement, but more in the singular than in the plural. Forms corresponding to the English I and thou, the Latin ego and tu, are practically universal. On the other hand the demonstrative pronouns vary very considerably. (4) The system of numerals (subject to slight discrepancies, as that regarding i mentioned above) is the same, at least up to loo. (5) In the verb there were at first two voices, the active and the middle, and three moods, the indicative, the subjunctive and the optative. It has been suggested by Professors Oertel and Morris in Harvard Studies, xvi. (p. tor, n. 3) that the similarity which exists between the earliest Greek and the earliest Aryan in the moods is the result of a longer common life between those two branches. But of this there is no proof, and the great difference in the treatment of the sounds by these two branches (see below) militates very strongly against the supposition. The tense forms indicated originally not relations in time but different kinds of action. The distinctive forms are the present, the perfect, and the aorist. The present indicated that an action was in progress or continuous, the aorist on the other hand regarded the action as a whole and, as it were, summed it up. The aorist has sometimes been said to express instantaneous action, and so it does. But this is not the essence of the aorist; the aorist may be used also of a long continued action when it is regarded as a whole. Greek shows this very clearly. In Athenian official inscriptions it was usual to fix the date of the record by stating at the commencement who was the chief magistrate (archon) of the year. This was expressed by the imperfect (I) pxs). But when reference was made to a past archonship, that was expressed by the aorist (i7pfe). The same characteristic is evident also in prohibitions; thus, in Plato's Apology of Socrates, µi7 9opv0173,7re is " Do not begin to make a disturbance," µ,) OopvpeZre is " Do not keep on making a disturbance." These points are most easily illustrated from Greek, because Greek, better than the other languages, has kept the distinctive usages of both moods and tenses. The perfect as distinguished from the other forms expresses either repetition of the action, emphasis, or the state which results from the action expressed by the verb. Different languages regard this last in different ways. Sometimes the state resulting from the action is so characteristic that the perfect is almost an independent verb. Thus in Greek Kr&ouat is " I acquire," but sisr,7µau (the perfect) is " I possess," the result of the action of acquiring. On the other hand the perfect may mean that the action has come to an end. This is specially common in Latin, as in Cicero's famous announcement of the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators,—Vixerunt (" They have lived " =" They are no more "). But it is by no means confined to Latin. The pluperfect, the past of the perfect, is a late development and can hardly be reckoned Indo-European. In Greek the forms clearly arise from adding aorist endings to a perfect stem. The forms of Latin are not yet completely explained—but it is certain that the specially Latin meaning expressing something that was past at a time already past (relative time) is a late growth. When Homeric Greek wishes to express this meaning it uses most frequently the aorist, but also the imperfect as well as the pluperfect, the notion of relative time being derived from the context. In the earliest Latin the pluperfect is not uncommonly used with the value of the aorist perfect. As regards the future it is difficult to say how far it was an original form. Some languages, like Germanic, preserve no original form for the future. When the present is found not to be distinctive enough, periphrastic forms come in. In other languages, like Latin and Greek, there is constant confusion between subjunctive and future forms. It is impossible to distinguish by their form between Seltw (future) and Ssitw (subjunctive), between regain (future) and regain (subjunctive). A special future with a suffix -sio- (syo) is found only with certainty in the Aryan group and the Baltic languages. The future perfect is, strictly speaking, only a future made from a perfect stem; in the Latin sense it is certainly a late development, and even in early Latin, videbo has occasionally no different meaning from videbo. The imperative, which was originally an exclamatory form to the verb, of the same kind as the vocative was to the noun, and which consisted simply of the verb stem without further suffixes, developed, partly on the analogy of the present and partly with the help of adverbs, a complete paradigm. The infinitives of all the languages are noun cases, generally stereotyped in form and no longer in touch with a noun system, though this, e.g. in early Sanskrit, is not always true. The participles differ only from other adjectives in governing the same case as their verb; and this is not an early distinction, for in the earliest Sanskrit all verbal nouns may govern the same case as their verb. The system here sketched in the barest outline tended steadily to fall into decay. The case system was not extensive enough to express even the commonest relations. Thus there was no means of distinguishing by the cases between starting from outside and starting from inside, ideas which, e.g. Finnish regards as requiring separate cases; without a preposition it was impossible to distinguish between on and in, though to the person concerned there is much difference, for example between being on a river and in a river. There are other difficulties of the same kind. These had to be got over by the use of adverbs. But no sooner had the adverbs become well established for the purpose of defining these local relations than the meaning was felt to exist more in the adverb than in the case ending. For this syntactical reason, as well as for mechanical reasons arising from accent (q.v.), the case system in some languages fell more and more into desuetude. In Sanskrit it has been kept entire, in Balto-Slavonic the only loss has been the disappearance of the original genitive and its replacement by the ablative. In Latin the locative has been confused with the genitive and the ablative, and the instrumental with the ablative. The loss of the locative as an independent case had not long preceded historical times, because it survives in Oscan, the kindred dialect of the neighbouring Campania. Greek has confused ablative with genitive, except for one small relic recently discovered on an inscription at Delphi; in the consonant stems it has replaced the dative by the locative form and confused in it dative, locative and instrumental meanings. In some other members of the family, e.g. Germanic, the confusion has gone still farther. The fate of the verb is similar, though the two paradigms do not necessarily decay at the same rate. Thus Latin has modified its verb system much more than its noun system, and Greek, while reducing seriously its noun forms, shows a very elaborate verb system, which has no parallel except in the Aryan group. From the syntactical point of view, however, the Greek system is much superior to the Aryan, which has converted its perfect into a past tense in classical Sanskrit, and to a large extent lost grip of the moods. The decay in Aryan may be largely attributed to the power, which this group developed beyond any other, of making compounds which in practice took the place of subordinate sentences to a large extent. The causes for the modifications which the Latin verb system has undergone are more obscure, but they are shared not only by its immediate neighbours the other Italic dialects, but also to a great degree by the more remote Celtic dialects. The origin and spread of the Indo-European languages has long been, and remains, a vexed question. No sooner had Bopp laid the foundation of Comparative Philology in his great work, the first edition of which appeared in 1833-1835, than this question began to be seriously considered. The earlier writers agreed in regarding Asia as the original home of the speakers of these languages. For this belief there were various grounds, —statements in the Biblical record, the greater originality (according to Schlegel) of Sanskrit, the absurd belief that the migratiens of mankind always proceeded towards the west. The view propounded by an English philologist, Dr R. G. Latham, that the original home was in Europe, was scouted by one of the most eminent writers on the subject—Victor Hehn —as lunacy possible only to one who lived in a country of cranks". Latham's view was first put forward in 1851, and in half a century opinion had almost universally come over to his side. Max Muller indeed to the last held to the view that the home was " somewhere in Asia," and Professor Johannes Schmidt of Berlin, in a paper read before the Oriental Congress at Stock-holm in 1889, argued for a close contact between early Indo-European and Assyrian civilization, from the borrowing of one or two words and the existence of duodecimal elements in the Indo-European numeral system side by side with the prevalent decimal system—the dozen, the gross, the long hundred (12o), &c. At 6o the systems crossed, and 6o was a very characteristic element in Assyrian numeration, whence come our minutes and seconds and many other units' Even before Latham a Belgian geologist, d'Omalius d'Halloy, in 1848 had raised objections to the theory of the Asiatic origin of the Indo-Europeans, but his views remained unheeded. In 1864 he brought three questions before the Societe d'anthropologie of Paris: (1) What are the proofs of the Asiatic origin of Europeans? (2) Have not inflectional languages passed from Europe to Asia rather than from Asia to Europe? (3) Are not the speakers of Celtic languages the descendants of the autochthonous peoples of Western Europe? (Reinach, op. cit. p. 38). Broca in replying to d'Omalius emphasized the fact which has been too often forgotten in this controversy, that race and language are not necessarily identical. In 1868 Professor Benfey of Gottingen argued for the south-east of Europe as the original home, while Ludwig Geiger in 1871 placed it in Germany, a view which in later times has had not a few supporters. Truth to tell, however, we are not yet ready to fix the site of the original home. Before this can be done, many factors as yet imperfectly known must be more completely ascertained. The pre-historic conditions of Northern, Western, Central and South-eastern Europe have been carefully investigated, but important new discoveries are still continually being made. Investigation of other parts of Europe is less complete, and prehistoric conditions in Asia are at present very imperfectly known. In Western Europe two prehistoric races are known, the palaeolithic and the neolithic. The former, distinguished by their great skill in drawing figures of animals, especially the horse, the reindeer, and the mammoth, preceded the period of the Great Ice Age which rendered Northern Europe to the latitude of London and Berlin uninhabitable for a period, the length of which, as of all geological ages, cannot definitely be ascertained. For the present purpose, however, this is of less importance, because it is not claimed that the Indo-European stock is of so great antiquity. But when the ice again retreated it must have been long before Northern Europe could have maintained a population of human beings. The disappearance of the surface ice must have been followed by a long period when ice still remained underground, and the surface was occupied by swamps and barren tundras, as Northern Siberia is now. When a human population once more occupied Northern Europe it is impossible to estimate in years. The problem may be attacked from the opposite direction. How long would it have taken for the Indo-European stock to spread from its original home to its modern areas of occupation? Some recent writers say that it is unnecessary to carry the stock back farther than 2500 B.C.—a period when the civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia were already ancient. Wherever the original home was situated, this date is probably fixed too low. The discussion, more-over, is in danger not only of moving in one vicious circle but in two. (a) The term " Indo-European stock " necessarily implies race, but why might not the language have been from the earliest times at which we can trace it the language of a mixed race? (b) It is usual to assume that the Indo-European stock was tall and blond, in fact much as the classical writers describe the early Germans. But the truth of this hypothesis is much more difficult to demonstrate. In most countries known to the ancients where blond hair prevailed, at the present day dark or brown hair is much more in evidence. Moreover the colour of fair hair often varies from childhood to middle life. and the flaxen hair of youth is very frequently replaced by a much darker shade in the adult. It has been often pointed out that many of Homer's heroes are xanthoi, and it is frequently argued that Eav©bs means blond. This, however, is anything but certain, even when Vacher de Lapouge has collected all the passages in ancient writers which bear upon the subject. When Diodorus (v. 32) wishes to describe the children of the Galatae, by whom apparently he means the Germans, he says that their hair as children is generally white, but as they grow up it is assimilated to the colour of their fathers. The ethnological argument as to long-headed and short-headed races (dolichocephalic and brachycephalic) seems untrustworthy, because in countries described as dolichocephalic short skulls abound and vice versa. Moreover this classification, to which much more attention has been devoted than its inventor Retzius ever intended, is in itself unsatisfactory. The relation between the length and breadth of the head without consideration of the total size is clearly an unsatisfactory criterion. It is true that to the mathematician a or t or i2 are of identical value, but, if it be also generally true that mental and physical energy are dependent on the size and weight of the brain, then the mere mathematical relation between length and breadth is of less importance than the size of the quantities. Anthropologists appear now to recognize this themselves. The argument from physical geography seems more important. But here also no certain answer can be obtained till more is known of the conditions, in early times, of the eastern part of the area. I For the history of the controversy see the excellent summary in Salomon Reinach's L'Origine des Aryens: Historie dune controverse (1892). Max Muller's latest views are contained in his Biographies of Words and the Home of the Aryas (1888). See Schmidt's Die rheimat der Indogermanen and das europaische Zahtsystem (189o). According to Ratzel2 the Caspian was once very much larger than. it is now, and to the north of it there extended a great area of swamp, which made it practically impossible for the Indo-European race to have crossed north of the Caspian from either continent to the other. At an early period the Caspian and Black Sea were connected, and the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles were represented by a river which entered the Aegean at a point near the island of Andros. While the northern Aegean was still land divided only by a river, it is clear that migration from south-eastern Europe to Asia Minor, or reversely, might have taken place with ease. Even in much later times the Dardanelles have formed no serious barrier to migration in either direction. At the dawn of history, Thracian tribes crossed it and founded, it seems, the Phrygian and Armenian stock in Asia Minor; the Gauls at a later time followed the same road, as did Alexander the Great a generation earlier. At the end of the middle ages, Asia sent by way of the Dardanelles the invading Turks into Europe. The Greeks, a nation of seafarers, on the other hand reached Asia directly across the Aegean, using the islands, as it were, as stepping-stones. Though much more attention has been devoted to the subject by recent writers than was earlier the practice, it is doubtful whether migration by sea has even now been assigned its full importance. The most mysterious people of antiquity, the Pelasgians, do not seem to be in all cases the same stock, as their name appears merely to mean " the people of the sea," IIeXaeyol representing an earlier 9reXa'ys-soi, where sreaage is the weak form of the stem of aeXayos, " sea," and -KOL the ending so frequent in the names of peoples. A parallel to the sound changes may be seen in playa), for *µty-esw, by the side of µiy-vvpc. As time goes on, evidence seems more and more to tend to confirm the truth of the great migrations by sea, recorded by Herodotus, of Lydians to Etruria, of Eteocretans both to east and west. An argument in favour of the original Indo-Europeans being seated in north-western Germany has been developed by G. Kossinna (Zeitschrift file Ethnologie, 1902, pp. 161-222) from the forms and ornamentation of ancient pottery. It has certainly not been generally received with favour, and as Kossinna himself affirms that the classification of prehistoric pottery is still an undeveloped science, his theory is clearly at present unequal to the weight of such a superstructure as he would build upon it. As the allied sciences are not prepared with an answer, it is necessary to fall back upon the Indo-European languages themselves. The attempt has often been made to ascertain both the position of the original home and the stage of civilization which the original community had reached from a consideration of the vocabulary for plants and animals common to the various languages of the Indo-European family. But the experience of recent centuries warns us to be wary in the application of this argument. If we cut off all past history and regard the language of the present day as we have perforce to regard our earliest records, two of the words most widely disseminated amongst the Indo-European people of Europe are tobacco and potato. Without historical records it would be impossible for us to discover that these words in their earliest European form had been borrowed from the Caribbean Indians. Most languages tend to adopt with an imported product the name given to it by its producers, though frequently misunderstanding arises, as in the case of the two words mentioned, the potato being properly the yam, and tobacco being properly the pipe, while petum or petun (cp. petunia) was the plant.3 The first treatise in which an attempt was made to work out the primitive Indo-European civilisation in detail was Adolphe Pictet's Les Origines indo-europeennes ou les Aryas primitifs 1859-1863). The idyllic conditions in which, according to Pictet, early Indo-European man subsisted were accepted and extended by many enthusiastic successors. The father, the protector of the family (pater from pa, protect), and the mother (mater from ma, to produce) were surrounded by their children (Skt. putra), whose name implied that they kept everything clean and neat. The daughter was the milkmaid (Skt. du/vita from duh, milk), while the brother (Skt. bhrdtar), derived from the root of ferre, " bear," was the natural protector of his sister, whose name, with some hesitation, is decided to mean " she who dwells with her brother," the notion of brother and sister marriage being, however, summarily rejected (ii. p. 365). The uncle and aunt are a second father and mother to the family, and for this reason nepos, Skt. napat, is both nephew and grandson. The life of such families was pastoral but not nomad; there was a farmstead where the women were busied with housewifery and butter-making, while the men drove their flocks afield. The ox, the horse, the sheep, the goat and the pig were domesticated as well as the dog and the farmyard fowls, but it was in oxen that their chief wealth consisted. Hence a cow was offered to an honoured guest, cows were the object of armed raids upon their neighbours, and when a member of the family died, a cow was killed to accompany him in the next world. Even the phenomena of nature to their 2 " Geographische Priifung der Tatsachen fiber den Ursprung der Volker Europas " (Berichte der k. sachsischen Ges. d. Wissenschaften, 1900, pp. 34 ff.). 2 See the essay on " Evolution and the Science of Language," in Darwin and Modern Science (1909), p. 524 f. naive imaginations could be represented by cows: the clouds of heaven were cows whose milk nourished the earth, the stars were a herd with the sun as the bull amongst them, the earth was a cow yielding her increase. Before the original community, which ex-tended over a wide area with Bactria for its centre, had broken up, agriculture had begun, and barley, if not other cereals, and various leguminous plants were cultivated. Oxen drew the plough and the wagon. Industry also had developed with the introduction of agriculture; the carpenter with a variety of tools appears to construct farm implements, buildings and furniture, and the smith is no less busy. Implements had begun with stone, but by this time were made of bronze if not of iron, for the metals gold, silver, copper, tin were certainly known. Spinning and weaving had also begun; pottery was well developed. The flocks and herds and agriculture supplied food with plenty of variety; fermented liquors, mead, probably wine and perhaps beer, were used, not always in moderation. A great variety of military weapons had been invented, but geographical reasons prevented navigation from developing in Bactria. Towns existed and fortified places. The people were organized in clans, the clans in tribes. At the head of all, though not in the most primitive epoch, was the king, who reigned not by hereditary right, but by election. Though money had not yet been invented, exchange and barter flourished ; there were borrowers and lenders, and property passed from father to son. Though we have no definite information as to their laws, justice was administered; murder, theft and fraud were punished with death, imprisonment or fine (Resume general at end of vol. ii.). Further investigation, however, did not confirm this ideally happy form of primitive civilization. Many of Pictet's etymologies were erroneous, many of his deductions based on very uncertain evidence. No recent writer adopts Pictet's views of the Indo-European family. But his list of domesticated animals is approximately correct, if domestication is used loosely simply of animals that might be kept by the Indo-European man about his homestead. Even at the present day domestication means different things in the case of different animals. A pig is not domesticated as a dog is; in areas like the Hebrides or western Ireland, where cattle and human beings share the two ends of the same building, domestication means some-thing very different from the treatment of large herds on a farm extending to many hundreds of acres. In other respects the height of the civilization was vastly exaggerated. That the Indo-European people were agricultural as well as pastoral seems highly probable. But as Heraclides says of the Athamanes (Fragmenta hist. Graec. ii. 219), the women were the agriculturists, while the men were shepherds. Agriculture begins on a very small scale with the dibbling by means of a pointed stick of a few seeds of some plant which the women recognize as useful either for food or medicine, and is possible only when the people have ceased to be absolutely nomad and have fixed settlements for continuous periods of some length. The pastoral habit is broken down in men only by starvation, if the pasture-lands become too cramped through an excessive increase of population or are seized by a conqueror. As has been well said, " of all the ordinary means of gaining a livelihood—with the exception perhaps of mining—agriculture is the most laborious, and is never voluntarily adopted by men who have not been accustomed to it from their childhood " (Mackenzie Wallace, Russia, new ed. i. p. 266, in relating the conversion of the Bashkir Tatars to agriculture). Even the plough, in the primitive form of a tree stump with two branches, one forming the handle, the other the pole, was developed, and to this period may belong the representations in rock carvings in Sweden and the Alps of a pair of oxen in the plough (S. Muller, Nordische Altertumskunde, i. 205; Dechelette, Manuel d'archeologie, ii. pp. 492 ff.). The Indo-European civilization in its beginnings apparently belongs to the chalcolithic period (sometimes described by the barbarous term of Italian origin eneolithic) when copper, if not bronze had come in, but the use of stone for many purposes had not yet gone out. While primitive Indo-European man apparently knew, as has been said, the horse, ox, sheep, goat, pig and dog, it is to be observed that in their wild state at least these animals do not all affect the same kind of area. The horse is an animal of the open plain; the foal always accompanies the mother, for at first its neck is too short to allow it to graze, and the mare, unlike the cow, has no large udder in which to carry a great supply of milk. The cow, on the other hand, hides her calf in a brake when she goes to graze, and is more a woodland animal. The pig's natural habitat is the forest where beech mast, acorns, or chestnuts are plentiful. The goat is a climber and affects the heights, while the sheep also prefers short grass to the richer pastures suited to kine. To collect and tame all those animals implies control of an extensive and varied area. What of the trees known to primitive Indo-European man? On this the greater part of the arguments regarding the original home have turned. The name for the beech extends through a considerable number of Indo-European languages, and it has generally been assumed that the beech must have been known from the first and therefore must have been a tree which flourished in the original home. Now the habitat of the beech is to the west of a line drawn from Konigsberg to the Crimea. The argument assumes that its distribution was always the same. But nothing is more certain than that in different ages-different trees succeed one another onthe same soil. In the peat mosses of north-east Scotland are found the trunks of vast oaks which have no parallel among the trees which grow in the same district now, where the oak has a hard struggle to live at all, and where experience teaches the planter that coniferous trees will be more successful. On the coast of Denmark in the same way the conifer has replaced the beech since the days of the " kitchen middens," from which so much information as to the primitive inhabitants of that area has been obtained. But with regard to the names of trees there are two serious pitfalls which it is difficult to avoid. (a) It is common to give a tree the name of another which in habit it resembles. In England the oriental plane does not grow freely north of the Trent; accordingly, farther north the sycamore, which has a leaf that a casual observer might think similar, has usurped the name of the plane. (b) In the case of the beech (Lat. fagus), the corresponding Greek word ¢gy6s does not mean beech but oak, or possibly, if one may judge from the magnificent trees of north-west Greece, the chestnut. It has been suggested that the word is connected with the verb rbayeiv to eat, so that it was originally the tree with edible fruit and could thus be specialized in different senses in different areas. If, however, Bartholomae's connexion of the Kurd buz, "elm " (Idg. Forschungen, ix. 271) be correct, there can be no relation between 4aysls and 4oybs, but the latter comes from a root *bhaug, in which the g would become z among the satem languages. The birch is a more widely spread tree than the beech, growing as luxuriantly in the Himalayas as in western Europe, but notwithstanding, the Latin fraxinus, which is almost certainly of the same origin, means not birch but ash, while the word akin to ash (Gr. bib,1) appears in Latin without the k suffix as os- in Latin ornus, " mountain ash," for an earlier *osinos, cp. Old Bulgarian jasenti (the j has no etymological value), Welsh and Cornish onnen, from an original Celtic *onna from *os-na. One of the most widely spread tree names is the word tree itself, which appears in a variety of forms, Gr. Spur, Goth triu; Skt. darn, Sbpv, &c., which is sometimes as in Greek specially limited to the oak, while the Indian deodar'(deva-daru) is a conifer. O. Schrader, who in his remarkable book, Sprachvergleichung and Urgeschichte (1883, 3rd ed., 1906-1907), locates the original home in southern Russia, would allow the original community (ii. p. 178) to be partly within, partly without the beech line. The only other tree the name of which is widely spread is the willow: the English with, withy, Lat. vitex, Gr. laid for Feria, Lithuanian wytis, Zend vaeti. Otherwise the words for trees are limited to a small number of languages, and the meaning in different languages is widely different, as Gr. ea6.r,t, " pine," Old High German linta, " linden," with which go the Latin linter, ' boat," and Lithuanian tenth, " board." The lime tree and the birch do not exist in Greece, and the Latin betula is a borrowing from Gaulish (Irish bethe), the native word fraxinus, as we have seen, being used for the ash. The equation of the Latin taxus, " yew," with Gr. rbtov, " bow," is no doubt correct; Schrader's equation of Skt. dhanvan, " bow," with the German tanne, " fir," must, if correct, show at least a change of material, for no wood is less well adapted for a bow than fir. The only conclusion that can be drawn with apparent certainty from the names of trees is that the original settlements were not in the southern peninsulas of Europe. Some of the names for cultivated plants are widely spread, but like the names of trees do not always indicate the same thing. This is not surprising if we consider that the word corn, within the Teutonic languages alone, means wheat in England, oats in Scotland, rye in Germany, barley in Sweden, maize in the United States of America. Thus the Skt. ydva means corn or barley, in Zend corn (modern Persian jay, barley, but in the language of the Ossetes yeu, you is millet), the Gk. -s& is spelt, the Lithuanian jawai corn, the Irish gonna barley (Schrader, Sprachvergleichung,' i1. p. 188). The word bere or barley itself is widely spread in Europe—Latin far, spelt, Goth, barizeins, " of barley," Old Norse barr, Old Slav, burn, a kind of millet (ibid.). But the original habitat of the cultivated grain plants has not yet been clearly established, and circumstances of many kinds may occasion a change in the kind of grain cultivated, provided another can be found suitable to the climate. In early England it is clear that the prevalent crop was barley, for barn is the bere-ern or barley-house. The earliest tree-fruits found in Europe are apparently those discovered by Edouard Piette as Mas d'Azil in a stratum which he places between palaeolithic and neolithic. They included nuts, plums, birdcherry, sloe, &c., and along with them was a little heap of grains of wheat. If Piette's observations are correct, this find must go back to a date long preceding the fruits found by Heer in the pile-dwellings of Switzerland. Here also cherry-stones were found, though the modern cherry is said to have been imported first by Lucullus in the first century B.C. from Cerasus in Pontus, whence its name. In the pile-dwellings a considerable number of apples were found. They were generally cut up into two or three pieces, apparently to be dried for winter use. In all probability they were wild apples of the variety Pirus silvatica, which is found across the whole of Central Europe from north to south (Buschan, Vorgeschichtliche Botanik, p. 166). The original habitat of the apple is uncertain, but it is supposed to be indigenous at any rate south of the Black Sea(Schrader, Reallexikon, s. v. Apfelbaum). The history of the name is obscure; it is often connected with the Campanian town Abella, which Virzi (A eneid, vii. 740) calls ntalifera, "apple-bearing." Here also the material for fixing the site of the original habitat is untrustworthy. The attempt has been made to limit the possible area by a consideration of three animals which are said not to occur in certain parts of it—(a) the eel, which is said not to be found in the Black Sea; (b) the honey bee, which is not found in that part of Central Asia drained by the Oxus and Jaxartes; (c) the tortoise, which is not found in northern areas. From evidence collected by Schrader from a specialist at Bucharest (Sprachvergleichung,3 ii. p. 147) eels are found in the Black Sea. The argument, therefore, for excluding the area which drains into the Black Sea from the possible habitat of the primitive Indo-European community falls to the ground. Honey was certainly familiar at an early age, as is shown by the occurrence of the word •medhu, Skt. mddhu, Gr. µeav (here the meaning has shifted from mead to wine), Irish mid, English mead, Old Slay. medic, Lithuanian medals honey, midtls mead. Schrader, who is the first to utilize the name of the tortoise in this argument, points out (op. cit. p. 148) that forms from the same root occur in both a centum and a sateen language—Gr. xexus, xeXdw , Old Slay. zily, zeldvi—but that while it reaches far north in eastern Europe, it does not pass the 46th parallel of latitude in western Europe. This argument would make not only the German site for the original home which is sup-ported by Kossinna and Hirt impossible, but also that of Scandinavia contended for by Penka. From the foregoing it will be seen that the arguments for any given area are not conclusive. In the great plain which extends across Europe north of the Alps and Carpathians and across Asia north of the Hindu Kush there are few geographical obstacles to prevent the rapid spread of peoples from any part of its area to any other, and, as we have seen, the Celts and the Hungarians, &c., have, in the historical period, demonstrated the rapidity with which such migrations could be made. Such migration may possibly account for the appearance of a people using a centum language so far east as Turkestan. But our information as to Tocharish is still too fragmentary to decide the question. It is impossible here to discuss at any length the relations between the separate Indo-European languages, a subject which has formed, from somewhat different points of view, the subject of Kretschmer's Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache and Meillet's Les Dialectes inda-europeennes. Verwandtschaftsnamen, 1889). E. Meyer, from Tocharish being a centum language, has revived with reserve the hypothesis of the Asiatic origin (Geschichte des Altertums,z I. 2, p. 801), (P. GI.)
End of Article: INDIVIDUALISM (from Lat. individualis, that which is not divided, an individual)
INDIUM (symbol In, atomic weight 114.8)

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