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See also:JEWS (Heb. Y8hudi, See also:man of See also:Judah; Gr. 'Iovbaiot; See also:Lat. Judaei) , the See also:general name for the Semitic See also:people which inhabited See also:Palestine from See also:early times, and is known in various connexions as " the See also:Hebrews," " the See also:Jews," and " See also:Israel " (see §5 below) . Their See also:history may be divided into three See also:great periods: (I) That covered by the Old Testament to the See also:foundation of Judaism in the See also:Persian See also:age, (2) that of the See also:Greek and See also:Roman domination to the destruction of See also:Jerusalem, and (3) that of the Diaspora or See also:Dispersion to the See also:present See also:day . I.—OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY 1 . The See also:Land and the People.—For the first two periods the history of the Jews is mainly that of Palestine . It begins among those peoples which occupied the See also:area lying between the See also:Nile on the one See also:side and the See also:Tigris and the See also:Euphrates on the other . Surrounded by See also:ancient seats of culture in See also:Egypt and Babylonia, by the mysterious deserts of See also:Arabia, and by the See also:highlands of See also:Asia See also:Minor, Palestine, with See also:Syria on the See also:north, was the high road of See also:civilization, See also:trade and warlike enterprise, and the See also:meeting-See also:place of religions . Its small principalities were entirely dominated by the great See also:Powers, whose weakness or acquiescence alone enabled them to rise above dependence or vassalage . The land was traversed by old-established trade routes and possessed important harbours on the Gulf of `See also:Akaba and on the Mediterranean See also:coast, the latter exposing it to the See also:influence of the Levantine culture . It was " the See also:physical centre of those movements of history from which. the See also:world has grown." The portion of this See also:district abutting upon the Mediterranean may be divided into two See also:main parts:—Syria (from the See also:Taurus to See also:Hermon) and Palestine (southward to the See also:desert bordering upon Egypt) . The latter is about 150 M. from north to See also:south (the proverbial " See also:Dan to See also:Beersheba "), with a breadth varying from 25 to 8o m., i.e. about 604o sq. m . This excludes the land See also:east of the See also:Jordan, on which see PALESTINE . From See also:time to time streams of See also:migration swept into Palestine and Syria . Semitic tribes wandered northwards from their See also:home in Arabia to seek sustenance in its more fertile See also:fields, to See also:plunder, or to See also:escape the pressure of tribes in the See also:rear . The course leads naturally into either Palestine or Babylonia, and, following the Euphrates, See also:northern Syria is eventually reached . Tribes also moved down from the north: nomads, or offshoots from the powerful states which stretch into Asia Minor . Such frequently recurring movements introduced new See also:blood . Tribes, chiefly of See also:pastoral habits, settled down among others who were so nearly of their own type that a See also:complete amalgamation could be effected, and this without any marked modification of the general characteristics of the earlier inhabitants . It is from such a See also:fusion as this that the ancestors of the Jews were descended, and both the history and the See also:genius of this people can be properly understood only by taking into See also:account the physical features of their land and the characteristics of the Semitic races in general (see PALESTINE, SEMITIC See also:LANGUAGES) . 2 . Society and See also:Religion.—The similarity uniting the peoples of the East in respect of racial and social characteristics is accompanied by a striking similarity of See also:mental outlook which has survived to See also:modern times . Palestine, in spite of the numerous vicissitudes to which it has been subjected, has not lost its fundamental characteristics . The See also:political changes involved in the Babylonian, See also:Assyrian, See also:Egyptian or Persian conquests surely affected it as little as the subsequent waves of Greek, Roman and other See also:European invasions . Even during the temporary Hellenization in the second great See also:period the See also:character of the people as a whole was untouched by the various See also:external influences which produced so great an effect on the upper classes . When the See also:foreign civilization perished, the old culture once more came to the See also:surface . Hence it is possible, by a comprehensive See also:comparative study of Eastern peoples, in both ancient and modern times, to supplement and illustrate within certain limits our See also:direct knowledge of the early Jewish people, and thus to understand more clearly those characteristics which were See also:peculiar to them, in relation to those which they shared with other See also:Oriental peoples . Even before See also:authentic history begins, the elements of religion and society had already crystallized into a solid coherent structure which was to persist without essential modification . Religion was inseparable from See also:ordinary See also:life, and, like that of all peoples who are dependent on the fruits of the See also:earth, was a nature-See also:worship . The tie between deities and worshippers was regarded as physical and entailed mutual obligations . The study of the See also:clan-See also:group as an organization is as instructive here as in other fields . The members of each group lived on terms of equality, the families forming a society of worship the See also:rites of which were conducted by the See also:head . Such See also:groups (each with its See also:local deity) would combine for definite purposes under the impulse of external needs, but owing to inevitable See also:internal jealousies and the incessant feuds among a people averse from discipline and authority, the unions were not necessarily lasting . The elders of these groups possessed some influence, and tended to See also:form an See also:aristocracy, which took the See also:lead in social life, although their authority generally depended merely upon See also:custom . Individual leaders in times of stress acquired a recognized supremacy, and, once a tribe outstripped the See also:rest, the opportunities for continued advance gave further See also:scope to their authority . " The interminable feuds of tribes, conducted on the theory of blood-revenge, . . . can seldom be durably healed without the intervention of a third party who is called in as arbiter, and in this way an impartial and See also:wise See also:power acquires of See also:necessity a great and beneficent influence over all around it " (W . R .
See also: The history of this, the " Amarna " age, reveals a See also:state of anarchy in Palestine for which the weakness of Egypt and the downward pressure of north Syrian On the homogeneity of the See also:population, see further, W . R . Smith, Religion of the Semites (2nd ed., chaps. i.–iii.) ; T . See also:Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, pp . 1—20 (on " Some Characteristics of the Semitic See also:Race ") ; and especially E . See also:Meyer, Gesch. d . Altertums (2nd ed., i . § § 330, sqq.) . For the relation between the See also:geographical characteristics and the political history, see G . A . Smith, See also:Historical See also:Geography of the See also:Holy Land . 2 For See also:fuller See also:information on this See also:section see PALESTINE: History, and the related portions of BABYLONIA AND See also:ASSYRIA, EGYPT, See also:HITTITES, SYRIA.peoples were responsible .
Subdivided into a number of little local principalities, Palestine was suffering both from internal intrigues and from the designs of this northern power
.
It is now that we find the restless IHabiru, a name which is commonly identified with that of the " Hebrews " ('ibrim)
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They offer themselves where necessary to either party, and some at least perhaps belonged to the settled population
.
The growing prominence of the new northern group of " Hittite " states continued to occupy the energies of Egypt, and when again we have more external See also:light upon Palestinian history, the Hittites (q.v.) are found strongly entrenched in the land
.
But by the end of the first See also:quarter of the 13th century B.C
.
Egypt had recovered its See also:province (precise boundary uncertain), leaving its rivals in See also:possession of Syria
.
Towards the See also:close of the 13th century the Egyptian See also: Biblical History.—For the rest of the first period the Old Testament forms the main source . It contains in fact the history itself in two forms: (a) from the creation of See also:man to the fall of See also:Judah (See also:Genesis–2 See also:Kings), which is supplemented and continued further—(b) to the foundation of Judaism in the 5th century B.C . (See also:Chronicles—See also:Ezra-See also:Nehemiah) . In the light of contemporary monuments, archaeological evidence, the progress of scientific knowledge and the recognized methods of modern historical See also:criticism, the See also:representation of the origin of mankind and of the history of the Jews in the Old Testament can no longer be implicitly accepted . Written by an Oriental people and clothed in an Oriental See also:dress, the Old Testament does not contain See also:objective records, but subjective history written and incorporated for specific purposes . Like many Oriental See also:works it is a compilation, as may be illustrated from a comparison of Chronicles with See also:Samuel–Kings, and the representation of the past in the light of the present (as exemplified in Chronicles) is a frequently recur-See also:ring phenomenon . The See also:critical examination of the nature and growth of this compilation has removed much that had formerly caused insuperable difficulties and had quite unnecessarily been made an integral or a relevant See also:part of See also:practical religion . On the other See also:hand, criticism has given a deeper meaning to the Old Testament history, and has brought into See also:relief the central truths which really are vital; it may be said to have replaced a divine account of man by man's account of the divine . Scholars are now almost unanimously agreed that the internal features are best explained by the See also:Graf-See also:Wellhausen See also:hypothesis . This involves the view that the historical traditions are mainly due to two characteristic though very complicated recensions, one under the influence of the teaching of See also:Deuteronomy (See also:Joshua to Kings, see § 20), the other, of a more priestly character (akin to See also:Leviticus), of somewhat later date (Genesis to Joshua, with traces in See also:Judges to Kings, see § 23) . There are, of course, numerous problems See also:relating to the nature, limits and See also:dates of the two recensions, of the incorporated See also:sources, and of other sources (whether early or See also:late) of See also:independent origin; and here there is naturally See also:room for much divergence of See also:opinion . Older material (often of composite origin) has been used, not so much for the purpose of providing historical information, as with the See also:object of showing the religious significance of past history; Or land Israel, W . Spiegelberg, Orient . Lit . Zeit. xi . (19o8), cols . 403–405 . and the series Joshua-Kings is actually included among the " prophets " in Jewish reckoning (see See also:MIDRASH) . In general, one may often observe that freedom which is characteristic of early and unscientific historians . Thus one may See also:note the reshaping of older material to agree with later thought, the See also:building up of past periods from the records of other periods, and a frequent loss of See also:perspective . The historical traditions are to be supplemented by the great See also:body of prophetic, legal and poetic literature. which reveal contemporary conditions in various internal See also:literary, theological or sociological features . The investigation of their true historical background and of the trustworthiness of their external setting (e.g. titles of See also:psalms, dates and headings of prophecies) involves a criticism of the historical traditions themselves, and thus the two See also:major classes of material must be constantly examined both separately and in their bearing on one another . In a word, the study of biblical history, which is dependent in the first instance upon the written sources, demands constant See also:attention to the See also:text (which has had an interesting history) and to the literary features; and it requires a sympathetic acquaintance with Oriental life and thought, both ancient and modern, an appreciation of the necessity of employing the methods of scientific See also:research, and (from the theological side) a reasoned estimate of the dependence of individual religious convictions upon the See also:letter of the Old Testament.' In view of the numerous articles in this See also:work dealing with biblical subjects,' the present See also:sketch is limited to the outlines of the traditional history; the religious aspect in its bearing upon biblical See also:theology (which is closely See also:bound up with the traditions) is handled separately under See also:HEBREW RELIGION . The related literature is enormous (see the See also:bibliographies to the See also:special articles) ; it is indexed annually in Orientalische Bibliographie (See also:Berlin), and is usefully summarized in the Theologische Jahresbericht (Berlin) .
On the development of the study of biblical history see C
.
A
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See also:Briggs, Study of Holy Scripture (1899), especially ch. xx
.
The first scientific historical work was by H
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See also:Ewald, Gesch. d
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Volkes Israel (1843; 3rd ed., 1864–1868; Eng. trans., 1869–1883), popularized by See also:Arthur See also:Penrhyn See also:Stanley in his Hirt. of the Jewish See also: The historical (and related) works of T . K . Cheyne, H . See also:Graetz, H . Guthe, F . C . See also:Kent, A . Kittel, W . H . Kosters, A . See also:Kuenen, C . Piepenbring, and especially B . See also:Stade, al-though varying greatly in standpoint, are among the most valuable by See also:recent scholars; H . P . Smith's Old Test . Hest . (" See also:International Theological Library," See also:Edinburgh, 1903) is in many respects the most serviceable and complete study; a modern and more critical " Ewald " is a desideratum . For the works of numerous other scholars who have furthered Old Testament research in the past it must suffice to refer to the annotated See also:list by J . M . P . Smith, Books for D.T . Study (See also:Chicago, 1908) . For the external history, E . See also:Schrader, See also:Cuneiform Inscr. and the Old Testament (Eng. trans. by O . C . Whitehouse, 1885–1888) is still helpful ; among the less technical works are J . F . McCurdy, History, Prophecy and the Monuments; B . See also:Paton, Syria and Palestine (1902); G . See also:Maspero, Hist. ancienne (6th ed., 1904) ; A . Jeremias, Alte Test. See also:im Lichte d . See also:Allen Orients (2nd ed., 1906); and especially Altoriental . Texte u . Bilder zum Allen Test., ed. by H . Gressman, with A . Ungnad and H . See also:Ranke (1909) . The most complete is that of Ed . Meyer, Gesch. d . Alterthums (2nd ed., 1907 sqq.) . That of Jeremias follows upon the lines of H . Winckler, whose works depart from the some-what narrow limits of purely " Israelite " histories, emphasize the necessity of observing the characteristics of Oriental thought and policy, and are invaluable for discriminating students . Winckler's own views are condensed in the 3rd edition—a re-See also:writing—of Schrader's work (Keilinschr. u. d . Alte Testament, 1903), and, with an instructive account of the history of " ancient nearer Asia," in H . F . Helmolt's World's History, iii . 1–252 (1903) . All modern i It is useful to compare the critical study of the See also:Koran (q.v.), where, however, the investigation of its various " revelations " is simpler than that of the biblical " prophecies " on account of the greater See also:wealth of independent historical tradition .
See also G
.
B
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See also: Whatever ancient sources may have been accessible, whatever trustworthy traditions were in circulation, and whatever a knowledge of the ancient Oriental world might lead one to expect, one is naturally restricted in the first instance to those undated records which have survived in the form which the last editors gave to them . The critical investigation of these records is the indispensable prelude to all serious biblical study, and hasty or sweeping deductions from monumental or archaeological evidence, or versions compiled promiscuously from materials of distinct origin, are alike hazardous . A glimpse at Palestine in the latter See also:half of the second See also:millennium B.C . (§ 3) prepares us for busy scenes and active intercourse, but it is not a history of this See also:kind which the biblical historians themselves transmit . At an age when—on literary-critical grounds—the Old Testament writings were assuming their present form, it was possible to See also:divide the immediately preceding centuries into three distinct periods . (a) The first, that of the two See also:rival kingdoms: Israel (See also:Ephraim or See also:Samaria) in the northern half of Palestine, and Judah in the south . Then (b) the former lost its See also:independence towards the close of the 8th century B.C., when a number of its inhabitants were carried away; and the latter shared the fate of See also:exile at the beginning of the 6th, but succeeded in making a fresh reconstruction some fifty or sixty years later . Finally (c), in the so-called " See also:post-exilic " period, religion and life were reorganized under the influence of a new spirit; relations with Samaria were broken off, and Judaism took its definite character, perhaps about the See also:middle or close of the 5th century . Throughout these vicissitudes there were important political and religious changes which render the study of the composite sources a work of unique difficulty . In addition to this it should be noticed that the See also:term " See also:Jew " (originally Yehudi), in spite of its wider application, means properly " man of Judah," i.e. of that small district which, with Jerusalem as its See also:capital, became the centre of Judaism . The favourite name " Israel " with all its religious and See also:national associations is some-what ambiguous in an historical sketch, since, although it is used as opposed to Judah (a), it ultimately came to designate the true See also:nucleus of the worshippers of the national See also:god .Yahweh as op-posed to the See also:Samaritans, the later inhabitants of Israelite territory (c) . A more general term is " Hebrew " (see HEBREW LANGUAGE), which, whether originally identical with the I,Iabiru or not (§ 3), is used in contrast to foreigners, and this non-committal ethnic On the bearing of external evidence upon the internal biblical records, see especially S . R . See also:Driver's See also:essay in See also:Hogarth's Authority and See also:Archaeology; cf. also A . A . Bevan, Critical Review (1897), p . 406 sqq., 1898, pp . 131 sqq.); G . B . Gray, Expositor, May 1898; W . G . Jordan, Bib . Grit. and Modern Thought (1909), pp . 42 sqq . For the sections which follow the present writer may be permitted to refer to his See also:introductory contributions in the Expositor (See also:June, 1906; " The Criticism of the O.T.") ; the Jewish Quarterly Review (July 1905–See also:January 1907 = Critical Notes on O.T . History, especially sections vii.–ix.); July and See also:October 1907, See also:April 1908; Amer . Journ . Theol . (July 1909, ' See also:Simeon and See also:Levi: the Problem of the Old Testament ") ; and Swete's Cambridge Bib . Essays, pp . 54–89 (" The Present See also:Stage of O.T . Research ") . deserves preference where precise distinction is unnecessary or impossible . The traditions which prevailed among the Hebrews concerning their origin belong to a time when Judah and Israel were regarded as a unit . Twelve divisions or tribes, of which Judah was one, held together by a traditional sentiment, were traced back to the sons of See also:Jacob (otherwise known as Israel), the son of See also:Isaac and See also:grandson of See also:Abraham . Their names vary in origin and probably also in point of age, and where they represent fixed territorial limits, the districts so described were in some cases certainly peopled by groups of non-Israelite ancestry . But as tribal names they invited explanation, and of the many characteristic traditions which were doubtless current a number have been preserved, though not in any very early dress . Close relationship was recognized with the Aramaeans, with See also:Edom, See also:Moab and See also:Ammon . This is characteristically expressed when See also:Esau, the ancestor of Edom, is represented as the See also:brother of Jacob, or when Moab and Ammon are the See also:children of See also:Lot, Abraham's See also:nephew (see See also:GENEALOGY: Biblical) . Abraham, it was believed, came from See also:Hassan (Carrhae), primarily from Babylonia, and Jacob re-enters from See also:Gilead in the north-east with his Aramaean wives and concubines and their families (See also:Benjamin excepted) . It is on this occasion that Jacob's name is changed to Israel . These traditions of migration and kinship are in them-selves entirely credible, but the detailed accounts of the ancestors Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, as given in Genesis, are inherently doubtful as regards both the internal conditions, which the (late) chronological See also:scheme ascribes to the first half of the second millennium B.C., and the general circumstances of the life of these strangers in a foreign land . From a variety of independent reasons one is forced to conclude that, whatever historical elements they may contain, the stories of this remote past represent the form which tradition had taken in a very much later age . Opinion is at variance regarding the patriarchal narratives as a whole . To deny their historical character is to reject them as trustworthy accounts of the age to which they are ascribed, and even those scholars who claim that they are essentially historical already go so far as to concede idealization and the possibility or See also:probability of later revision . The failure to apprehend historical method has often led to the fallacious See also:argument that the See also:trust-worthiness of individual features justifies our accepting the whole, or that the elimination of unhistorical elements will leave an historical residuum . Here and frequently elsewhere in biblical history it is necessary to allow that a genuine historical tradition may be clothed in an unhistorical dress, but since many diverse motives are often concentrated upon one narrative (e.g . Gen. xxxii . 22-32, xxxiv., xxxviii.), the work of internal historical criticism (in view of the scantiness of the evidence) can rarely claim finality . The patriarchal narratives themselves belong to the popular stock of tradition of which only a portion has been preserved . Many of the elements See also:lie outside questions of time and place and are almost immemorial . Some appear written for the first time in the See also:book of See also:Jubilees, in " the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs (both perhaps and century B.C.) and in later sources; and although in Genesis the stories are now in a post-exilic setting (a stage earlier than Jubilees), the older portions may well belong to the 7th or 6th cent . This question, however, will rest upon those criteria alone which are of true chronological validity (see further GENESIS) . The See also:story of the See also:settlement of the national and tribal ancestors in Palestine is interrupted by an account of the southward See also:movement of Jacob (or Israel) and his sons into a district under the immediate influence of the kings of Egypt . After an See also:interval of uncertain duration we find in See also:Exodus a numerous people subjected to rigorous oppression . No longer individual sons of Jacob or Israel, See also:united tribes were led out by See also:Moses and See also:Aaron; and, after a series of incidents extending over See also:forty years, the " children of Israel " invaded the land in which their ancestors had lived . The traditions embodied in the books Exodus-Joshua are considerably later than the apparent date of the events themselves, and amid the diverse and often conflicting data it is possible to recognize distinct groups due to some extent to distinct historical conditions . The story of the " exodus " is that of the religious See also:birth of " Israel," joined by See also:covenant with the national god Yahweh' whose aid in times of peril and need 1 On the name see See also:JEHOVAH, See also:TETRAGRAMMATON . proved his supremacy . In Moses (q.v.) was seen the founder of Israel's religion and See also:laws; in Aaron (q.v.) the prototype of the Israelite priesthood . Although it is difficult to determine the true historical See also:kernel, two features are most prominent in the narratives which the post-exilic compiler has incorporated: the See also:revelation of Yahweh, and the movement into Palestine . Yahweh had admittedly been the God of Israel's ancestors, but his name was only now made known (Exod. iii . 13 sqq., vi . 2 seq.), and this conception of a new era in Yahweh's relations with the people is associated with the See also:family of Moses and with small groups from the south of Palestine which reappear in religious movements in later history (see See also:KENITES) . Amid a great variety of motives the prominence of Kadesh in south Palestine is to be recognized, but it is uncertain what clans or tribes were at Kadesh, and it is possible that traditions, originally confined to those with whom the new conception of Yahweh is connected, were subsequently adopted by others who came to regard them-selves as the worshippers of the only true Yahweh . At all events, two quite distinct views seem to underlie the opening books of the Old Testament . The one associates itself with the ancestors of the Hebrews and has an ethnic character . The other, part of the religious history of " Israel," is essentially bound up with the religious genius of the people, and is partly connected with clans from the south of Palestine whose influence appears in later times . Other factors in the literary growth of the present narratives are not excluded (see further § 8, and EXODUS, THE)2 6 . The See also:Monarchy of Israel.—The book of Joshua continues the fortunes of the " children of Israel " and describes a successful occupation of Palestine by the united tribes . This stands in striking contrast to other records of the partial successes of individual groups (Judg. i.) . The former, however, is based upon the account of victories by the Ephraimite Joshua over confederations of See also:petty kings to the south and north of central Palestine, apparently the specific traditions of the people of Ephraim describing from their standpoint the entire See also:conquest of Palestine .3 The book of Judges represents a period of unrest after the settlement of the people . External oppression and internal rivalries See also:rent the Israelites, and in the religious See also:philosophy of a later (Deuteronomic) age the period is represented as one of alternate See also:apostasy from and of penitent return to the Yahweh of the " exodus." Some vague recollection of known historical events (§ 3 end) might be claimed among the traditions ascribed to the closing centuries of the second millennium, but the view that the prelude to the monarchy was an era when individual leaders " judged " all Israel finds no support in the older narratives, where the heroes of the age (whose correct sequence is uncertain) enjoy only a local fame . The best historical narratives belong to Israel and Gilead; Judah scarcely appears, and in a relatively old poetical account of a great fight of the united tribes against a northern adversary lies outside the writer's See also:horizon or See also:interest (Judg. v., see See also:DEBORAH) . Stories of successful warfare and of temporary leaders (see See also:ABIMELECH; See also:EHUD; See also:GIDEON; See also:JEPHTHAH) form an introduction to the institution of the Israelite monarchy, an epoch of supreme importance in biblical history . The heroic figure who stands at the head is See also:Saul (" asked "), and two accounts of his rise are recorded . (1) The See also:Philistines, a foreign people whose presence in Palestine 2 The story of See also:Joseph has distinctive internal features of its own, and appears to be from an independent See also:cycle, which has been used to form a connecting See also:link between the Settlement and the Exodus; see also Ed . Meyer, See also:Die Israeliten u. ihre Nachbarsteimme (1906), pp . 228, 433; B . See also:Luther, ibid. pp . 108 seq., 142 sqq . Neither of the poems in Deut. xxxii. seq. alludes to an escape from Egypt; Israel is merely a desert tribe inspired to See also:settle in Palestine . Apparently even the older accounts of the exodus are not of very great antiquity; according to See also:Jeremiah ii . 2, 7 (cf . Hos. ii . 15) some traditions of the See also:wilderness must have represented Israel in a very favourable light; for the " canonical " view, see See also:Ezekiel xvi., xx., See also:xxiii . 2 The See also:capture of central Palestine itself is not recorded; ac-cording to its own traditions the district had been seized by Jacob (Gen. xlviii . 22; cf. the late form of the tradition in Jubilees xxxiv.) . This conception of a conquering See also:hero is entirely distinct from the narratives of the descent of Jacob into Egypt, &c . (see Meyer and Luther, op. cit. pp . 11o, 227 seq., 415, 433) . has already been noticed, had oppressed Israel (cf . See also:SAMSON) until a brilliant victory was gained by the prophet Samuel, some account of whose early history is recorded . He himself held supreme sway over all Israel as the last of the " judges " until compelled to accede to the popular demand for a king . The See also:young Saul was chosen by lot and gained unanimous recognition by delivering Jabesh in Gilead from the See also:Ammonites . (2) But other traditions represent the people scattered and in hiding; Israel is groaning under the Philistine yoke, and the unknown Saul is raised up by Yahweh to See also:save his people . This he accomplishes with the help of his son See also:Jonathan . The first account, although now essential to the canonical history, clearly gives a less authentic account of the See also:change from the " judges " to the monarchy, while the second is fragmentary and can hardly be fitted into the present historical See also:thread (see SAUL) . At all events the first of a series of annalistic notices of the kings of Israel ascribes to Saul conquests over the surrounding peoples to an extent which implies that the district of Judah formed part of his See also:kingdom (r Sam. xiv . 47 seq) . His might is attested also by the See also:fine See also:elegy (2 Sam. i. rg sqq.) over the See also:death of two great Israelite heroes, Saul and Jonathan, knit together by mutual love, inseparable in life and death, whose unhappy end after a career of success was a national misfortune . Disaster had come upon the north, and the See also:plain of See also:Jezreel saw the See also:total defeat of the king and the rout of his See also:army . The See also:court was hastily removed across the Jordan to Mahanaim, where Saul's son Ishbaal (Ish-bosheth), thanks to his general See also:Abner, recovered some of the lost See also:prestige . In circumstances which are not detailed, the kingdom seems to have regained its strength, and Ishbaal is credited with a reign of two years over Israel and Gilead (2 Sam. ii . 8–To; contrast v. ii) . But at this point the scanty See also:annals are suspended and the history of the age is given in more popular sources . Both Israel and Judah had their own annals, brief excerpts from which appear in the books of Samuel, Kings and Chronicles, and they are supplemented' by fuller narratives of distinct and more popular origin . The writings are the result of a continued literary See also:process, and the Israelite national history has come down to us through Judaean hands, with the result that much of it has been coloured by late Judaean feeling . It is precisely in Saul's time that the account of the Judaean monarchy, or perhaps of the monarchy from the Judaean standpoint, now begins . 7 . The Monarchy of Judah.—Certain traditions of Judah and Jerusalem appear to have looked back upon a movement from the south, traces of which underlie the present account of the " exodus." The land was full of " sons of Anak," giants who had terrified the scouts sent from Kadesh . See also:Caleb (q.v.) alone had distinguished himself by his fearlessness, and the clan Caleb drove them out from See also:Hebron in south Judah (Josh. xv . 14 sqq.; cf. also xi . 21 seq.) . See also:David and his followers are found in the south of Hebron, and as they advanced northwards they en-countered wondrous heroes between See also:Gath and Jerusalem (2 Sam. xxi . 15 sqq.; xxiii . 8 sqq.) . After strenuous fighting the district was cleared, and Jerusalem, taken by the See also:sword, became the capital . History saw in David the head of a lengthy See also:line of kings, the founder of the Judaean monarchy, the psalmist and the See also:priest-king who inaugurated religious institutions now recognized to be of a distinctly later character . As a result of this backward See also:projection of later conceptions, the recovery of the true historical nucleus is difficult . The prominence of Jerusalem, the centre of post-exilic Judaism, necessarily invited reflection . Israelite tradition had ascribed the conquest of Jerusalem, Hebron and other cities of Judah to the Ephraimite Joshua; Judaean tradition, on the other hand, relates the capture of the sacred See also:city from a See also:strange and hostile people (2 Sam. v.) . The famous city, within easy reach of the See also:southern desert and central Palestine (to Hebron and to Samaria the distances are about 18 and 35 See also:miles respectively), had already entered into Palestinian history in the " Amarna " age (§ 3) . Anathoth, a few miles to the north-east, points to the cult of the goddess Anath, the near-lying See also:Nob has suggested the name of the Babylonian See also:Nebo, and the neighbouring, though unidentified, Beth-See also:Ninib of the Amarna tablets may indicate the worship of a Babylonian See also:war and astral god (cf. the See also:solar name Beth-Shemesh) . Such was the religious environment of the ancient city which was destined to become the centre of Judaism . Judaean tradition dated the sanctity of Jerusalem from the See also:installation of the See also:ark, a sacred movable object which symbolized the presence of Yahweh . It is associated with the half-See also:nomad clans in the south of Palestine, or with the wanderings of David and his own priest See also:Abiathar; it is ultimately placed within the newly captured city . Quite another body of tradition associates it with the invasion of all the tribes of Israel from beyond the Jordan (see ARK) . To combine the heterogeneous narratives and isolated statements into a consecutive account is impossible; to ignore those which conflict with the now predominating views would be unmethodical . When the narratives describe the life of the young David at the court of the first king of the northern kingdom, when the scenes See also:cover the district which he took with the sword, and when the brave Saul is represented in an unfavourable light, one must allow for the popular tendency to idealize great figures, and for the Judaean origin of the compilation . To David is ascribed the See also:sovereignty over a united people . But the stages in his progress are not clear . After being the popular favourite. of Israel in the little district of Benjamin, he was driven away by the See also:jealousy and animosity of Saul . Gradually strengthening his position by See also:alliance with Judaean clans, he became king at Hebron at. the time when Israel suffered defeat in the north . His subsequent advance to the kingship over Judah and Israel at Jerusalem is represented as due to the weak condition of Israel, facilitated by the compliance of Abner; partly, also, to the long-expressed wish of the Israelites that their old hero should reign over them . Yet again, Saul had been chosen by Yahweh to See also:free his people from the Philistines; he had been rejected for his sins, and had suffered continuously from this enemy; Israel at his death was left in the unhappy state in which he had found it; it was the Judaean David, the faithful servant of Yahweh, who was now chosen to deliver Israel, and to the last the people gratefully remembered their See also:debt . David accomplished the conquests of Saul but on a grander See also:scale; " Saul hath slain his thousands and David his tens of thousands " is the popular See also:couplet comparing the relative merits of the rival dynasts . A series of See also:campaigns against Edom, Moab, Ammon and the Aramaean states, friendly relations with Hiram of See also:Tyre, and the recognition of his sovereignty by the king of Hamath on the'See also:Orontes, combine to portray a monarchy which was the ideal . But in passing from the books of Samuel, with their many See also:rich and vivid narratives, to the books of Kings, we enter upon another phase of literature; it is a different See also:atmosphere, due to the character of the material and the aims of other compilers (sec § 9 beginning) . David, the conqueror, was followed by his son See also:Solomon, famous for his wealth, See also:wisdom and piety, above all for the magnificent See also:Temple which he built at Jerusalem . Phoenician artificers were enlisted for the purpose, and with Phoenician sailors successful trading-journeys were regularly undertaken . Commercial intercourse with Asia Minor, Arabia, Tarshish (probably in See also:Spain) and See also:Ophir (q.v.) filled his coffers, and his See also:realm extended from the Euphrates to the border of Egypt . Tradition depicts him as a worthy successor to his See also:father, and represents a state of luxury and riches impressive to all who were See also:familiar with the great Oriental courts . The commercial activity of the king and the picture of intercourse and wealth are quite in accordance with what is known of the ancient monarchies, and could already be illustrated from the Amarna age . Judah and Israel dwelt at ease, or held the See also:superior position of military officials, while the earlier inhabitants of the land were put to forced labour . But another side of the picture shows the domestic intrigues which darkened the last days of David . The See also:accession of Solomon had not been without bloodshed, and Judah, together with David's old general See also:Joab and his faithful priest Abiathar, were opposed to the son of a woman who had been the wife of a Hittite See also:warrior . The era of the Temple of Jerusalem starts with a new regime, another See also:captain of the army and another priest . Nevertheless, the enmity of Judah is passed over, and when the kingdom is divided for administrative purposes into twelve districts, which ignore the tribal divisions, the centre of David's early power is exempt from the See also:duty of providing supplies (1 Kings iv.) . Yet again, the approach of the divided monarchy is foreshadowed . The employment of Judaeans and Israelites for Solomon's palatial buildings, and the heavy See also:taxation for the upkeep of a court which was the wonder of the world, caused See also:grave internal discontent . External relations, too, were unsatisfactory . The Edomites, who had been almost extirpated by David in the valley of See also:Salt, south of the Dead Sea, were now strong enough to seek revenge; and the powerful kingdom of See also:Damascus, whose foundation is ascribed to this period, began to threaten Israel on the north and north-east . These troubles, we learn, had affected all Solomon's reign, and even Hiram appears to have acquired a portion of See also:Galilee . In the approaching disruption writers saw the See also:punishment for the king's apostasy, and they condemn the sanctuaries in Jerusalem which he erected to the gods of his See also:heathen wives . Nevertheless, these places of cult remained some 300 years until almost the close of the monarchy, when their destruction is attributed to See also:Josiah (§ 16) . When at length Solomon died the opportunity was at once seized to See also:request from his son See also:Rehoboam a more generous treatment . The reply is memorable: " My little See also:finger is thicker than my father's loins; my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions." These words were calculated to inflame a people whom history proves to have been haughty and high-spirited, and the great Israel renounced its See also:union with the small district of Judah . See also:Jeroboam (q.v.), once one of Solomon's See also:officers, became king over the north, and thus the history of the divided monarchy begins (about 93o B.c.) with the Israelite power on both sides of the Jordan and with Judah extending southwards from a point a few miles north of Jerusalem . 8 . Problems of the Earliest History.—Biblical history previous to the separation of Judah and Israel holds a prominent place in current ideas, since over two-fifths of the entire Old Testament deals with these early ages . The historical sources for the See also:crucial period, from the separation to the fall of Jerusalem (586 B.C.), occupy only about one-twelfth, and even of this about one-third is spread over some fifteen years (see below, § II) . From the flourishing days of the later monarchy and onwards, different writers handled the early history of their land from different standpoints . The feeling of national unity between north and south would require historical treatment, the existence of rival monarchies would demand an explanation . But the surviving material is extremely uneven; vital events in these centuries are treated with a slightness in striking contrast to the relatively detailed evidence for the preceding period—evidence, however, which is far from being contemporary . Where the material is fuller, serious discrepancies are found; and where external evidence is fortunately available, the independent character of the biblical history is vividly illustrated . The varied traditions up to this stage cannot be regarded as objective history . It is naturally impossible to treat them from any modern standpoint as fiction; they are honest even where they are most untrustworthy . But the recovery of successive historical nuclei does not furnish a continuous thread, and if one is to be guided by the historical context of events the true background to each nucleus must be sought . The northern kingdom cherished the institution of a monarchy, and in this, as in all great political events, the prophets took part . The precise part these figures See also:play is often idealized and expresses the later views of their prominence . It was only after a See also:bitter experience that the kingship was no longer regarded as a divine See also:gift, and traditionsihave been revised in See also:order to illustrate the opposition to See also:secular authority . In this and in many other respects the records of the first monarchy have been elaborated and now reveal traces of differing conceptions of the events (see DAN; DAVID; Et.I; SAMUEL; SAUL; SOLOMON) . The See also:oldest narratives are not in their See also:original contexts, and they contain features which render it questionable whether a very trust-worthy recollection of the period was retained . Although the rise of the Hebrew state, at an age when the great powers were quiescent and when such a people as the Philistines is known to have appeared upon the See also:scene, is entirely intelligible, it is not improbable that legends of Saul and David, the heroic founders of the two kingdoms, have been put in a historical setting with the help of later historical tradition . It is at least necessary to distinguish provisionally between a possibly historical framework and narratives which may be of later growth—between the general outlines which only external evidence can test and details which cannot be tested and appear isolated without any cause or devoid of any effect . Many attempts have been made to present a satisfactory sketch of the early history and to do justice to (a) the patriarchal narratives,(b) the exodus from Egypt and the Israelite invasion, and (c) the rise of the monarchy . As regards (b), external evidence has already suggested to scholars that there were Israelites in Palestine before the invasion; internal historical criticism is against the view that all the tribes entered under Joshua; and in (a) there are traces of an actual settlement in the land, entirely distinct from the cycle of narratives which prepare the way for (b) . The various reconstructions and compromises by modern apologetic and critical writers alike involve without exception an extremely free treatment of the biblical sources and the rejection of many important and circumstantial data.' On the one hand, a sweeping invasion of all the tribes of Israel moved by a See also:common zeal may, like the conquests of See also:Islam, have produced permanent results . According to this view the enervating luxury of Palestinian culture almost destroyed the lofty ideal monotheism inculcated in the desert, and after the fall of the northern tribes (latter part of the 8th cent.) Judah is naturally regarded as the See also:sole See also:heir . But such a conquest, and all that it signifies, conflict both with external evidence (e.g. the results of excavation), and with any careful inspection of the narratives themselves . On the other hand, the reconstructions which allow a See also:gradual settlement (perhaps of distinct groups), and an intermingling with the earlier inhabitants, certainly find support in biblical evidence, and they have been ingeniously built up with the help of tribal and other data (e.g . Gen. xxxiv., xxxviii.; Judg. i. ix.) . But they imply political, sociological and religious developments which do not do justice either to the biblical evidence as a whole or to a comprehensive survey of contemporary conditions.' Thus, one of the important questions is the relation between those who had taken part in the exodus and the invasion and those who had not . This inquiry is further complicated by (c), where the history of Israel and Judah, as related in Judges and I Samuel, has caused endless perplexity . The traditions of the Ephraimite Joshua and of Saul the first king of (north) Israel virtually treat Judah as part of Israel and are related to the underlying representations in (a) . But the specific independent Judaean standpoint treats the unification of the two divisions as the work of David who leaves the heritage to Solomon . The varied narratives, now due to Judaean editors, preserve distinct points of view, and it is extremely difficult to unravel the threads and to determine their relative position in the history . Finally, the consciousness that the people as a religious body owed everything to the desert clans (b) (see § 5) subsequently leaves its mark upon (north) Israelite history (§ 14), but has not the profound significance which it has in the records of Judah and Jerusalem . Without sufficient external and independent evidence wherewith to interpret in the light of history the internal features of the intricate narratives, any reconstruction would naturally be hazardous, and all attempts must invariably be considered in the light of the biblical evidence itself, the date of the Israelite exodus, and the external conditions . Biblical criticism is concerned with a composite (Judaean) history based upon other histories (partly of non-Judaean origin), and the relation between native written sources and external contemporary evidence (monumental and archaeological) distinctly forbids any haphazard selection from accessible sources . The true nature of this relation can be readily observed in other fields (ancient See also:Britain, See also:Greece, Egypt, &c.), where, however, the native documents and sources have not that complexity which characterizes the composite biblical history . (For the period under review, as it appears in the light of existing external evidence, see PALESTINE: History.) 9 . The Rival Kingdoms.—The Palestine of the Hebrews was but part of a great area breathing the same atmosphere, and there was little to distinguish Judah from Israel except when they were distinct political entities . The history of the two kingdoms is contained in Kings and the later and relatively less trustworthy Chronicles, which deals with Judah alone . In the former a separate history of the northern kingdom has been combined with Judaean history by means of synchronisms in accordance with a definite scheme . The 48o years from the foundation of the temple of Jerusalem back to the date of the exodus (1 Kings vi . 1) corresponds to the period forward to the return from the exile (§ 2o) . This falls into three equal divisions, of which the first ends with Jehoash's temple-reforms and the second with See also:Hezekiah's death . The kingdom of Israel lasts exactly half the time . ' This is especially true of the various ingenious attempts to combine the invasion of the Israelites with the movements of the Habiru in the Amarna period (§ 3) . z cf . Winckler, Keil. u. das Alte Test. p . 212 seq . ; also his " Der alte Orient and die Geschichtsforschung " in Mitteilungen der Vorderasiat . Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1906) and Religionsgeschichtlicher u. gesch . Orient (See also:Leipzig, 1906); A . Jeremias, Alte Test . (p . 464 seq.); B . Baentsch, Altorient. u. israel . Monotheismus (pp . 53, 79, 105, &c.) ; also Theolog . Lit . Blatt (1907) No . 19 . On the reconstructions of the tribal history, see especially T . K . Cheyne, Ency . Bib. See also:art . " Tribes." The most suggestive study of the pre-monarchical narratives is that of E . Meyer and B . Luther (above; see the former's criticisms on the reconstructions, pp . 50, 251 sqq., 422, n. i and passim) . Of the 240 years from Jeroboam I., 8o elapse before the Syrian See also:wars in See also:Ahab's reign, these cover another 8o; the famous king Jeroboam II. reigns 40 years, and 40 years of decline bring the kingdom to an end . These figures speak for themselves, and the present See also:chronology can be accepted only where it is independently proved to be trustworthy (see further W . R . Smith, Prophets of Israel, pp . 144-149) . Next, the Judaean compiler regularly finds in Israel's troubles the punishment for its schismatic See also:idolatry; nor does he spare Judah, but judges its kings by a See also:standard which agrees with the standpoint of Deuteronomy and is scarcely earlier than the end of the 7th century B.C . (§§ 16, 20) . But the history of (north) Israel had naturally its own independent political backgrounds and the literary sources contain the same internal features as the annals and prophetic narratives which are already met with in t Samuel . Similarly the thread of the Judaean annals in Kings is also found in 2 Samuel, although the supplementary narratives in Kings are not so rich or varied as the more popular records in the preceding books . The striking See also:differences between Samuel and Kings are due to differences in the writing of the history ; independent Israelite records having been incorporated with those of Judah and supplemented (with revision) from the Judaean standpoint (see CHRONICLES; KINGS; SAMUEL) . The Judaean compiler, with his history of the two kingdoms, looks back upon the time when each laid the foundation of its subsequent fortunes . His small kingdom of Judah enjoyed an unbroken See also:dynasty which survived the most serious crises, a temple which See also:grew in splendour and wealth under royal See also:patron-age, and a legitimate priesthood which owed its origin to Zadok, the successful rival of David's priest Abiathar . Israel, on the other hand, had signed its death-See also:warrant by the institution of See also:calf-cult, a cult which, however, was scarcely recognized as contrary to the worship of Yahweh before the denunciations of See also:Hosea . The scantiness of political information and the distinctive arrangement of material preclude the See also:attempt to trace the relative position of the two rivals . Judah had natural connexions with Edom and southern Palestine; Israel was more closely associated with Gilead and the Aramaeans of the north . That Israel was the stronger may be suggested by the acquiescence of Judah in the new situation . A diversion was caused by Shishak's invasion, but of this reappearance of Egypt after nearly three centuries of inactivity little is preserved in biblical history . Only the Temple records recall the spoliation of the See also:sanctuary of Jerusalem, and traditions of Jeroboam I. show that Shishak's prominence was well known.' Although both kingdoms suffered, common misfortune did not throw them together . On the contrary, the statement that there was continual warfare is supplemented in Chronicles by the story of a victory over Israel by See also:Abijah the son of Rehoboam . Jeroboam's son Nadab perished in a See also:conspiracy whilst besieging the Philistine city of Gibbethon, and Baasha of (north) Israel seized the See also:throne . His reign is noteworthy for the entrance of Damascus into Palestinian politics . Its natural fertility and its commanding position at the meeting-place of trade-routes from every quarter made it a dominant See also:factor until its overthrow . In the See also:absence of its native records its relations with Palestine are not always clear, but it may be supposed that amid varying political changes it was able to play a See also:double See also:game . According to the annals, incessant war prevailed between Baasha and Abijah's successor, See also:Asa . It is understood that the former was in See also:league with Damascus, which had once been hostile to Solomon (1 Kings xi . 24 seq.)—it is not stated upon whom Asa could rely . How- ever, Baasha at length seized Karnali about five miles north of Jerusalem, and the very existence of Judah was threatened . Asa utilized the treasure of the Temple and See also:palace to induce the Syrians to break off their relations with Baasha . These sent troops to harry north Israel, and Baasha was compelled to retire . Asa, it is evident, was too weak to achieve the remarkable victory ascribed to him in 2 Chron. xiv . (see Asa) . As for Baasha, his ' 2 Chron. xii . 8, which is independent of the chronicler's artificial treatment of his material, apparently points to some tradition of Egyptian See also:suzerainty.See also:short-lived dynasty resembles that of his predecessors . His son Elah had reigned only two years (like Ishbaal and Nadab) when he was slain in the midst of a drunken carousal by his captain Zimri . Meanwhile the Israelite army was again besieging the Philistines at Gibbethon, and the recurrence of these conflicts points to a critical situation in a Danite locality in which Judah itself (although ignored by the writers), must have been vitally concerned . The army preferred their general See also:Omri, and marching upon Zimri at Tirzah burnt the palace over his head . A fresh rival immediately appeared, the otherwise unknown Tibni, son of Ginath . Israel was divided into two camps, until, on the death of Tibni and his brother Joram, Omri became sole king (c . 887 B.c.) . The scanty details of these important events must naturally be contrasted with the comparatively full accounts of earlier Philistine wars and internal conflicts in narratives which date from this or even a later age . ro . The Dynasty of Omri.—Omri (q.v.), the founder of one of the greatest dynasties of Israel, was contemporary with the revival of Tyre under Ithobaal, and the relationship between the states is seen in the See also:marriage of Omri's son Ahab to See also:Jezebel, the priest-king's daughter . His most notable recorded achievement was the subjugation of Moab and the seizure of part of its territory . The See also:discovery of the inscription of a later king of Moab (q.v.) has proved that the east-Jordanic tribes were no uncivilized or barbaric folk; material wealth, a considerable religious and political organization, and the cultivation of letters (as exemplified in the See also:style of the inscription) portray conditions which allow us to form some conception of life in Israel itself . Moreover, Judah (now under See also:Jehoshaphat) enjoyed intimate relations with Israel during Omri's dynasty, and the traditions of intermarriage, and of co-operation in See also:commerce and war, imply what was practically a united Palestine . Alliance with Phoenicia gave the impulse to extended intercourse; trading expeditions were undertaken from the Gulf of Akaba, and Ahab built himself a palace decorated with See also:ivory . The cult of the See also:Baal of Tyre followed Jezebel to the royal city Samaria and even found its way into Jerusalem . This, the natural result of matrimonial and political alliance, already met with under Solomon, receives the usual denunciation . The conflict between Yahweh and Baal and the defeat of the latter are the characteristic notes of the religious history of the period, and they leave their impression upon the records, which are now more abundant . Although little is preserved of Omri's history, the fact that the northern kingdom long continued to be called by the Assyrians after his name is a significant indication of his great reputation . Assyria2 was now making itself See also:felt in the See also:west for the first time since the days of Tiglath-Pileser I . (c. r too B.C.), and external sources come to our aid . See also:Assur-nazir-See also:pal III. had exacted tribute from north Syria (c . 87o B.C.), and his successor See also:Shalmaneser II., in the course of a series of expeditions, succeeded in gaining the greater part of that land . A defensive coalition was formed in which the kings of See also:Cilicia, Hamath, the Phoenician coast, Damascus and Ammon, the See also:Arabs of the Syrian desert, and " Ahabbu Sirlai " were concerned . In the last, we must recognize the Israelite Ahab . His own contribution of 10,000 men and 12,000 chariots perhaps included levies from Judah and Moab (cf. for the number 1 Kings x . 26) . In 854 the See also:allies at least maintained themselves at the See also:battle of Karkar (perhaps See also:Apamea to the north of Hamath) . In 849 and 846 other indecisive battles were fought, but the precise constitution of the coalition is not recorded . In 842 Shalmaneser records a campaign against Hazael of Damascus; no coalition is mentioned, although a battle was fought at Sanir (Hermon, Dent. iii . 9), and the cities of Hauran to the south of Damascus were spoiled . Tribute was received from Tyre and See also:Sidon; and See also:Jehu, who was now king of Israel, sent his gifts of See also:gold, See also:silver, &c., to the conqueror . The Assyrian inscription (the so-called " See also:Black See also:Obelisk " now in the See also:British Museum), which records the submission of the petty kings, gives an interesting representation of the humble Israelite emissaries with their long fringed See also:robes and strongly marked See also:physiognomy (see See also:COSTUME, fig . 9) . Yet another expedition in 839 would seem to 2 See for chronology, BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA, §§ v. and viii . show that Damascus was neither crushed nor helpless, but thence-forth for a number of years Assyria was fully occupied elsewhere and the west was left to itself . The value of this external evidence for the history of Israel is enhanced by the fact that biblical tradition associates the changes in the thrones of Israel and Damascus with the work of the prophets See also:Elijah and See also:Elisha, but handles the period without a single reference to the Assyrian See also:Empire . Ahab, it seems, had aroused popular resentment by encroaching upon the rights of the people to their landed possessions; had it not been for Jezebel (q.v.) the tragedy of Naboth would not have occurred . The worship of Baal of Tyre roused a small circle of zealots, and again the Phoenician marriage was the cause of the evil . We read the history from the point of view of prophets . Elijah of Gilead led the revolt . To one who favoured simplicity of cult the new worship was a desecration of Yahweh, and, braving the anger of the king and See also:queen, he fore-shadowed their fate . Hostility towards the dynasty culminated a few years later in a conspiracy which placed on the throne the general Jehu, the son of one Jehoshaphat (or, otherwise, of Nimshi) . The work which Elijah began was completed by Elisha, who supported Jehu and the new dynasty . A See also:massacre ensued in which the royal families of Israel and Judah perished . While the extirpation of the cult of Baal was furthered in Israel by Jonadab the Rechabite, it was the " people of the land " who undertook a similar reform in Judah . Jehu (q.v.) became king as the See also:champion of the purer worship of Yahweh . The descendants of the detested Phoenician marriage were rooted out, and unless the close intercourse between Israel and Judah had been suddenly broken, it would be supposed that the new king at least laid claim to the south . The events form one of the fundamental problems of biblical history . 11 . Damascus, Israel and Judah.—The See also:appearance of Assyria in the Mediterranean coast-lands had produced the results which inevitably follow when a great empire comes into contact with minor states . It awakened fresh possibilities—successful See also:combination against a common foe, the sinking of petty rivalries, the See also:chance of gaining favour by a See also:neutrality which was scarcely benevolent . The alliances, See also:counter-alliances and far-reaching political combinations which See also:spring up at every advance of the greater powers are often perplexing in the absence of records of the states concerned . Even the biblical traditions alone do not always represent the same attitude, and our present sources pre-serve the work of several hands . Hazael of Damascus, Jehu of Israel and Elisha the prophet are the three men of the new age linked together in the words of one writer as though commissioned for like ends (I Kings xix . 15–17) . Hostility to Phoenicia (i.e. the Baal of Tyre) is as intelligible as a tendency to look to Aramaean neighbours . Though Elisha sent to anoint Jehu as king, he was none the less on most intimate terms with See also:Bar-See also:hadad (Old . Test . See also:Ben-hadad) of Damascus and recognized Hazael as its future ruler . It is a natural See also:assumption that Damascus could still See also:count upon Israel as an ally in 842; not until the withdrawal of Assyria and the accession of Jehu did the situation change . " In those days Yahweh began to cut short " (or, altering the text, " to be angry with ") " Israel." This brief See also:notice heralds the commencement of Hazael's attack upon Israelite territory east of the Jordan (2 Kings x . 32) . The origin of the outbreak is uncertain . It has been assumed that Israel had withdrawn from the great coalition, that Jehu sent tribute to Shalmaneser to obtain that monarch's recognition, and that Hazael consequently seized the first opportunity to retaliate . Certain traditions, it is true, indicate that Israel had been at war with the Aramaeans from before 854 to 842, and that Hazael was attacking Gilead at the time when Jehu revolted; but in the midst of these are other traditions of the close and friendly relations between Israel and Damascus ! With these perplexing data the position of Judah is inextricably involved . The special points which have to be noticed in the records for this brief period (1 Kings xvii.-2 Kings xi.) concern both literary and historical criticism.' A number of narratives illustrate the ' See Jew . Quart . Rev . (1908), pp . 597-630 . The independent Israelite traditions which here become more numerous have pointswork of the prophets, and sometimes purely political records appear to have been used for the purpose (see ELIJAH; ELIsHA) . If Elijah is the prophet of the fall of Omri's dynasty, Elisha is no less the prophet of Jehu and his successors; and it is extremely probable that his lifework was confined to the dynasty which he inaugurated.' In the present narratives, however, the stories in which he possesses influence with king and court are placed before the rise of Jehu, and some of them point to a state of hostility with Damascus before he foresees the atrocities which Hazael will perpetrate . But Ahab's wars with Syria can with difficulty be reconciled with the Assyrian evidence (see AHAB), and the narratives, largely See also:anonymous, agree in a singular manner with what is known of the serious conflicts which, it is said, began in Jehu's time . Moreover, the account of the See also:joint undertaking by Judah (under Jehoshaphat) and Israel against Syria at Ramoth-Gilead at the time of Ahab's death, and again (under See also:Ahaziah) when See also:Jehoram was wounded, shortly before the accession of Jehu, are historical doublets, and they can hardly be harmonized either with the known events of 854 and 842 or with the course of the intervening years . Further, all the traditions point clearly to the very close union of Israel and Judah at this period, a union which is See also:apt to be obscured by the fact that the annalistic summaries of each kingdom are mainly independent . Thus we may contrast the favourable Judaean view of Jehoshaphat with the condemnation passed upon Ahab and Jezebel, whose daughter See also:Athaliah married Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat . It is noteworthy, also, that an Ahaziah and a Jehoram appear as kings of Israel, and (in the See also:reverse order) of Judah, and somewhat similar incidents recur in the now separate histories of the two kingdoms . The most striking is a great revolt in south Palestine . The alliance between Jehoshaphat and Ahab doubtless continued when the latter was succeeded by his son Ahaziah, and some disaster befell their trading See also:fleet in the Gulf of Akaba (i Kings xxii . 48 seq . ; 2 Chron. xx . 35–37) . Next came the revolt of Moab (2 Kings i . 1), and Ahaziah, after the briefest of reigns, was followed by Jehoram, whose Judaean contemporary was Jehoshaphat (ch. iii.), or perhaps rather his own namesake (i . 17) . The popular story of Jehoram's campaign against Moab, with which Edom was probably allied (see MOAB), hints at a disastrous ending, and the Judaean annals, in their turn, See also:record the revolt of Edom and the Philistine Libnah (see PHILISTINES), and allude obscurely to a defeat of the Judaean Jehoram (2 Kings viii . 20-22) . Further details in 2 Chron. xxi.–xxii . I even record an invasion of Philistines and Arabians ( ? Edomites), an attack upon Jerusalem, the removal of the palace treasures and of all the royal sons with the sole exception of Jehoahaz, i.e . Ahaziah (see JEHORAM; JEHOSHAPHAT) . Had the two kingdoms been under a single head, these features might find an explanation, but it must be allowed that it is extremely difficult to See also:fit the general situation into our present history, and to determine where the line is to be See also:drawn between trustworthy and untrustworthy details . Moreover, of the various accounts of the massacre of the princes of Judah, the Judaean ascribes it not to Jehu and the reforming party (2 Kings x . 13 seq.) but to Athaliah (q.v.) . Only the babe Jehoash was saved, and he remained hidden in the Temple adjoining the palace itself . The queen, Athaliah, despite the weak state of Judah after the revolt in Philistia and Edom, actually appears to have maintained herself for six years, until the priests slew her in a conspiracy, overthrew the cult of Baal, and crowned the young See also:child . It is a new source which is here suddenly introduced, belonging apparently to a history of the Temple; it throws no light upon the relations between Judah with its priests and Israel with its prophets, the circumstances of the regency under the priest Jehoiada are ignored, and the Temple re-forms occupy the first place in the compiler's interest . The Judaean annals then relate Hazael's advance to Gath; the city was captured and Jerusalem was saved only by using the Temple and palace treasure as a bribe . On the other hand, Chronicles has a different story with a novel prelude . Jehoash, it is said, turned away from Yahweh after the death of Jehoiada and gave heed to the Judaean nobles, " wrath came upon Judah and Jerusalem for their See also:guilt," prophets were sent to bring them back but they turned a See also:deaf See also:ear . The See also:climax of iniquity was the See also:murder of Jehoiada's son See also:Zechariah . Soon after, a small See also:band of Syrians entered Judah, destroyed its princes, and. sent the spoil to the king of Damascus; the disaster is regarded as a prompt retribution (2 Chron. See also:xxiv.) . The inferiority of Chronicles as a historical source and its varied examples of " tendency-writing " must be set against its possible See also:access to traditions of contact with those of Saul in 1 Samuel, and the relation is highly suggestive for the study of their growth, as also for the perspective of the various writers . ' See W . R . Smith (after Kuenen), Ency . Bib., See also:col . 2670; also W . E . Addis, ib., 1276, the commentaries of Benzinger (p . 130) and Kittel (pp . 153 seq.) on Kings; J . S . See also:Strachan, See also:Hastings's Dicl . Bible, i . 694; G . A . Smith, Hist . Geog. of Holy Land, p . 582; See also:Konig and See also:Hirsch, Jew . Ency. v . 137 seq . (" See also:legend...as indifferent to accuracy in dates as it is to definiteness of places and names ") ; W . R . Harper, See also:Amos and Hosea, p. xli. seq . (" the lack of chronological order ... . the result is to create a wrong impression of Elisha's career ") .
The bearing of this displacement upon the literary and historical criticism of the narratives has never been worked out
.
as trustworthy as those in Kings.' In the present instance the novel details cannot be lightly brushed aside
.
The position of Judah at this period must be estimated (a) from the preceding years of intimate relationship with Israel to the accession of Jehu, and (b) from the calamity about half a century later when Jerusalem was sacked by Israel
.
The Judaean narratives do not allow us to fill the See also:gap or to determine whether Judaean policy under the See also:regent Jehoiada would be friendly or hostile to Israel, or whether Judaean nobles may have severed the earlier See also:bond of union
.
If the latter actually occurred, the hostility of the Israelite prophets is only to be expected
.
But it is to be presumed that the punishment came from Israel—the use of Syrian mercenaries not excluded—and if, instead of using his treasure to See also: Jehu's son Jehoahaz saw his army made " like the dust in threshing," and the desperate condition of the See also:country recalls the straits in the time of Saul (I Sam. xiii . 6, 7, 19-22), and the days before the great overthrow of the northern power as described in Judges v . 6-8 . The impression left by the horrors of the age is clear from the allusions to the barbarities committed by Damascus and its Ammonite allies upon Gilead (Amos i . 3, 13), and in the account of the interview between Elisha and Hazael (2 Kings viii . 12) . Several of the situations can be more vividly realized from the narratives of Syrian wars ascribed to the time of Omri's dynasty, even if these did not originally refer to the later period . Under See also:Joash, son of Jehoahaz, the See also:tide turned . Elisha was apparently the champion, and posterity told of his exploits when Samaria was visited with the sword . Thrice Joash smote the Syrians—in accordance with the last words of the dying prophet—and Aphek in the See also:Sharon plain, famous in history for Israel's disasters, now witnessed three victories . The enemy under Hazael's son Ben-hadad (properly Bar-hadad) was driven out and Joash regained the territory which his father had lost (2 Kings xiii . 25); it may reasonably be supposed that a treaty was concluded (cf. i Kings xx . 34) . But the See also:peace does not seem to have been popular . The story of the last scene in Elisha's life implies in Joash an easily contented disposition which hindered him from completing his successes . Syria had not been crushed, and the failure to utilize the opportunity was an See also:act of impolitic leniency for which Israel was bound to suffer (2 Kings xiii . 19) . Elisha's indignation can be illustrated by the denunciation passed upon an anonymous king by the prophetic party on a similar occasion (1 Kings xx . 35-43) . At this stage it is necessary to notice the fresh invasion of Syria by Hadad (See also:Adad)-nirari, who besieged Mari, king of Damascus, and exacted a heavy tribute (c . 800 B.C.) . A diversion of this kind may explain the Israelite victories; the subsequent withdrawal of Assyria may have afforded the occasion for See also:retaliation . Those in Israel who remembered the previous war between i Careful examination shows that no a priori distinction can be drawn between "trustworthy " books of Kings and "untrustworthy books " of Chronicles . Although the latter have special late and unreliable features, they agree with the former in presenting the same general trend of past history . The " canonical " history in Kings is further embellished in Chronicles, but the gulf between them is not so profound as that between the former and the under-lying and half-suppressed historical traditions which can still be recognized . (See also PALESTINE: History.) 2 For the former (2 Kings xii . 17 seq.) cf . Hezekiah and See also:Sennacherib (xviii . 13-15), and for the latter, cf . Asa and Baasha (I Kings xv . 18-2o; above) . Assyria and Damascus would realize the recuperative power of the latter, and would perceive the danger of the short-sighted policy of Joash . It is interesting to find that Hadad-nirari claims tribute from Tyre, Sidon and Beth-Omri (Israel), also from Edom and Palastu (Philistia) . There are no signs of an extensive coalition as in the days of Shalmaneser; Ammon is probably included under Damascus; the position of Moab—which had freed itself from Jehoram of Israel—can hardly be calculated . But the absence of Judah is surprising . Both Jehoash (of Judah) and his son Amaziah left behind them a great name; and the latter was comparable only to David (2 Kings xiv . 3) . He defeated Edom in the Valley of Salt, and hence it is conceivable that Amaziah's kingdom extended over both Edom and Philistia . A vaunting See also:challenge to Joash (of Israel) gave rise to one of the two fables that are preserved in the Old Testament (Judg. ix . 8 sqq.; see ABIMELECH) . It was followed by a battle at Beth-shemesh; the scene would suggest that Philistia also was involved . The result was the route of Judah, the capture of Amaziah, the destruction of the northern See also:wall of Jerusalem, the sacking of the temple and palace, and the removal of hostages to Samaria (2 Kings xiv. See also:r2 sqq.) . Only a few words are preserved, but the details, when carefully weighed, are extremely significant . This momentous event for the southern kingdom was scarcely the outcome of a challenge to a trial of strength; it was rather the sequel to a period of smouldering jealousy and hostility . The Judaean records have obscured the history since the days of Omri's dynasty, when Israel and Judah were as one, when they were moved by common aims and by a single reforming zeal, and only Israel's vengeance gives the measure of the injuries she had received . That the Judaean compiler has not given fuller information is not surprising; the wonder is that he should have given so much . It is one of those epoch-making facts in the light of which the course of the history of the preceding and following years must be estimated . It is taken, strangely enough, from an Israelite source, but the See also:tone of the whole is quite dispassionate and objective . It needs little reflection to perceive that the position of Jerusalem and Judah was now hardly one of independence, and the conflicting chronological notices betray the attempt to maintain intact the thread of Judaean history . So, on the one hand, the See also:year of the disaster See also:sees the death of the Israelite king, and Amaziah survives for fifteen years, while, on the other, twenty-seven years elapse between the battle and the accession of See also:Uzziah, the next king of Judah.' The importance of the historical questions regarding relations between Damascus, Israel and Judah is clear . The defeat of Syria by Joash (of Israel) was not final . The decisive victories were gained by Jeroboam II . He saved Israel from being blotted out, and through his successes " the children of Israel dwelt in their tents as of old " (2 Kings xiii . 5, xiv . 26 seq.) . Syria must have resumed warfare with redoubled See also:energy, and a state of affairs is presupposed which can be pictured with the help of narratives that See also:deal with similar historical situations . In particular, the overthrow of Israel as foreshadowed in I Kings xxii. implies an Aramaean invasion (cf. vv . 17, 25), after a treaty (xx . 35 sqq.), although this can scarcely be justified by the events which followed the death of Ahab, in whose time they are now placed . For the understanding of these great wars between Syria and Israel (which the traditional chronology spreads over eighty years), for the significance of the crushing defeats and inspiring victories, and for the alternations of despair and See also:hope, a careful study of all the records of relations between Israel and the north is at least instructive, and it is important to remember that, although the present historical outlines are scanty and incomplete, some—if not all—of the analogous descriptions in their present form are certainly later than the second half of the 9th century B.C., the period in which these great events fall.4 13: Political Development.—Under Jeroboam II. the borders of Israel were restored, and in this political revival the prophets again took part.' The defeat of Ben-hadad by the king of It is possible that Hadad-nirari's inscription refers to conditions in the latter part of his reign (812-783 B.C.), when Judah apparently was no longer independent and when Jeroboam II. was king of Israel . The accession of the latter has been placed between 785 and 782 . It is now known, also, that Ben-hadad and a small coalition were defeated by the king of Hamath; but the bearing of this upon Israelite history is uncertain . 4 Cf. generally, 1 Sam. iv., xxxi . ; 2 Sam. ii . 8; i Kings xx., xxii . ; 2 Kings vi . 8-vii . 2o; also Judges v . (see DEBORAH) . ' Special mention is made of See also:Jonah, a prophet of See also:Zebulun in (north) Israel (2 Kings xiv . 25) . Nothing is known of him, unless the very late prophetical writing with the account of his visit to See also:Nineveh rests upon some old tradition, which, however, can scarcely be recovered (see JONAH) . was opposed to the simpler local forms of See also:government, and a military regime had distinct disadvantages (cf . 1 Sam. viii . 1r–18) . The king stood at the head, as the court of final See also:appeal, and upon him and his officers depended the people's welfare . A more intricate social organization caused internal weakness, and Eastern history shows with what rapidity peoples who have become strong by discipline and moderation pass from the height of their See also:glory into extreme corruption and disintegration.' This was Israel's fate . Opposition to social abuses and enmity towards religious innovations are regarded as the factors which led to the overthrow of Omri's dynasty by Jehu, and when Israel seemed to be at the height of its glory under Jeroboam II. warning voices again made themselves heard . The two factors are inseparable, for in ancient times no See also:sharp dividing-line was drawn between religious and civic duties: righteousness and See also:equity, religious duty and national custom were one . Hamath and the quiescence of Assyria may have encouraged Israelite ambitions, but until more is known of the campaigns of Hadad-nirari and of Shalmaneser III . (against Damascus, 773 B.C.) the situation cannot be safely gauged . Moab was probably tributary; the position of Judah and Edom is involved with the chronological problems . According to the Judaean annals, the " people of Judah " set See also:Azariah (Uzziah) upon his father's throne; and to his long reign of fifty-two years are • ascribed conquests over Philistia and Edom, the fortification of Jerusalem and the reorganization of the army . As the relations with Israel are not specified, the sequel to Amaziah's defeat is a See also:matter for conjecture; although, when at the death of Jeroboam Israel hastened to its end amid anarchy and dissension, it is hardly likely that the southern kingdom was unmoved . All that can be recognized from the biblical records, however, is the period of internal prosperity which Israel and Judah enjoyed under Jeroboam and Uzziah (qq.v.) respectively . It is difficult to trace the biblical history century by century as it reaches these last years of bitter conflict and of renewed prosperity . The northern kingdom at the height of its power included Judah, it extended its territory east of the Jordan towards the north and the south, and maintained close relations with Phoenicia and the Aramaean states . It had a national history which left its impress upon the popular See also:imagination, and sundry fragments of tradition reveal the pricje which the patriot felt in the past . An original close connexion is felt with the east of the Jordan and with Gilead; stories of invasion and conquest See also:express themselves in varied forms . In so far as internal wealth and luxury presuppose the control of the trade-routes, periodical alliances are implied in which Judah, willingly or unwillingly, was included . But the Judaean records do not allow us to trace its independent history with confidence, and our estimate can scarcely See also:base itself solely upon the accidental fulness or scantiness of political details . In the subsequent disasters of Israel (§ 15) we may perceive the growing supremacy of Judah, and the Assyrian See also:inscriptions clearly indicate the dependence of Judaean politics upon its relations with Edom and Arab tribes on the south-east and with Philistia on the west . Whatever had been the effect of the movement of the Purasati some centuries previously, the Philistines (i.e. the people of Philistia) are now found in possession of a mature organization, and the Assyrian evidence is of considerable value for an estimate of the stories of conflict and covenant, of hostility and friendship, which were current in south Palestine . The See also:extension of the term " Judah " (cf. that of " Israel " and " Samaria ") is involved with the See also:incorporation of non-Judaean elements . The country for ten miles north of Jerusalem was the exposed and highly debatable district ascribed to the young tribe of Benjamin (the favourite " brother " of both Judah and Joseph; Gen. See also:xxxvii., xxxix. sqq.) ; the border-line between the rival kingdoms oscillated, and consequently the political position of the smaller and half-desert Judaean state depended upon the attitude of its neighbours . It is possible that tradition is right in supposing that " Judah went down from his brethren " (Gen. xxxviii . 1; cf . Judg. i . 3) . Its monarchy traced its origin to Hebron in the south, and its growth is contemporary with a decline in Israel (§ 7) . It is at least probable that when Israel was supreme an independent Judah would centre around a more southerly site than Jerusalem . It is naturally uncertain how far the traditions of David can be utilized; but they illustrate Judaean situations when they depict intrigues with Israelite officials, vassalage under Philistia, and friendly relations with Moab, or when they suggest how enmity between Israel and Ammon could be turned to useful account . Tradition, in fact, is concentrated upon the rise of the Judaean dynasty under David, but there are significant periods before the rise of both Jehoash and Uzziah upon which the historical records maintain a perplexing silence . The Hebrews of Israel and Judah were, political history apart, men of the same general See also:stamp, with the same cult and custom; for the study of religion and social usages, therefore, they can be treated as a single people . The institution of the monarchy Elaborate legal enactments codified in Babylonia by the 20th century B.C. find striking See also:parallels in Hebrew, late Jewish (Talmudic), Syrian and See also:Mahommedan See also:law, or in the unwritten usages of all ages; for even where there were neither written laws nor duly instituted lawgivers, there was no lawlessness, since custom and belief were, and still are, almost inflexible . Various collections are preserved in the Old Testament; they are attributed to the time of Moses the lawgiver, who stands at the beginning of Israelite national and religious history . But many of the laws were quite unsuitable for the circumstances of his age, and the belief that a body of intricate and even contradictory legislation was imposed suddenly upon a people newly emerged from bondage in Egypt raises insurmountable objections, and underestimates the fact that legal usage existed in the earliest stages of society, and therefore in pre-See also:Mosaic times . The more important question is the date of the laws in their present form and content . Collections of laws are found in Deuteronomy and in exilic and post-exilic writings; groups of a relatively earlier type are preserved in Exod. xxxiv . 14-26, xx . 23-xxiii., and (of an-other stamp) inLev.xvii.–See also:xxvi . (now in post-exilic form) . For a useful conspectus of details, see J . E.See also:Carpenter and G . Harford=Battersby . The See also:Hexateuch (vol. i., appendix) ; C . F . Kent, Israel's Laws and Legal Enactments (1907); and in general I . Benzinger, articles "Government," "Family" and "Law and Justice," Ency . Bib., and G .
B
.
Gray, " Law Literature," ib
.
(the literary growth of legislation)
.
Reference may also be made, for illustrative material, to W
.
R
.
Smith, Kinship and Marriage, Religion of the Semites; to E
.
Day, Social Life of the Hebrews; and, for some comparison of customary usage in the Semitic See also: Every religion has its customary cult and See also:ritual, its recognized times, places and persons for the observance . Worship is simpler at the smaller shrines than at the more famous temples; and, as the rulers are the patrons of the religion and are brought into contact with the religious personnel, the character of the social organization leaves its mark upon those who hold religious and judicial functions alike . The Hebrews shared the paradoxes of Orientals, and religious See also:enthusiasm and See also:ecstasy were prominent features . Seers and prophets of all kinds ranged from those who were consulted for daily mundane affairs to those who revealed the oracles in times of stress, from those who haunted local holy sites to those high in royal favour, from the quiet domestic communities to the austere See also:mountain, recluse . Among these were to be found the most sordid opportunism and the most heroic self-effacement, the crassest supernaturalism and—the loftiest conceptions of practical morality . A development of ideals and a growth of spirituality can be traced which render the biblical writings with their series of prophecies a unique ' This is philosophically handled by the Arabian historian See also:Ibn Khaldun, whose Prolegomena is well worthy of attention; see De Slane, Not. et extraits, vols. xix.–xxi., with Von Kremer's criticisms in the Sitz. d . Kais . Alead. of See also:Vienna (vol. xciii., 1879); cf. also R . See also:Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, i . 157 sqq . phenomenon.' The prophets taught that the national existence of the people was bound up with religious and social conditions; they were in a sense the politicians of the age, and to regard them simply as foretellers of the future is to limit their See also:sphere unduly . They took a keen interest in all the political vicissitudes of the Oriental world . Men of all See also:standards of integrity, they were exposed to external influences, but whether divided among themselves in their adherence to conflicting parties, or isolated in their fierce denunciation of contemporary abuses, they shared alike in the worship of Yahweh whose See also:inspiration they claimed . A recollection of the manifold forms which religious life and thought have taken in Christendom or in Islam, and the passions which are so easily engendered among opposing sects, will prevent a one-sided estimate of the religious stand-points which the writings betray; and to the recognition that they represent lofty ideals it must be added that the great prophets, like all great thinkers, were in advance of their age . The prophets are thoroughly Oriental figures, and the See also:interpretation of their profound religious experiences requires a particular sympathy which is not inherent in Western minds . Their writings are to be understood in the light of their age and of the conditions which gave birth to them . With few exceptions they are preserved in fragmentary form, with additions and adjustments which were necessary in order to make them applicable to later conditions . When, as often, the great figures have been made the spokesmen of the thought of subsequent generations, the historical criticism of the prophecies becomes one of peculiar difficulty.' According to the historical traditions it is precisely in the age of Jeroboam II. and Uzziah that the first of the extant prophecies begin (see Amos and HosEA) . Here it is enough to observe that the highly advanced doctrines of the distinctive character of Yahweh, as ascribed to the 8th century B.C., presuppose a foundation and development . But the evidence does' not allow us to trace the earlier progress of the ideas . Yahwism presents itself under a variety of aspects, and the history of Israel's relations to the God Yahweh (whose name is not necessarily of Israelite origin) can hardly be disentangled amid the complicated threads of the earlier history . The view that the seeds of Yahwism were planted in the young Israelite nation in the days of the " exodus " conflicts with the belief that the worship of Yahweh began in the pre-Mosaic age . Nevertheless, it implies that religion passed into a new stage through the influence of Moses, and to this we find a relatively less complete See also:analogy in the specific north Israelite traditions of the age of Jehu . The change from the dynasty of Omri to that of Jehu has been treated by several hands, and the writers, in their recognition of the introduction of a new tendency, have obscured the fact that the cult of Yahweh had flourished even under such a king as Ahab . While the influence of the great prophets Elijah and Elisha is clearly visible, it is instructive to find that the south, too, has its See also:share in the inauguration of the new era . At See also:Horeb, the See also:mount of God, was located the dramatic theophany which heralded to Elijah the See also:advent of the sword, and Jehu's supporter in his sanguinary See also:measures belongs to the See also:Rechabites, a See also:sect which felt itself to be the true worshipping community of Yahweh and is closely associated with the Kenites, the See also:kin of Moses . It was at the holy well of Kadesh, in the sacred mounts of See also:Sinai and Horeb, and in the field of Edom that the ' Cf . J . G . Frazer, See also:Adonis, See also:Attis, See also:Osiris (1907), p . 67: " Prophecy of the Hebrew type has not been limited to Israel; it is indeed a phenomenon of almost world-wide occurrence; in many lands and in many ages the See also:wild, whirling words of frenzied men and See also:women have been accepted as the utterances of an in-dwelling deity . What does distinguish Hebrew prophecy from all others is that the genius of a few members of the profession wrested this vulgar but powerful See also:instrument from baser uses, and by wielding it in the interest of a high morality rendered a service ofincalculable value to humanity . That is indeed the glory of Israel .... " 2 The use which was made in Apocalyptic literature of the traditions of Moses, See also:Isaiah and others finds its analogy within the Old Testament itself ; cf. the relation between the present late prophecies of Jonah and the unknown prophet of the time of Jeroboam II . (see § 13, note 5) . To condemn re-shaping or See also:adaptation of this nature from a modern Western standpoint is to misunderstand entirely the Oriental mind and Oriental usage . Yahweh of Moses was found, and scattered traces survive of a definite belief in the entrance into Palestine of a movement uncompromisingly devoted to the purer worship of Yahweh . The course of the dynasty of Jehu—the reforms, the disastrous Aramaean wars, and, at length, Yahweh's " arrow of victory " —constituted an epoch in the Israelite history, and it is regarded as such.' The problem of the history of Yahwism depends essentially upon the view adopted as to the date and origin of the biblical details and their validity for the various historical and religious conditions they presuppose . Yahwism is a religion which appears upon a See also:soil saturated with ideas and usages which find their parallel in extra-biblical sources and in neighbouring lands . The problem cannot be approached from modern preconceptions because there was much associated with the worship of Yahweh which only gradually came to be recognized as repugnant, and there was much in earlier ages and in other lands which reflects an elevated and even complex religious philosophy . In the south of the Sinaitic See also:peninsula, remains have been found of an elaborate half-Egyptian, half-Semitic cultus (See also:Petrie, Researches in Sinai, xiii.), and not only does Edom possess some reputation for " wisdom," but, where this district is concerned, the old Arabian religion (whose historical connexion with Palestine is still imperfectly known) claims some attention . The characteristic denunciations of corruption and lifeless ritual in the writings of the prophets and the emphasis which is laid upon purity and simplicity of religious life are suggestive of the influence of the nomadic spirit rather than of an internal See also:evolution on Palestinian soil . Desert pastoral life does not necessarily imply any intellectual inferiority, and its religious conceptions, though susceptible of modification, are not artificially moulded through the influence of other civilizations . - Nomadic life is recognized by Arabian writers them-selves as possessing a relative superiority, and its characteristic purity of manner and its reaction against corruption and luxury are not incompatible with a warlike spirit . If nomadism may be recognized as one of the factors in the growth of Yahwism, there is something to be said for the hypothesis which associates it with the clans connected with the Levites (see E . Meyer, Israeliten, pp . 82 sqq.; B . Luther, ib . 138) . It is, however, obvious that the influence due to immigrants could be, and doubtless was, exerted at more than one period (see § § 18, 20 ; also HEBREW RELIGION ; PRIEST) . 15 . The Fall of the Israelite Monarchy.—The prosperity of Israel was its undoing . The disorders that hastened its end find an analogy in the events of the more obscure period after the death of the earlier Jeroboam . Only the briefest details are given . Zechariah was slain after six months by Shallum ben Jabesh in Ibleam; but the usurper See also:fell a See also:month later to See also:Menahem (q.v.), who only after much bloodshed established his position . Assyria again appeared upon the scene under Tiglathpileser IV . (745–728 B.C.).4 His approach was the See also:signal for the formation of a coalition, which was overthrown in 738 . Among those who paid tribute were Rasun (the biblical Rezin) of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, the kings of Tyre, Byblos and Hamath and the queen of Aribi (Arabia, the Syrian desert) . Israel was once more in league with Damascus and Phoenicia, and the biblical records must be read in the light of political history . Judah was probably holding aloof . Its king, Uzziah, was a leper in his latter days, and his son and regent, Jotham, claims notice for the circumstantial reference (2 Chron. See also:xxvii.; cf. xxvi . 8) to his subjugation of Ammon—the natural allies of Damascus—for three years . Scarcely had Assyria withdrawn before Menahem lost his life in a conspiracy, and Pekah with the help of Gilead made himself king . The new movement was evidently See also:anti-Assyrian, and strenuous endeavours were made to present a united front . It is suggestive to find Judah the centre of attack.' Rasun and Pekah directed their blows from the north, Philistia threatened the west flank, and the Edomites who drove out the Judaeans from Elath (on the Gulf of `Akaba) were no doubt only taking their part in the concerted See also:action . A more critical situation could scarcely be imagined- . The throne of David was then occupied by the young See also:Ahaz, Jotham's son . 3 The condemnation passed upon the impetuous and fiery zeal of the adherents of the new movement (cf . Hos. i . 4), like the remark-able vicissitudes in the traditions of Moses, Aaron and the Levites (q.v.), represents changing situations of real significance, whose true place in the history can with difficulty be recovered . 4 Formerly thought to be the third of the name . 5 Perhaps Judah had come to an understanding with Tiglathpileser (H . M . See also:Haydn, Journ . Bib . Lit., See also:xxviii . 1909, pp . 182-199); see Uzz1AII . In this crisis we meet with Isaiah (q.v.), one of the finest of Hebrew prophets . The disorganized state of Egypt and the uncertain allegiance of the desert tribes left Judah without direct aid; on the other hand, opposition to Assyria among the conflicting interests of Palestine and Syria was rarely unanimous . Either in the natural course of events—to preserve the unity of his empire—or influenced by the rich presents of gold and silver with which Ahaz accompanied his appeal foi help, Tiglathpileser intervened with campaigns against Philistia (734 B.C.) and Damascus (733-732) . Israel was punished by the ravaging of the northern districts, and the king claims to have carried away the people of " the See also:house of Omri." Pekah was slain and one See also:Hoshea (q.v.) was recognized as his successor . Assyrian officers were placed in the land and Judah thus gained its deliverance at the expense of Israel . But the proud Israelites did not remain submissive for long; Damascus had indeed fallen, but neither Philistia nor Edom had yet been crushed . At this stage a new problem becomes urgent . A number of petty peoples, of whom little definite is known, fringed Palestine from the south of Judah and the Delta to the Syrian desert . They belong to an area which merges itself in the west into Egypt, and Egypt in fact had a hereditary claim upon it . Continued intercourse between Egypt, See also:Gaza and north Arabia is natural in view of the trade-routes which connected them, and on several occasions joint action on the part of Edomites (with allied tribes) and the Philistines is recorded, or may be inferred . The part played by Egypt proper in the ensuing anti-Assyrian combinations is not clearly known; with a number of petty dynasts fomenting discontent and revolt, there was an absence of cohesion in that ancient empire previous to the rise of the Ethiopian dynasty . Consequently the references to " Egypt " (Heb . Misrayim, See also:Ass . Musri) sometimes suggest that the geographical term was really extended beyond the See also:bounds of Egypt proper towards those districts where Egyptian influence or domination was or had been recognized (see further See also:MIZRAIM) . When Israel began to recover its prosperity and regained confidence, its policy halted between obedience to Assyria and reliance upon this ambiguous " Egypt." The situation is illustrated in the writings of Hosea (q.v.) . When at length Tiglathpileser died, in 727, the slumbering revolt became general; Israel refused the usual tribute to its overlord, and definitely threw in its lot with " Egypt." In due course Samaria was besieged for three years by Shalmaneser IV . The alliance with So (Seveh, See also:Sibi) of " Egypt," upon whom hopes had been placed, proved futile, and the forebodings of keen-sighted prophets were justified . Although no evidence is at hand, it is probable that Ahaz of Judah rendered service to Assyria by keeping the allies in check; possible, also, that the former enemies of Jerusalem had now been induced to turn against Samaria . The actual capture of the Israelite capital is claimed by See also:Sargon (722), who removed 27,290 of its inhabitants and fifty chariots . Other peoples were introduced, officers were placed in See also:charge, and the usual tribute re-imposed . Another revolt was planned in 720 in which the province of Samaria joined with Hamath and Damascus, with the Phoenician Arpad and Simura, and with Gaza and " Egypt." Two battles, one at Karkar in the north, another at Rapih (Raphia) on the border of Egypt, sufficed to quell the disturbance . The desert peoples who paid tribute on this occasion still continued restless, and in 715 Sargon removed men of Tamud, Ibadid, Marsiman, Hayapa, " the remote Arabs of the desert," and placed them in the land of Beth-Omri . Sargon's statement is significant for the internal history; but unfortunately the biblical historians take no further interest in the fortunes of the northern kingdom after the fall of Samaria, and see in Judah the sole survivor of the Israelite tribes (see 2 Kings xvii . 7-23) . Yet the situation in this neglected district must continue to provoke inquiry . 16 . Judah and Assyria.—Amid these changes Judah was intimately connected with the south Palestinian peoples (see further PHILISTINES) . Ahaz had recognized the sovereignty of Assyria and visited Tiglath-pileser at Damascus . The Temple records describe the innovations he introduced on his return . Under hisson Hezekiah there were fresh disturbances in the southern states, and anti-Assyrian intrigues began to take a more definite shape among the Philistine cities . Ashdod openly revolted and found support in Moab, Edom, Judah, and the still ambiguous "Egypt." This step may possibly be connected with the attempt of See also:Marduk (Merodach)-baladan in south Babylonia to form a league against Assyria (cf . 2 Kings xx . 12); at all events Ashdod fell after a three years' See also:siege (711) and for a time there was peace . But with the death of Sargon in 705 there was another great outburst; practically the whole of Palestine and Syria was in arms, and the integrity of Sennacherib's empire was threatened . In both Judah and Philistia the anti-Assyrian party was not without opposition, and those who adhered or favoured adherence to the great power were justified by the result . The inevitable lack of cohesion among the petty states weakened the national cause . At Sennacherib's approach, Ashdod, Ammon, Moab and Edom submitted; See also:Ekron, Ascalon, Laehish and Jerusalem held out strenuously . The southern allies (with " Egypt ") were defeated at Eltekeh (Josh. xix . 44) . Hezekiah was besieged and compelled to submit (701) . The small kings who had remained faithful were rewarded by an extension of their territories, and Ashdod, Ekron and Gaza were enriched at Judah's expense . These events are related in Sennacherib's inscription; the biblical records preserve their own traditions (see HEZEIUAH) . If the impression left upon current thought can be estimated from certain of the utterances of the court-prophet Isaiah and the Judaearn countryman See also:Micah (q.v.), the light which these throw upon internal conditions must also be used to See also:gauge the real extent of the religious changes ascribed to Hezekiah . A brazen See also:serpent, whose institution was attributed to Moses, had not hitherto been considered out of place in the cult; its destruction was perhaps the king's most notable reform . In the long reign of his son See also:Manasseh later writers saw the deathblow to the Judaean kingdom . Much is related of his wickedness and enmity to the followers of Yahweh, but few political details have come down . It is uncertain whether Sennacherib invaded Judah again shortly before his death, nevertheless the land was practically under the control of Assyria . Both Esar-haddon (681–668) and Assur-bani-pal (668-c . 626) number among their tributaries Tyre, Ammon, Moab, Edom, Ascalon, Gaza and Manasseh himself,' and cuneiform dockets unearthed at Gezer suggest the presence of Assyrian garrisons there (and no doubt also elsewhere) to ensure allegiance . The situation was conducive to the spread of foreign customs, and the condemnation passed upon Manasseh thus perhaps becomes more significant . Precisely what form his worship took is a matter of conjecture; but it is possible that the religion must not be judged too strictly from the standpoint of the late compiler, and that Manasseh merely assimilated the older Yahweh-worship to new Assyrian forms.2 Politics and religion, how-ever, were inseparable, and the supremacy of Assyria meant the supremacy of the Assyrian See also:pantheon . If Judah was compelled to take part in the Assyrian campaigns against Egypt, Arabia (the Syrian desert) and Tyre, this would only be in accordance with a See also:vassal's duty . But when tradition preserves some recollection of an offence for which Manasseh was taken to See also:Babylon to explain his conduct (2 Chron. xxxiii.), also of the settling of foreign colonists in Samaria by Esar-haddon (Ezra iv . 2), there is just a possibility that Judah made some attempt to gain independence . According to Assur-bani-pal all the western lands were inflamed by the revolt of his brother Samas-sum-ukin . What part Judah took in the Transjordanic disturbances, in which Moab fought invading Arabian tribes on behalf of Assyria, is unknown (see MOAB) . Manasseh's son Amon fell in a court intrigue and " the people of the land," after avenging the murder, set up in his place the See also:infant Josiah (637) . The circumstances imply a regency, but the records are silent upon 1 The fact that these lists are of the kings of the " land Hatti " would suggest that the term " Hittite " had been extended to Palestine . 2 So K . Budde, Rel. of Israel to Exile, pp . 165-167 . For an attempt to recover the character of the cults, see W . Erbt, Hebraer (Leipzig, 1906) pp . 15o sqq . the outlook . The assumption that the decay of Assyria awoke the national feeling of independence is perhaps justified by those events which made the greatest impression upon the compiler, and an account is given of Josiah's religious reforms, based upon a source apparently identical with that which described the work of Jehoash . In an age when the oppression and corruption of the ruling classes had been such that those who cherished the old worship of Yahweh dared not confide in their most intimate companions (Mic. vii . 5, 6), no social reform was possible; but now the young Josiah, the popular choice, was upon the throne . A See also:roll, it is said, was found in the Temple, its contents struck terror into the See also:hearts of the priests and king, and it led to a See also:solemn covenant before Yahweh to observe the provisions of the law-book which had been so opportunely recovered . That the writer (2 Kings xxii. seq.) meant to describe the discovery of Deuteronomy is evident from the events which followed; and this See also:identification of the roll, already made by See also:Jerome, See also:Chrysostom and others, has been substantiated by modern literary criticism since De Wette (1805) . (See DEUTERONOMY; JOSIAH.) Some very interesting parallels have been cited from Egyptian and Assyrian records where religious texts, said to have been found in temples, or oracles from the distant past, have come to light at the very time when " the days were full." There is, however, no real See also:proof for the traditional antiquity of Deuteronomy . The book forms a very distinctive landmark in the religious history by See also:reason of its attitude to cult and ritual (see HEBREW RELIGION, § 7) . In particular it is aimed against the worship at the numerous minor sanctuaries and inculcates the sole pre-See also:eminence of the one great sanctuary—the Temple of Jerusalem . This centralization involved the removal of the local priests and a modification of ritual and legal observance . The fall of Samaria, Sennacherib's devastation of Judah, and the growth of Jerusalem as the capital, had tended to raise the position of the Temple, although Israel itself, as also Judah, had famous sanctuaries of its own . From the standpoint of the popular religion, the removal of the local altars, like Hezekiah's destruction of the brazen serpent, would be an act of desecration, an iconoclasm which can be partly appreciated from the sentiments of 2 Kings xviii . 22, and partly also from the modern Wahhabite See also:reformation (of the 19th century) . But the details and success of the reforms, when viewed in the light of the testimony of contemporary prophets, are uncertain . The book of Deuteronomy crystallizes a See also:doctrine; it is the codification of teaching which presupposes a carefully prepared soil . The account of Josiah's work, like that of Hezekiah, is written by one of the Deuteronomic school: that is to say, the writer describes the promulgation of the teaching under which he lives . It is part of the scheme which runs through the book of Kings, and its apparent object is to show that the Temple planned by David and founded by Solomon ultimately gained its true position as the only sanctuary of Yahweh to which his worshippers should repair . Accordingly, in handling Josiah's successors the writer no longer refers to the high places . But if Josiah carried out the reforms ascribed to him they were of no lasting effect . This is conclusively shown by the writings of Jeremiah (See also:xxv . 3-7, See also:xxxvi . 2 seq.) and Ezekiel . Josiah himself is praised for his justice, but faithless Judah is insincere (Jer. iii . 1o), and those who claim to possess Yahweh's law are denounced (viii . 8) . If Israel could appear to be better than Judah (iii . 11 ; Ezek. xvi., xxiii.), the religious revival was a practical failure, and it was not until a century later that the opportunity again came to put any new teaching into effect (§ 20) . On the other hand, the book of Deuteronomy has a characteristic social-religious side; its humanity, philanthropy and charity are the distinctive features of its laws, and Josiah's reputation (Jere xxii . 15 seq.) and the circumstances in which he was chosen king may suggest that he, like Jehoash (2 Kings xi . 17; cf. xxiii . 3), had entered into a reciprocal covenant with a people who, as Micah's writings would indicate, had suffered grievous oppression and misery.' 17 . The Fall of the Judaean Monarchy.—In Josiah's reign a new era was beginning in the history of the. world . Assyria was rapidly decaying and Egypt had recovered from the blows of Assur-bani-pal (to which the Hebrew prophet See also:Nahum alludes, iii . 8-lo) . See also:Psammetichus (Psamtek) I., one of the ablest of Egyptian rulers for many centuries, threw off the Assyrian yoke ' See G . Maspero, Gesch. d. morgenland . Volker (1877), p . 446; E . Naville, Proc . See also:Soc . Bibl . Archaeol . (1907), pp . 232 sqq., and T . K . Cheyne, Decline and Fall of Judah (1908), p . 13, with references . [The genuineness of such discoveries is naturally a matter for historical criticism to decide . Thus the discovery of Numa's laws in See also:Rome (See also:Livy xl . 29), upon which undue See also:weight has sometimes been laid (see Klostermann, Der See also:Pentateuch (1906), pp . 155 sqq., was not accepted as genuine by the See also:senate (who had the laws destroyed), and probably not by See also:Pliny himself . Only the later antiquaries clung to the belief in their trustworthiness.—(Communicated.)] 2 Both kings came to the throne after a conspiracy aimed at existing abuses, and other parallels can be found (see KINGS).with the help of troops from Asia Minor and employed these to guard his eastern frontiers at Defneh . He also revived the old trading-connexions between Egypt and Phoenicia . A Chaldean See also:prince, Nabopolassar, set himself up in Babylonia, and Assyria was compelled to invoke the aid of the Askuza . It was perhaps after this that an inroad of Scythians (q.v.) occurred (c . 626 B.C.); if it did not actually See also:touch Judah, the advent of the people of the north appears to have caused great alarm (Jer. iv.–vi.: See also:Zephaniah) . Bethshean in Samaria has perhaps preserved in its later (though temporary) name Scythopolis an See also:echo of the invasion.( Later, Necho, son of Psammetichus, proposed to add to Egypt some of the Assyrian provinces, and marched through Palestine . Josiah at once interposed; it is uncertain whether, in spite of the power of Egypt, he had hopes of extending his kingdom, or whether the famous reformer was, like Manasseh, a vassal of Assyria . The book of Kings gives the standpoint of a later Judaean writer, but Josiah's authority over a much larger area than Judah alone is suggested by xxiii . 19 (part of an addition), and by the references to the border at Riblah in Ezek. vi . 14, xi. to seq . He was slain at Megiddo in 6o8, and Egypt, as in the long-distant past, again held Palestine and Syria . The Judaeans made Jehoahaz (or Shallum) their king, but the See also:Pharaoh banished him to Egypt three months later and appointed his brother See also:Jehoiakim . Shortly afterwards Nineveh fell, and with it the empire which had dominated the fortunes of Palestine for over two centuries (see § so) . Nabonidus (Nabunaid) king of Babylonia (556 -B.C.) saw in the disaster the vengeance of the gods for the See also:sacrilege of Sennacherib; the Hebrew prophets, for their part, exulted over Yahweh's far-reaching See also:judgment . The newly formed Chaldean power at once recognized in Necho a dangerous rival and Nabopolassar sent his son See also:Nebuchadrezzar, who over-threw the Egyptian forces at Carchemish (6o5) . The battle was the turning-point of the age, and with it the See also:succession of the new Chaldean or Babylonian kingdom was assured . But the relations between Egypt and Judah were not broken off . The course of events is not clear, but Jehoiakim (q.v.) at all events was inclined to rely upon Egypt . He died just as Nebuchadrezzar, seeing his warnings disregarded, was preparing to See also:lay siege to Jerusalem . His young son See also:Jehoiachin surrendered after a three months' reign, with his See also:mother and the court; they were taken away to Babylonia, together with a number of the See also:artisan class (596) . Jehoiakim's brother, Mattaniah or See also:Zedekiah, was set in his place under an See also:oath of allegiance, which he broke, preferring Hophra the new king of Egypt . A few years later the second siege took place . It began on the tenth day of the tenth month, January 587 . The looked-for intervention of Egypt was unavailing, although a temporary raising of the siege inspired wild hopes . See also:Desertion, pestilence and See also:famine added to the usual horrors of a siege, and at length on the ninth day of the See also:fourth month 586, a See also:breach was made in the walls . Zedekiah fled towards the Jordan valley but was seized and taken to Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah (45 M. south of Hamath) . His sons were slain before his eyes, and he himself was blinded and carried off to Babylon after a reign of eleven years . The Babylonian Nebuzaradan was sent to take vengeance upon the rebellious city, and on the seventh day of the fifth month 586 B.C . Jerusalem was destroyed . The Temple, palace and city buildings were burned, the walls broken down, the See also:chief priest Seraiah, the second priest Zephaniah, and other leaders were put to death, and a large body of people was again carried away . The disaster became the great epoch-making event for Jewish history and literature . Throughout these stormy years the prophet Jeremiah (q.v.) had realized that Judah's only hope lay in submission to Babylonia . Stigmatized as a traitor, scorned and even imprisoned, he had not ceased to utter his warnings to deaf ears, although Zedekiah himself was perhaps open to persuasion . Now the See also:penalty had been paid, and the Babylonians, whose policy was less destructive than that of Assyria, contented themselves with appointing as See also:governor a certain Gedaliah . The new centre was See also:Mizpah, a commanding eminence and sanctuary, about 5 M . N.W. of Jerusalem; and here Gedaliah issued an appeal to the people to 3 But see N . See also:Schmidt, Ency . Bib., " Scythian," § 1 . be loyal to Babylonia and to resume their former peaceful occupations . The land had not been devastated, and many gladly returned from their hiding-places in Moab, Edom and Ammon . But discontented survivors of the royal family under See also:Ishmael intrigued with Baalis, king of Ammon . The See also:plot resulted in the murder of Gedaliah and an unsuccessful attempt to carry off various princesses and officials who had been left in the governor's care . This new confusion and a natural fear of Babylonia's vengeance led many to feel that their only safety lay in See also:flight to Egypt, and, although warned by Jeremiah that even there the sword would find them, they fled south and took See also:refuge in Tahpanhes (See also:Daphnae, q.v.), afterwards forming small settlements in other parts of Egypt . But the thread of the history is broken, and apart from an allusion to the favour shown to the See also:captive Jehoiachin (with which the books of Jeremiah and Kings conclude), there is a gap in the records, and subsequent events are viewed from a new standpoint (§ 20) . The last few years of the Judaean kingdom present several difficult problems . (a) That there was some fluctuation of tradition is evident in the See also:case of Jehoiakim, with whose quiet end (2 Kings xxiv . 6 [see also See also:LUCIAN]; 2 Chron. xxxvi . 8 [See also:Septuagint]) contrast the fate fore-shadowed in Jer. xxii . 18 seq., xxxvi . 30 (cf . Jos . See also:Ant. x . 6, 2 seq.) . The tradition of his captivity (2 Chron. xxxvi . 6; Dan. i . 2) has apparently confused him with Jehoiachin, and the latter's reign is so brief that some overlapping is conceivable . Moreover, the prophecy in Jer. xxxiv . 5 that Zedekiah would die in peace is not See also:borne out by the history, nor does Josiah's fate agree with the promise in 2 Kings xxii . 20 . There is also an evident relation between the pairs: Jehoahaz and Jehoiakim, lehoiachin and Zedekiah (e.g. length of reigns), and the difficulty felt in regard to the second and third is obvious in the attempts of the Jewish historian See also:Josephus to provide a See also:compromise . The contemporary prophecies ascribed to Jeremiah and Ezekiel require careful examination in this connexion, partly as regards their traditional background (especially the headings and setting), and partly for their contents, the details of which sometimes do not admit of a literal interpretation in accordance with our present historical material (cf . Ezek. xix . 3–9, where the two See also:brothers carried off to Egypt and Babylon respectively would seem to be Jehoahaz and his nephew Jehoiachin) . (b) Some fluctuation is obvious in the number, dates and extent of the deportations . Jer. iii . 28–30 gives a total of 4600 persons, in contrast to 2 Kings xxiv . 14, 16 (the See also:numbers are not inclusive), and reckons three deportations in the 7th ( ? 17th), 18th and 23rd years of Nehuchadrezzar . Only the second is specifically said to be from Jerusalem (the remaining are of Judaeans), and the last has been plausibly connected with the murder of Gedaliah, an interval of five years being assumed . For this twenty-third year Josephus (Ant. x . 9, 7) gives an invasion of Egypt and an attack upon Ammon, Moab and Palestine (see NEBUCHADREZZAR) . (c) That the exile lasted seventy years (? from 586 B.C. to the completion of the second.temple) is the view of the canonical history (2 Chron. xxxvi . 21; Jer. xxv . I1, See also:xxix. fo; Zech. i . 12; cf . Tyre, Isa. xxiii . 15), but it is usually reckoned from the first See also:deportation, which was looked upon as of greater significance than the second (Jer. xxiv. xxix.), and it may be a round number . Another difficulty is the interpretation of the 40 years in Ezek. iv . 6 (cf . Egypt, xxix. and the 390 in v . 5 (Septuagint 150 or 19o; 130 in Jos. x . 9, 7 end) . A period of fifty years is allowed by the chronological scheme (1 Kings vi. i ; cf . Jos. c . Ap. i . 21), and the late book of See also:Baruch (vi . 3) even speaks of seven generations . Varying chronological schemes may have been current and some weight must be laid upon the remarkable vagueness of the historical information in later writings (see See also:DANIEL) . (d) The attitude of the neighbouring peoples constitutes another serious problem (cf . 2 Kings xxiv . 2 and 2 Chron. xxxvi . 5, where Lucian's recension and the Septuagint respectively add the Samaritans!), in view of the circumstances of Gedaliah's See also:appointment (Jer. xl. i i, see above) as contrasted with the frequent prophecies against Ammon, Moab and Edom which seem to be contemporary (see EDOM; MOAB) . (e) Finally, the recurrence of similar historical situations in J udaean history must be considered . The period under review, with its relations between Judah and Egypt, can be illustrated by prophecies ascribed to a similar situation in the time of Hezekiah . But the destruction of Jerusalem is not quite unique, and somewhat later we meet with indirect evidence for at least one similar disaster upon which the records are silent . There are a number of apparently related passages which, however, on internal grounds, are unsuitable to the present period, and when they show independent signs of a later date (in their present form), there is a very strong probability that they refer to such subsequent disasters . The scantiness of historical tradition makes a final See also:solution impossible, but the study of these years has an important bearing on the history of the later Judaean state, which has been characteristically treated from the standpoint of exiles who returned from Babylonia and regard them-selves as the kernel of " Israel." From this point of view, the See also:desire to intensify the denudation of Palestine and the fate of its remnant, and to look to the Babylonian exiles for the future, can probably be recognized in the writings attributed to contemporary prophets.' 18 . Internal Conditions and the Exile.—Many of the exiles accepted their lot and settled down in Babylonia (cf . Jer. xxix . 4-7); Jewish colonies, too, were being founded in Egypt . The agriculturists and herdsmen who had been left in Palestine formed, as always, the See also:staple population, and it is impossible to imagine either Judah or Israel as denuded of its inhabitants . The down-trodden peasants were left in peace to divide the land among them, and new conditions arose as they took over the ownerless estates . But the old continuity , was not entirely broken; there was a return to earlier conditions, and life moved more freely in its wonted channels . The fall of the monarchy involved a reversion to a pre-monarchical state . It had scarcely been otherwise in Israel . The Israelites who had been carried off by the Assyrians were also removed from the cult of the land (cf. f Sam. xxvi . 19; See also:Ruth i . 15 seq.) . It is possible that some had escaped by taking timely refuge among their brethren in Judah; indeed, if national tradition availed, there were doubtless times when Judah See also:cast its See also:eye upon the land with which it had been so intimately connected . It would certainly be unwise to draw a sharp boundary line between the two districts; kings of Judah could be tempted to restore the kingdom of their traditional founder, or Assyria might be complaisant towards a faithful Judaean vassal . The character of the Assyrian domination over Israel must not be misunderstood; the regular See also:payment of tribute and the See also:provision of troops were the main requirements, and the position of the masses underwent little change if an Assyrian governor took the place of an unpopular native ruler . The two sections of the Hebrews who had had so much in common were scarcely severed by a border-line only a few miles to the north of Jerusalem . But Israel after the fall of Samaria is artificially excluded from the Judaean horizon, and lies as a foreign land, although Judah itself had suffered from the intrusion of foreigners in the preceding centuries of war and turmoil, and strangers had settled in her midst, had formed part of the royal guard, or had even served as See also:janissaries (§ 15, end) . Samaria had experienced several changes in its original population,2 and an instructive story tells how the colonists, in their See also:ignorance of the religion of their new home, incurred the divine wrath . Cujus regio ejus religio—settlement upon a new soil involved dependence upon its god, and accordingly priests were sent to instruct the Samaritans in the fear of Yahweh . Thenceforth they continued the worship of the Israelite Yahweh along with their own native cults (2 Kings xvii . 24-28, 33) . Their descendants claimed participation in the privileges of the Judaeans (cf . Jer. xli . 5), and must have identified themselves with the old stock (Ezra iv . 2) . Whatever recollection they preserved of their origin and of the circumstances of their entry would be retold from a new standpoint; the ethnological traditions would gain a new meaning; the assimilation would in time become complete . In view of subsequent events it would be difficult to find a more interesting subject of inquiry than the internal religious and sociological conditions in Samaria at this age . To the prophets the religious position was See also:lower in Judah than in Samaria, whose iniquities were less grievous (Jer. iii . 1r seq., xxiii . 11 sqq.; Ezek. xvi . 51) . The greater prevalence of heathen elements in Jerusalem, as detailed in the reforms of Josiah or in the writings of the prophets (cf . Ezek. viii.), would So also one can now compare the estimate taken of the Jews in Egypt in Jer. xliv. with the actual religious conditions which are known to have prevailed later at Elephantine, where a small Jewish See also:colony worshipped Yahu (Yahweh) at their own temple (see E . Sachau, " Drei See also:aram . Papyrusurkunde," in the Abhandlungen of the Prussian See also:Academy, Berlin, 1907) . 2 Sargon had removed Babylonians into the land of Hatti (Syria and Palestine), and in 715 B.C. among the colonists were tribes apparently of desert origin (Tamud, Hayapa, &c.); other settlements are ascribed to Esar-haddon and perhaps Assur-bani-pal (Ezra iv . 2, io) . See for the evidence, A . E . See also:Cowley, Ency . Bib., col . 4257; J . A . See also:Montgomery, The Samaritans, pp . 46-57 (See also:Philadelphia, 1907) . at least suggest that the destruction of the state was not entirely a disaster . To this See also:catastrophe may be due the fragmentary character of old Judaean historical traditions . Moreover, the land was purified when it became divorced from the practices of a luxurious court and lost many of its worst inhabitants . In Israel as in Judah the political disasters not only meant a shifting of population, they also brought into prominence the old popular and non-See also:official religion, the character of which is not to be condemned because of the attitude of lofty prophets in advance of their age . When there were sects like the Rechabites (Jer. See also:xxxv.), when the Judaean fields could produce a Micah or a Zephaniah, and when Israel no doubt had men who inherited the spirit of a Hosea, the nature of the underlying conditions can be more justly appreciated . The writings of the prophets were cherished, not only in the unfavourable atmosphere of courts (see Jer. xxxvi., 21 sqq.), but also in the circles of their followers (Isa. viii . 16) . In the quiet smaller sanctuaries the old-time beliefs were maintained, and the priests, often perhaps of the older native stock (cf . 2 Kings xvii . 28 and above), were the recognized guardians of the religious cults . The old stories of earlier days encircle places which, though denounced for their corruption, were not regarded as illegitimate, and in the form in which the dim traditions of the past are now preserved they reveal an attempt to purify popular belief and thought . In the domestic circles of prophetic communities the part played by their great heads in history did not suffer in the telling, and it is probable that some part at least of the extant history of the Israelite kingdom passed through the hands of men whose interest lay in the pre-eminence of their seers and their beneficent deeds on behalf of these small communities . This interest and'the popular tone of the history may be combined with the fact that the literature does not take us into the midst of that world of activity in which the events unfolded themselves . Although the records preserve complete silence upon the period now under review, it is necessary to free oneself from the narrow out-look of the later Judaean compilers .
It is a gratuitous assumption that the history of (north) Israel ceased with the fall of Samaria or that Judah then took over Israelite literature and inherited the old Israelite spirit: the question of the preservation of earlier writings is of historical importance
.
It is true that the situation in Israel or Samaria continues obscure, but a careful study of literary productions, evidently not earlier than the 7th century B.c., reveals a particular loftiness of conception and a tendency which finds its parallels in Hosea and approximates the peculiar characteristics of the Deuteronomic school of thought
.
But the history which the Judaean writers have handed down is influenced by the later hostility between Judah and Samaria
.
The traditional bond between the north and south which nothing could efface (cf
.
Jos
.
Ant., xi
.
8, 6) has been carried back to the earliest ages; yet the present period, after the age of rival kingdoms, Judah and Israel, and before the foundation of Judaism, is that in which the historical background for the inclusion of Judah among the " sons " of Israel is equally suit-able (§§ 5, 20, end)
.
The circumstances favoured a closer alliance between the people of Palestine, and a greater prominence of the old holy places (Hebron, See also:Bethel, See also:Shechem, &c.), of which the ruined Jerusalem would not be one, and the existing condition of Judah and Israel from internal and non-political points of view—not their condition in the pre-monarchical ages—is the more crucial problem in biblical history.'
1q
.
Persian Period?—The course of events from the middle of the 6th century B.C. to the close of the Persian period is lamentably obscure, although much indirect evidence indicates that this age holds the See also: A . Smith thus sums up a discussion of the extent of the deportations: . A large See also:majority of the Jewish people remained on the land . This conclusion may startle us with our generally received notions of the whole nation as exiled . But there are facts which support it " (Jerusalem, ii . 268) . 2 On the place of Palestine in Persian history see See also:PERSIA: History, ancient, especially § 5 ii.; also See also:ARTAXERXES; See also:CAMBYSES; See also:CYRUS; See also:DARIUS, &c . XV . 13intricacy and additional light is needed from external evidence . It will be convenient to turn to this first . Scarcely 40 years after the destruction of Jerusalem, a new power appeared in the east in the See also:person of Cyrus the Great . Babylon speedily fell (539 B.C.) and a fresh era opened . To the petty states this meant only a change of masters; they now became part of one of the largest empires of antiquity . The prophets who had marked in the past the advent of Assyrians and Chaldeans now fixed their eyes upon the advance of Cyrus, confident that the fall of Babylon would bring the restoration of their fortunes . Cyrus was hailed as the divinely appointed saviour, the anointed one of Yahweh . The poetic imagery in which the prophets clothed the See also:doom of Babylon, like the romantic account of See also:Herodotus (i . 191), falls short of the See also:simple contemporary account of Cyrus himself . He did not fulfil the detailed predictions, and the events did not reach the ideals of Hebrew writers; but these anticipations may have influenced the form which the Jewish traditions subsequently took . Nevertheless, if Cyrus was not originally a Persian and was not a worshipper of Yahweh (Isa. xli . 25), he was at least tolerant towards subject races and their religions, and the persistent traditions unmistakably point to the See also:honour in which his memory was held . Throughout the Persian supremacy Palestine was necessarily influenced by the course of events in Phoenicia and Egypt (with which intercourse was continual), and some light may thus be in-directly thrown on its otherwise obscure political history . Thus, when Cambyses, the ton of Cyrus, made his great expedition against Egypt, with the fleets of Phoenicia and See also:Cyprus and with the camels of the Arabians, it is highly probable that Palestine itself was concerned . Also, the revolt which broke out in the Persian provinces at this juncture may have extended to Palestine; although the usurper Darius encountered his most serious opposition in the north and north-east of his empire . An outburst of Jewish religious feeling is dated in the second year of Darius (520), but whether Judah was making a bold bid for independence or had received special favour for abstaining from the above revolts, external evidence alone can decide . Towards the close of the reign of Darius there was a fresh revolt in Egypt; it was quelled by See also:Xerxes (485-465), who did not imitate the religious tolerance of his predecessors . Artaxerxes I . Longimanus (465-425), attracts attention because the famous Jewish reformers Ezra and Nehemiah flourished under a king of this name . Other revolts occurred in Egypt, and for these and also for the See also:rebellion of the Persian See also:satrap Megabyzos (c . 448-447), independent evidence for the position of Judah is needed, since a catastrophe apparently befell the unfortunate state before Nehemiah appears upon the scene . Little is known of the mild and indolent Artaxerxes II . Mnemon (404-359) . With the growing weakness of the Persian empire Egypt reasserted its independence for a time . In the reign of Artaxerxes III . Ochus (359-338), Egypt, Phoenicia and Cyprus were in revolt; the rising was quelled without See also:mercy, and the details of the vengeance are valuable for the possible fate of Palestine itself . The Jewish historian Josephus (Ant. xi . 7) records the enslavement of the Jews, the pollution of the Temple by a certain Bagoses (see See also:BAGOAS), and a seven years' punishment . Other late sources narrate the destruction of Jericho and a deportation of the Jews to Babylonia and to See also:Hyrcania (on the See also:Caspian Sea) . The evidence for the catastrophes under' Artaxerxes I. and III . (see ARTAXERXES), exclusively contained in biblical and in external tradition respectively, is of particular importance, since several biblical passages refer to disasters similar to those of 586 but presuppose different conditions and are apparently of later origin .3 The murder of Artaxerxes III. by 3 The evidence for Artaxerxes III., accepted by Ewald and others (see W . R . Smith, Old Testament in Jewish Church, p . 438 seq . ; W . Judeich, Kleinasiat . See also:Stud., p . 170; T . K . Cheyne, Ency . Bib., col . 2202; F . C . Kent, Hist . 118991, pp . 230 sqq.) has however been questioned by Willrich, Judaica, 35-39 (see Cheyne, Ency, Bib., col . 3941) . The account of Josephus (above) raises several difficulties, especially the identity of Bagoses . It has been supposed that he has placed the record too late, and that this Bagoses is the Judaean governor who flourished about 408 B.c . (See p . 286, n . 3.) II Bagoses gave a set-back to the revival of the Persian Empire .
Under Darius Codomannus (336-330) the advancing Greek power brought matters to a head, and at the battle of Issus in 333 See also: After a brief description of the fall of Jerusalem the " seventy years " of the exile are passed over, and we are plunged into a history of the return (2 Chron. xxxvi.; Ezra i.) . Although Palestine had not been depopulated, and many of the exiled Jews remained in Persia, the standpoint is that of those who returned from Babylon' . Settled in and around Jerusalem, they look upon themselves as the sole community, the true Israel, even as it was believed that once before Israel entered and See also:developed independently in the land of its ancestors . They look back from the age when half-suppressed hostility with Samaria had broken out, and when an exclusive Judaism had been formed . The interest of the writers is as usual in the religious history; they were indifferent to, or perhaps rather ignorant of, the strict order of events . Their narratives can be partially supplemented from other sources (Haggai; Zechariah i.-viii.; Isa. xl.-lxvi.; See also:Malachi), but a consecutive sketch is impossible.' Thus a See also:decree of Darius I. takes the part of his subjects against the excessive zeal of the official Gadatas, and grants freedom of taxation and exemption from forced labour to those connected with a temple of See also:Apollo in Asia Minor (Bulletin de correspondance hellenique, xiii . 529; E . Meyer, Entstehung See also:des Judenthums, p . 19 seq.; cf. id . Forschungen, ii . 497) . 2In addition to this, the Egyptian story of the priest Uza-See also:hor at the court of Cambyses and Darius reflects a policy of religious tolerance which illustrates the biblical account of Ezra and Nehemiah (See also:Brugsch, Gesch . Aeg. pp . 784 sqq . ; see Cheyne, Jew . Relig . Life after the Exile, pp . 40-43) . From Tema in north Arabia, also, there is monumental evidence of the 5th century B.C. for Babylonian and Assyrian influence upon the language, cult and art . For Nippur, see Bab . Exped. of Univ. of See also:Pennsylvania, series A., vol. ix . (1898), by H . V . Hilprecht; for Elephantine, the See also:Mond papyri, A . H . See also:Sayce and A . E . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at See also:Assuan (1906), and those.cited above (p . 282, n . 1) For the Jewish colonies in general, see H . Guthe, Ency . Bib., art . " Dispersion " (with references) ; also below, § 25 sqq . See EZRA AND NEHEMIAH with See also:bibliographical references, also T . K . Cheyne, Introd. to Isaiah (1895); Jew . Religious Life after the Exile (1898); E . Sellin, Stud. z . Entstehungsgesch. d . Gemeinde'(1901); R . H . See also:Kennett in Swete's Cambridge Biblical Essays (pp . 92 sqq.) ; G . See also:Jahn, Die See also:Bucher Esra u . Nehemja (1909) ; and C . C . See also:Torrey, Ezra Studies (1910) . In 561 B.C. the captive Judaean king, Jehoiachin, had received special marks of favour from Nebuchadrezzar's son Amilmarduk . So little is known of this act of recognition that its significance can only be conjectured . A little later Tyre received as its king Merbaal (555-552) who had been fetched from Babylonia . Babylonia was politically unsettled, the representative of the Davidic dynasty had descendants; if Babylon was assured of the allegiance of Judah further acts of clemency may well have followed . But the later recension of Judaean history—our sole source—entirely ignores the See also:elevation of Jehoiachin (2 Kings xxv . 27 sqq.; Jer. lii . 31-34), and proceeds at once to the first year of Cyrus, who proclaims as his divine See also:mission the rebuilding of the Temple (538) . The Judaean Sheshbazzar (a corruption of some Babylonian name) brought back the Temple vessels which Nebuchadrezzar had carried away and prepared to undertake the work at the expense of the royal See also:purse . An immense body of exiles is said to have returned at this time to Jerusalem under Zerubbabel, who was of Davidic descent, and the priest Jeshua or Joshua, the grandson of the murdered Seraiah (Ezra i.-iii.; v . 13-vi . 5) . When these refused the proffered help of the people of Samaria, men of the same faith as themselves (iv . 2), their troubles began, and the Samaritans retaliated by preventing the rebuilding . The next historical notice is dated in the second year of Darius (520) when two prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, came forward to kindle the Judaeans to new efforts, and in spite of opposition the work went steadily onwards, thanks to the favour of Darius, until the Temple was completed four years later (Ezra v . 2, vi . 13 sqq.) . On the other hand, from the independent writings ascribed to these prophets, it appears that no considerable body of exiles could have returned=it is still an event of the future (Zech. ii . 7, vi . 15)"; little, if anything, had been done to the Temple (See also:Hag. ii . 15); and Zerubbabel is the one to take in hand and complete the great undertaking (Zech. iv . 9) . The prophets address themselves to men living in comfortable abodes with See also:olive-fields and vineyards, suffering from See also:bad seasons and agricultural depression, and though the country is unsettled there is no reference to any active opposition on the part of Samaritans . So far from See also:drawing any See also:lesson from the brilliant event in the reign of Cyrus, the prophets imply that Yahweh's wrath is still upon the unfortunate city arid that Persia is still the oppressor . Consequently, although small bodies of individuals no doubt came back to Judah from time to time, and some special mark of favour may have been shown by Cyrus, the opinion has gained ground since the early arguments of E . Schrader (Stud. u . Krit., 1867, pp . 460-504), that the compiler's representation of the history is untrustworthy . His main object is to make the new Israel, the post-exilic community at Jerusalem, continuous, as a society, with the old Israel.5 Greater weight must be laid upon the independent evidence of the prophetical writings, and the objection that Palestine could not have produced the religious fervency of Haggai or Zechariah without an initial impulse from Babylonia begs the question . Unfortunately the internal conditions in the 6th century B.C. can be only indirectly estimated (§ 18), and the political position must remain for the present quite uncertain . In Zerubbabel the people beheld once more a ruler of the Davidic race . The; new temple heralded a new future; the mournful fasts commemorative of Jerusalem's disasters would become feasts;; Yahweh had left the Temple at the fall of Jerusalem, but had now returned to sanctify it with his presence; the city had purged its iniquity and was fit once more to become the central sanctuary . So Haggai sees in Zerubbabel the representative of the 5 There is an obvious effort to preserve the continuity of tradition (a) in Ezra ii. which gives a list of families who returned from exile each to its own city, and (b) in, the return of the holy vessels in the time of Cyrus (contrast i Esdras iv . 43 seq.), a view which, in spite of Dan. i . 2, v . 2 seq., conflicts with 2 Kings xxiv . 13 and xxv . 13 (see, however, v . 14) . That attempts have been made to adjust contradictory representations is suggested by the prophecy ascribed to Jeremiah (xxvii . 16 sqq.) where the restoration of the holy vessels finds no place in the shorter text of the Septuagint (see W . R . Smith, Old Test. and Jew . Church, pp . 104 sqq.) . ideal kingdom, the trusted and highly favoured See also:minister who was the signet-ring upon Yahweh's hand (contrast Hag. ii . 24 with Jer. xxii . 23) . Zechariah, in his turn, proclaims the overthrow of all difficulties in the path of the new king, who shall See also:rule in glory supported by the priest (Zech. vi.) . What political aspirations were revived, what other writers were inspired by these momentous events are questions of inference . A work which inculcates the dependence of the state upon the purity of its ruler is the unfinished book of Kings with its history of the Davidic dynasty and the Temple . Its ideals culminate in Josiah (§ 16, end), and there is a strong presumption that it is Intended to impress upon the new era the lessons drawn from the past . Its treatment of the monarchy is only part of a great and now highly complicated literary undertaking (traceable in the books Joshua to Kings), inspired with the thought and coloured by language characteristic of Deuteronomy (especially the secondary portions), which forms the necessary introduction . Whatever reforms Josiah actually accomplished, the restoration afforded the opportunity of bringing the Deuteronomic teaching into action; though it is more probable that Deuteronomy itself in the main is not much earlier than the second half of the 6th century See also:lea.' It shows a strong nationalist feeling which is not restricted to Judah alone, but comprises a greater Israel from Kadesh in See also:Naphtali in the north to Hebron in the south, and even extends beyond the Jordan . Distinctive non-Judaean features are included, as in the Samaritan liturgical See also:office (Deut. xxvii . 14–26), and the evidence for the conclusion that traditions originally of (north) Israelite interest were taken over and adapted-to the later standpoint of Judah and Jerusalem (viz. in the Deuteronomic book of Kings) independently confirms the inferences drawn from Deuteronomy itself . The absence of direct testimony can be partially supplied by later events which presuppose the break-up of no inconsiderable state, and imply relations with Samaria which had been by no means so unfriendly as the historians represent . A common ground for Judaism and Samaritanism is obvious, and it is in this obscure age that it is to be sought . But the curtain is raised for too brief an interval to allow of more than a passing glimpse at the restoration of Judaean for-tunes; not until the time of Nehemiah, about 140 years after the fall of Jerusalem, does the historical material become less imperfect . Upon this See also:blank period before the foundation of Judaism (§§ 21, 23) much light is also thrown by another body of evidence . It has long been recognized that i Chron. ii. and iv. represent a Judah composed mainly of groups which had moved up from the south (Hebron) to the vicinity of Jerusalem . It includes Caleb and See also:Jerahmeel, Kenite or Rechabite families, See also:scribes, &c., and these, as " sons " of Hezron, claim some relationship with Gilead . The names point generally to an See also:affinity with south Palestine and north Arabia (Edom, See also:Midian, &c.; see especially the lists in Gen. xxxvi.), and suggest that certain members of a closely related collection of groups had separated from the main body and were ultimately enrolled as Israelites . It is also recognized by many scholars that in the present account of the exodus there are indications of the original prominence of traditions of Kadesh, and also of a See also:journey northwards in which Caleb, Kenites and others took part (§ 5) . On these and on other grounds besides, it has long been felt that south Palestine, with its north Arabian connexions. is of real importance in biblical research, and for many years efforts have been made to determine the true significance of the evidence . The usual tendency has been to regard it in the light of the criticism of early Israelite history, which demands some reconstruction (§ 8), and to discern distinct tribal movements previous to the union of Judah and Israel under David . On the other hand, the elaborate theory of T . K . Cheyne involves the view that a history dealing with the south actually underlies our sources and can be recovered by emendation of the text . Against the former is the fact that although certain groups are ultimately found in Judah (Judg. i.), the evidence for the movement—a conquest north of Kadesh, almost at the See also:gate of the promised land—explicitly mentions Israel; and against the latter the evidence again shows that this representation has been deliberately subordinated to the entrance of Israel from beyond the Jordan ? I The view that Deuteronomy is later than the 7th century has been suggested by M . Vernes, Nouvelle hypothese sur la comp. et l'origine du Deut . (1887); See also:Havet, See also:Christian. et ses origines (1878); See also:Horst, in Rev. de l'hist. des relig., 1888; and more recently by E . Day, Journ . Bib . Lit . (1902), pp . 202 sqq.; and R . H . Kennett, Journ . Theol . Stud . (1906), pp . 486 sqq . The strongest counter-arguments (see W . E . Addis, Doc. of Hexat. ii . 2–9) rely upon the historical trustworthiness of 2 Kings xxii. seq . Weighty reasons are brought also by conservative writers against the theory that Deuteronomy dates from or about the age of Josiah, and their objections to the " discovery " of a new law-roll apply equally to the " re-discovery " and promulgation of an old and authentic code . s See, for Cheyne's view, his Decline and Fall of Judah ! Introduction (19o8) . The former tendency has many supporters; see, among recent writers, N . Schmidt, Hibbert See also:Journal (1908), pp . 322 sqq . ; C.F . See also:Burney, Journ . Theol . Stud . (19o8), pp . 321 sqq.; O . A . Toffteen, In either case the history of separate sections of people may have been extended to Israel as a whole, but there is no evidence for any adequate reconstruction . Yet the presence of distinct representations of the history may be recognized, and since the Judaean compilers of the Old Testament have incorporated non-Judaean sources (e.g. the history of the northern monarchy), it is obvious that, apart from indigenous Judaean tradition, the southern groups which were ultimately ens_ lied in Judah would possess their own stock of oral and written lo e . Hence it is noteworthy that the late editor of Judges has given the first place to See also:Othniel, a Kenizzite, and therefore of Edomite affinity, though subsequently reckoned as a Judaean (Judg i . 13, i i . 9; cf . Gen. xxxvi . 11 ; I Chron. iv . 13) . Of Kenite interest is the position of See also:Cain, ancestor of heroes of culture and of the worship of Yahweh (Gen. iv . 17 sqq.) . One fragmentary source alludes to a journey to the Midianite or Kenite father-in-law of Moses with the Ark (q.v.); another knows of its movements with David and the priest Abiathar (a name closely related to Jether or See also:Jethro; cf. also x Chron. iv . 17) . Distinctively Calebite are the stories of the eponym who, fearless of the " giants " of Palestine, gained striking divine promises (Num. xiv . 11–24) ; Caleb's overthrow of the Hebronite giants finds a parallel in David's conflicts before the capture of Jerusalem, and may be associated with the belief that these See also:primitive giants once filled the land (Josh. xi . 21 seq . ; see § 7, and DAVID; SAMUEL, BOOKS OF) . Calebite, too, are Hebron and its patron Abraham, and both increase in prominence in the patriarchal narratives, where, moreover, an important body of tradition can have emanated only from outside Israel and Judah (see GENESIS) . Although Judah was always closely connected with the south, these " southern " features (once clearly more extensive and complete) are found in the Deuteronomic and priestly compilations, and their presence in the historical records can hardly be severed from the prominence of " southern " families in the vicinity of Jerusalem, some time after the fall of Jerusalem . The background in i Chron. ii. presupposes the desolation after that disaster, and some traces of these families are found in Nehemiah's time; and while the traditions know of a separation from Edom (viz. stories of Jacob and his " brother " Esau), elsewhere Edom is frequently denounced for unbrotherly conduct in connexion with some disaster which befell Jerusalem, apparently long after 586 n.c . (see § 22).3 The true Inwardness of this movement, its extent and its history, can hardly be recovered at present, but it is noteworthy that the evidence generally involves the Levites, an ecclesiastical body which under-went an extremely intricate development . To a certain extent it would seem that even as Chronicles (q.v.) has passed through the hands of one who was keenly interested in the Temple service, so the other historical books have been shaped not only by the See also:Tate priestly writers (symbolized in literary criticism by P), but also by rather earlier writers, also of priestly sympathies, but of " southern " or half-Edomite affinity . This is independently suggested by the contents and vicissitudes of the purely ecclesiastical traditions.' Recent criticism goes to show that there is a very considerable body of biblical material, more important for its attitude to the history than for its historical accuracy, the true meaning of which cannot as yet be clearly perceived . It raises many serious problems which concentrate upon that age which is of the greatest importance for the biblical and theological student . The perplexing relation between the admittedly late compilations and the actual course of the early history becomes still more intricate when one observes such a feature as the late interest in the Israelite tribes . No doubt there is much that is purely artificial and untrustworthy in the late (post-exilic) representations of these divisions, but it is almost incredible that the historical foundation for their. early career is severed from the written sources by centuries of warfare, See also:immigration and other disturbing factors . On the one hand, conservative scholars insist upon the close material relation between the constituent sources; critical scholars, on the other hand, while recognizing much that is relatively untrustworthy, refrain from departing from the general outlines of the canonical history more than is absolutely necessary . Hence the various reconstructions of the earlier history, with all their inherent weaknesses . But The Historic Exodus (1909), pp . 120 sqq . ; especially Meyer and Luther, Die Israeliten, pp . 442-440, &c . For the early recognition of the evidence in question, see J . Wellhausen, De gentibus et familiis Judaeis (See also:Gottingen, 187o) ; Prolegomena (Eng. trans.), pp . 216 sqq., 342 sqq.. and 441–443 (from art . " Israel," § 2, Ency . Brit . 9th ed.); also A . Kuenen, Relig. of Israel (i . 135 seq., 176–182); W . R . Smith, Prophets of Israel, pp . 28 seq., 379 . 3 For the prominence of the " southern " See also:element in Judah see E . Meyer, Entstehung d . Judenthums (1896), pp . 119, 147, 167, 177, 183 n . I ; Israeliten, pp . 352 n . 5, 402, 429 seq . ' See § 23 end, and LEVITES . When Edom is renowned for wisdom and a small Judaean family boasts of sages whose names have south Palestinian affinity (I Chron. ii . 6), and when such names as Korah, Heman, Ethan and Obed-edom, are associated with psalmody, there is no inherent improbability in the conjecture that the " south-ern " families settled around Jerusalem may have left their mark in other parts of the Old Testament . It is another question whether such literature can be identified (for Cheyne's views, see Ency . Bib . " Prophetic Literature," " Psalms," and his recent studies) . historical criticism is faced with the established literary conclusions which, it should be noticed, place the Deuteronomic and priestly compilations posterior to the great changes at and after the fall of the northern monarchy, and, to some extent, contemporary with the equally serious changes in Judah . There were catastrophes detrimental to the preservation of older literary records, and vicissitudes which, if they have not left their mark on contemporary history—which is singularly blank—may be traced on the representations of the past . There are external historical circumstances and internal literary features which unite to show that the application of the literary hypotheses of the Old Testament to the course of Israelite history is still incomplete, and they warn us that the See also:intrinsic value of religious and didactic writings should not depend upon the accuracy of their history.' Future research may not be able to solve the problems which arise in the study of the period now under discussion; it is the more necessary, therefore, that all efforts should be tested in the light of purely external evidence (see further § 24; and PALESTINE: History) . 21 . Nehemiah and Ezra.—There is another remarkable gap in the historical traditions between the time of Zerubbabel and the reign of Artaxerxes I . In obscure circumstances the enthusiastic hopes have melted away, the Davidic See also:scion has disappeared, and Jerusalem has been the victim of another disaster . The country is under Persian officials, the nobles and priests form the local government, and the ground is being prepared for the erection of a hierocracy . It is the work of rebuilding and re-organization, of social and of religious reforms, which we en-counter in the last pages of biblical history, and in the records of Ezra and Nehemiah we stand in Jerusalem in the very centre of epoch-making events . Nehemiah, the See also:cup-See also:bearer of Artaxerxes at See also:Susa, plunged in grief at the See also:news of the desolation of Jerusalem, obtained permission from the king to rebuild the ruins . Provided with an escort and with the right to obtain supplies of See also:wood for the buildings, he returned to the city of his fathers' sepulchres (the allusion may suggest his royal ancestry) . His zeal is represented in a twofold aspect . Having satisfied himself of the extent of the ruins, he aroused the people to the necessity of fortifying and repopulating the city, and a vivid account is given in his name of the many dangers which beset the rebuilding of the walls . Sanballat of Horon, Tobiah the Ammonite, and Gashmu the Arabian ( ? Edomite) unceasingly opposed him . Tobiah and his son Johanan were related by marriage to Judaean secular and priestly families, and active intrigues resulted, in which nobles and prophets took their part . It was insinuated that Nehemiah had his prophets to proclaim that Judah had again its own king; it was even suggested that he was intending to See also:rebel against Persia ! Nehemiah naturally gives us only his version, and the attitude of Haggai and Zechariah to Zerubbabel may illustrate the feeling of his partisans . But Tobiah and Johanan themselves were worshippers of Yahweh (as their names also show), and consequently, with prophets taking different sides and with the Samaritan claims summarily repudiated (Neh. ii . 20; cf . Ezra iv . 3), all the facts cannot be gathered from the narratives . Nevertheless the undaunted Judaean pressed on unmoved by the threatening letters which were sent around, and succeeded in completing the walls within fifty-two days.2 In the next place, Nehemiah appears as governor of the small district of Judah and Benjamin . Famine, the avarice of the rich, and the necessity of providing tribute had brought the humbler classes to the lowest straits . Some had mortgaged their houses, fields and vineyards to buy See also:corn; others had borrowed to pay the taxes, and had sold their children to their richer brethren to repay the debt . Nehemiah was faced with old abuses, and vehemently contrasted the harshness of the nobles with the generosity of the exiles who would redeem their poor countrymen from See also:slavery . He himself had always refrained from exacting the usual provision which other See also:governors had claimed; indeed, he had readily entertained over 150 officials and dependants at his table, apart from casual refugees (Neh. v.) . We hear some- ' One may recall, in this connexion, See also:Caxton's very interesting See also:prologue to See also:Malory's Morte d'Arthur and his remarks on the permanent value of the " histories " of this British hero . [Cf. also See also:Horace, Ep . 1. ii. and R . See also:Browning, " Development."] 2 It is noteworthy that Josephus, who has his own representation of the post-exilic age, allows two years and four months for the work (Ant. xi . 5, 8).thing of a twelve-years' governorship and of a second visit, but the evidence does not enable us to determine the sequence (xiii . 6) . Neh. v. is placed in the middle of the building of the walls in fifty-two days; the other reforms during the second visit are closely connected with the See also:dedication of the walls and with the events which immediately follow his first arrival when he had come to rebuild the city . Nehemiah also turns his attention to religious abuses . The See also:sabbath, once a festival, had become more strictly observed, and when he found the busy agriculturists and traders (some of them from Tyre) pursuing their usual labours on that day, he pointed to the disasters which had resulted in the past from such profanation, and immediately took measures to put down the evil (Neh. xiii . 18; cf . Jer. xvii . 20 sqq.; Ezek. xx . 13-24; Isa. lvi . 2, 6; 'viii . 13) . Moreover, the See also:maintenance of the Temple servants called for supervision; the customary allowances had not been paid to the Levites who had come to Jerusalem after the smaller shrines had been put down, and they had now forsaken the city . His last acts were the most conspicuous of all . Some of the Jews had married women of Ashdod, Ammon and Moab, and the impetuous governor indignantly adjured them to desist from a practice which was the historic cause of national See also:sin . Even members of the priestly families had intermarried with Tobiah and Sanballat; the former had his own chamber in the precincts of the Temple, the daughter of the latter was the wife of a son of Joiada the son of the high priest Eliashib . Again Nehemiah's wrath was kindled . Tobiah was cast out, the offending priest expelled, and a general purging followed, in which all the foreign element was removed . With this Nehemiah brings the account of his reforms to a conclusion, and the words " Remember me, 0 my God, for See also:good " (xiii . 31) are not meaning-less . The incidents can be supplemented from Josephus . According to this writer (Ant. xi . 7, 2), a certain Manasseh, the brother of Jaddua and grandson of Joiada, refused to See also:divorce his wife, the daughter of Sanballat . For this he was driven out, and, taking refuge with the Samaritans, founded a rival temple and priesthood upon Mt See also:Gerizim, to which repaired other priests and Levites who had been guilty of mixed marriages . There is little doubt that Josephus refers to the same events; but there is considerable confusion in his history of the Persian age, and when he places the See also:schism and the foundation of the new Temple in the time of Alexander the Great (after the obscure disasters of the reign of Artaxerxes III.), it is usually supposed that he is a century too late .3 At all events, there is now a complete rupture with Samaria, and thus, in the concluding See also:chapter of the last of the historical books of the Old Testament, Judah maintains its claim to the heritage of Israel and rejects the right of the Samaritans to the See also:title¢ (see § 5) . In this separation of the Judaeans from religious and social intercourse with their neighbours, the work of Ezra (q.v.) re-quires notice . The story of this See also:scribe (now combined with the See also:memoirs of Nehemiah) crystallizes the new movement inaugurated after a return of exiles from Babylonia . The age can also be illustrated from Isa. lvi.-lxvi. and Malachi (q.v.) . There was a poor and weak Jerusalem, its Temple stood in need of renovation, its temple-service was mean, its priests unworthy of their office . On the one side was the grinding poverty of the poor; on the other the abuses of the governors . There were two leading religious parties: one of oppressive formalists, exclusive, strict 3 The papyri from Elephantine (p . 282, n . 1, above) mention as contemporaries the Jerusalem priest Johanan (cf. the son of Joiada and father of Jaddua, Neh. xii . 22), Bagohi (Bagoas), governor of Judah, and Delaiah and Shelemiah sons of Sanballat (408–407 B.C.) They ignore any strained relations between Samaria and Judah, and Delaiah and Bagohi unite in granting permission to the Jewish colony to rebuild their place of worship . If this -fixes the date of Sanballat and Nehemiah in the time of the first Artaxerxes, the probability of confusion in the later written sources is enhanced by the recurrence of identical names of kings, priests, &c., in the history . 4 The Samaritans, for their part, claimed the traditions of their land and called themselves the posterity of . Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh . But they were ready to deny their kinship with the Jews when the latter were in adversity, and could have replied to the tradition that they were foreigners with a to quoque (Josephus, Ant. ix . 14, 3; Xi . 8, 6; xii . 5, 5) (see SAMARITANS) . and ritualistic; the other, more See also:cosmopolitan, extended a freer welcome to strangers, and tolerated the popular elements and the superstitious cults which are vividly depicted (Isa. lxv. seq.) . But the former gained the day, and, realizing that the only hope of maintaining a pure worship of Yahweh lay in a forcible See also:isolation from foreign influence, its adherents were prepared to take measures to ensure the religious independence of their See also:assembly . It is related that Ezra, the scribe and priest, returned to Jerusalem with priests and Levites, lay exiles, and a See also:store of vessels for the Temple . He was commissioned to inquire into the religious condition of the land and to disseminate the teaching of the Law to which he had devoted himself (Ezra vii.) . On his arrival the people were gathered together, and in due course he read the " book of the Law of Moses " daily for seven days (Neh. viii.) . They entered into an agreement to obey its teaching, undertaking in particular to avoid marriages with foreigners (x . 28 sqq.) . A special account is given of this reform (Ezra ix. seq.) and the description of Ezra's horror at theprevalence of intermarriage, which threatened to destroy the distinctive character of the community, sufficiently indicates the attitude of the stricter party . The true See also:seed of Israel separated themselves from all foreigners (not, however, without some opposition) and formed an exclusively religious body or " See also:congregation." Dreams of political freedom gave place to hopes of religious independence, and " Israel " became a church, the foundation of which it sought in the desert of Sinai a thousand years before . 22 . Post-exilic History.—The biblical history for the period in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah is exceptionally obscure, and it is doubtful how far the traditions can be trusted before we reach the reign of Artaxerxes (Ezra vii. sqq., Neh.) . The records belonging to this reign represent four different stages: (a) The Samaritans re-ported that the Jews who had returned from the king to Jerusalem were rebuilding the city and completing its walls, an act calculated to endanger the integrity of the province . Artaxerxes accordingly instructed them to stop the work until he should give the necessary decree, and this was done by force (Ezra iv . 7–23, undated; I Esdras ii . 16 sqq. mentions a building of the Temple!) . (b) It was in the 7th year (i.e . 458 B.C.) that Ezra returned with a small body of exiles to promulgate the new laws he had brought and to set the Temple service in order.' Fortified with remarkable powers, some of which far exceed the known tolerance of Persian kings, he began wide-sweeping marriage reforms; but the record ceases abruptly (vii.–x.) . (c) In the loth year (445 B.C.) Nehemiah returned with permission to rebuild the walls, the citadel and the governor's house (Neh. ii . 5, 8; see § 21 above) . But (d), whilst as governor he accomplishes various needed reforms, there is much confusion in the present narratives, due partly to the resumption of Ezra's labours after an interval of twelve years, and partly to the closely related events of Nehemiah's activity in which room must be found for his twelve-years' governorship and a second visit . The internal literary and historical questions are extremely intricate, and the necessity for some reconstruction is very generally felt (for preliminary details, see EZRA AND NEHEMIAH) . The disaster which aroused Nehemiah's grief was scarcely the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.c., but a more recent one, and it has been conjectured that it followed the work of Ezra (in b above) . On the other hand, a place can hardly be found for the history of Ezra before the appearance of Nehemiah; he moves in a settled and peaceful community such as Nehemiah had helped to form, his reforms appear to be more mature and schematic than those of Nehemiah; and, whilst Josephus handles the two separately, giving Ezra the priority, many recent scholars incline to place Nehemiah's first visit before the arrival of Ezra.' That later tradition should give the pre-eminence to the priestly reforms of Ezra is in every way natural, but it has been found extremely difficult to combine the two in any. reconstruction of the period . Next, since there are three distinct sources, for (a) above, and for the work of Nehemiah and of Ezra, implicit reliance cannot be placed upon the present sequence of narratives . Thus (a), with its allusion to a further decree, forms a plausible prelude to the return of either Ezra (vii . 13) or Nehemiah (i . 3, ii . 3) ; and if it is surprising that the Samaritans and other opponents, who had previously waited to address Artaxerxes (Ezra iv . 14 sqq., v . 5, 17), should now interfere when Nehemiah was armed with a royal See also:mandate (Neh. ii . 7-9), it is very difficult not to conclude that the royal permits, as now detailed, have been coloured by Jewish patriotism and the history by enmity to Samaria . Finally, the situation in the ' The statement that the king desired to avoid the divine wrath may possibly have some deeper meaning (e.g. some recent revolt, Ezra vii . 23) . 2It must suffice to refer to the opinions of Bertholet, Buhl, Cheyne, Guthe, See also:Van Hoonacker, Jahn, Kennett, Kent, Kosters, Marquart, Torrey, and Wildeboer.independent and undated record (a) points to a return, a rebuilding (apparently after some previous destruction), and some interference . This agrees substantially with the independent records of Nehemiah, and unless we assume two disasters not widely separated in date —viz. those presupposed in (a) and (c)—the record in (a) may refer to that stage in the history where the other source describes the intrigues of the Samaritans and the letters sent by Tobiah (cf . Tabeel in Ezra iv . 7) to frighten Nehemiah (Neh. vi . 19).3 Their insinuations that Nehemiah was seeking to be ruler and their representations to Artaxerxes would be enough to alarm the king (cf . Neh. vi . 5-9, 19, and Ezra iv . 15 seq., 20 seq.), and it may possibly be gathered that Nehemiah at once departed to justify himself (Neh. vii . 2, xiii . 4, 6) . Nevertheless, since the narratives are no longer in their original form or sequence, it is impossible to trace the successive steps of the sequel; although if the royal favour was endorsed (cf. the account ascribed to the time of Darius, Ezra v. seq.), Nehemiah's position as a reformer would be more secure . Although there was a stock of tradition for the post-exilic age (cf . Daniel, See also:Esther, i Esdras, Josephus), the historical narratives are of the scantiest and vaguest until the time of Artaxerxes, when the account of a return (Ezra iv . 12),which otherwise is quite ignored, appears to have been used for the times of Darius (1 Esdras iv. seq.) and subsequently of Cyrus (Ezra i.–iii.) . Moreover, although general opinion identifies our Artaxerxes with the first of that name, certain features suggest that there has been some confusion with the traditions of the time of Artaxerxes II. and III . (§ 19) . But the problems are admittedly complicated, and since one is necessarily dependent upon scanty narratives arranged and rearranged by later hands in accordance with their own historical theories, it is difficult to lay stress upon internal evidence which appears to be conclusive for this or that reconstruction.' The main facts, however, are clear . Jerusalem had suffered some serious catastrophe before Nehemiah's return; a body of exiles returned, and in spite of interference the work of rebuilding was completed; through their influence the Judaean community underwent reorganization, and separated itself from its so-called heathen neighbours . How many years elapsed from beginning to end can hardly be said . Tradition concentrated upon Ezra and his age many events and changes of fundamental importance . The canonical history has allowed only one great destruction of Jerusalem, and the disaster of 586 B.C. became the type for similar disasters, but how many there were criticism can scarcely decide.5 Allusions to Judah's sufferings at the hands of Edom, Moab and Ammon often imply conditions which are not applicable to 586 . A definite series knows of an invasion and occupation by Edom (q.v. end), a people with whom Judah, as the genealogies show, had once been intimately connected . The unfriendliness of the " brother " people, which added so much to the bitterness of Judah, although associated with the events of 586 (so especially i Esdras iv . 45),probably belongs to a much later date.' The tradition that Edomites burned the Temple and occupied part of Judah (ib. vv . 45, 5o) is partially confirmed by Ezek. xxxv . 5, 10, xxxvi . 5; Ps. cxxxvii . 7; but the assumption that Darius, as in i Esdras, helped the Jews against them can with difficulty be maintained . The interesting conjecture that the second Temple suffered another disaster in the obscure gap which follows the time of Zerubbabel has been urged, after Isa. lxiii . 7–lxiv . 12, by Kuenen (afterwards withdrawn) and by Sellin, and can be independently confirmed . In the records of Nehemiah the ruins of the city are extensive (ii . 8, 17, iii . ; cf . Ecclus. xlix . 13), and the tradition that Nehemiah rebuilt this Temple (Jos . Ant. xi . 5, 6; 2 See also:Mace. i . 18) is supported (a) by the explicit 3 C . F . Kent, Israel's Hist. and Biog . Narratives (1905), p . 358 seq . The objections against this very probable view undervalue Ezra iv . 7–23 and overlook the serious intricacies in the book of Nehemiah . There are three inquiries: (a) the critical value of 1 Esdras, (b) the character of the different representations of post-exilic internal and external history, and (c) the recovery of the historical facts . To start with the last before considering (a) and (b) would be futile . ' For example, to the sufferings under Artaxerxes III . (§ 19) have been ascribed such passages as Isa. lxiii . 7-lxiv . 12 ; Ps. xliv., lxxiv., lxxix., lxxx., lxxxiii . (see also See also:LAMENTATIONS) . In their present form they are not of the beginning of the 6th century and, if the evidence for Artaxerxes III. proves too doubtful, they may belong to the history preceding Nehemiah's return, provided the internal features do not stand in the way (e.g. See also:prior or posterior to the formation of the exclusive Judaean community, &c.) . Since the book of Baruch (named after Jeremiah's scribe) is now recognized to be considerably later (probably after the destruction of Jerusalem A.D . 70), it will be seen that the recurrence of similar causes leads to a similarity in the contemporary literary productions (with a reshaping of earlier tradition), the precise date of which depends upon delicate points of detail and not upon the apparently obvious historical elements . a See H . Winckler, Keil. u . Alte Test., 295, and Kennett, Journ . Theol . Stud . (1906), p . 487; Camb . Bib . Essays, p . 117 . The Chaldeans alone destroyed Jerusalem (2 Kings xxv.); Edom was friendly or at least neutral (Jer. xxvii . 3, xl . 11 seq.) . The proposal to react " Edomites " for " Syrians " in the list of bands which troubled Jehoiakim (2 Kings xxiv . 2) is not supported by the contemporary reference, Jer. xxxv . II . references to the rebuilding of the Temple in the reign of Artaxerxes (i Esdras ii . 18, not in Ezra iv . 12 ; but both in a context relating to the history of the Temple), and (b) by the otherwise inaccurate statement that the Temple was finished according to the decree of " Cyrus, Darius and Artaxerxes king of Persia " (Ezra vi . 14) . The untrustworthy account of the return in the time of Cyrus (Ezra i. sqq.) or Darius (i Esdras iv. seq.; probably the older form) is curiously indebted to material which seems to have belonged to the history of the work of Nehemiah (cf . Ezra ii. with Neh. vii.), and the important return in the reign of Artaxerxes (Ezra iv . 12) seems to be connected with other references to some new settlement (Neh. xi . 20, 23, 25. especially xii . 29) . The independent testimony of the names in Neh. iii. is against any previous large return from Babylon, and clearly illustrates the strength of the groups of " southern " origin whose presence is only to be expected (p . 285) . Moreover, the late compiler of I Chronicles distinguishes a Judah composed almost wholly of " southern " groups (1 Chron. ii. and iv.) from a subsequent stage when the first inhabitants of Jerusalem correspond in the main to the new population after Nehemiah had repaired the ruins (i Chron. ix. and Neh. xi.) . Consequently, underlying the canonical form of post-exilic history, one may perhaps recognize some fresh disaster, after the completion of Zerubbabel's temple, when Judah suffered grievously at the hands of its Edomite brethren (in Malachi, date uncertain, vengeance has at last been taken) ; Nehemiah restored the city, and the traditions of the exiles who returned at this period have been thrown back and focussed upon the work of Zerubbabel . The criticism of the history of Nehemiah, which leads to this conjecture, suggests also that if Nehemiah repulsed the Samaritan claims (ii . 20; cf . Ezra iv . 3, where the building of the Temple is concerned) and refused a compromise (vi.2), it is extremely unlikely that Samaria had hitherto been seriously hostile; see also C . C . Torrey, Ezra Studies, pp . 321-333 . Bibilical history ends with the See also:triumph of the Judaean community, the true " Israel," the right to which title is found in the distant past . The Judaean view pervades the present sources, and whilst its David and Solomon ruled over a united land, the separation under Jeroboam is viewed as one of calf-worshipping northern tribes from Jerusalem with its one central temple and the legitimate priesthood of the Zadokites . It is from this narrower standpoint of an exclusive and confined Judah (and Benjamin) that the traditions as incorporated in the late recensions gain fresh force, and in Israel's renunciation of the Judaean yoke the later hostility between the two may be read between the lines . The history in Kings was not finally settled until a very late date, as is evident from the important See also:variations in the Septuagint, and it is especially in the description of the time of Solomon and the disruption that there continued to be considerable fluctuations.' The book has no See also:finale and the sudden break may not be accidental . It is replaced by Chronicles, which, confining itself to Judaean history from a later standpoint (after the Persian age), includes new characteristic traditions wherein some recollection of more recent events may be recognized . Thus, the south Judaean or south Palestinian element shows itself in Judaean genealogies and lists; there are circumstantial stories of the rehabilitation of the Temple and the reorganization of cultus; there are fuller traditions of inroads upon Judah by southern peoples and their allies . There is also a more definite subordination of the royal authority to the priesthood (so too in the writings of Ezekiel, q.v . ; and the stories of punishment inflicted upon kings who dared to contend against the priests (Jehoash, Uzziah) point to a conflict of authority, a hint of which is already found in the reconciliation of Zerubbabel and the priest Joshua in a passage ascribed to Zechariah (ch. vi.) . 23 . Post-exilic Judaism.—With Nehemiah and Ezra we enter upon the era in which a new impulse gave to Jewish life and thought that form which became the characteristic orthodox Judaism . It was not a new religion that took root; older tendencies were diverted into new paths, the existing material was shaped to new ends . Judah was now a religious community whose representative was the high priest of Jerusalem . Instead of sacerdotal kings, there were royal priests, anointed with oil, arrayed with kingly insignia, claiming the usual royal dues in addition to the customary rights of the priests . With his priests and Levites, and with the chiefs and nobles of the Jewish families, the high priest directs this small state, and his death marks an epoch as truly as did that of the monarchs in the past . This hierarchical government, which can find no foundation in the Hebrew monarchy, is the forerunner of the Sanhedrin (q.v.); it is an institution which, however inaugurated, set its stamp upon the narratives which have survived . Laws were ' It is at least a coincidence that the prophet who took the part of Tobiah and Sanballat against Nehemiah (vi. to seq.) bears the same name as the one who advised Rehoboam to acquiesce in the disruption (i Kings xii . 21-24), or announced the divine selection of Jeroboam (ib. v . 24, Septuagint only).recast in accordance with the requirements of the time, with the result that, by the side of usages evidently of very great antiquity, details now appear which were previously unknown or wholly unsuitable . The age, which the scanty historical traditions themselves represent as one of supreme importance for the history of the Jews, once seemed devoid of interest, and it is entirely through the laborious scholarship of the 19th century that it now begins to reveal its profound significance . The Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis, that the hierarchical law in its complete form in the Pentateuch stands at the close and not at the beginning of biblical history, that this mature Judaism was the See also:fruit of the 5th century B.C. and not a divinely appointed institution at the exodus (nearly ten centuries previously), has won the recognition of almost all Old Testament scholars . It has been substantiated by numerous subsidiary investigations in diverse departments, from different standpoints, and under various aspects, and can be replaced only by one which shall more adequately explain the literary and historical evidence (see further, p . 289) . The post-exilic priestly spirit represents a tendency which is absent from the Judaean Deuteronomic book of Kings but is fully mature in the later, and to some extent parallel, book of Chronicles (q.v.) . The " priestly " traditions of the creation and of the patriarchs mark a very distinct advance upon the earlier narratives, and appear in a further developed form in the still later book of Jubilees, or " Little Genesis," where they are used to demonstrate the pre-Mosaic antiquity of the priestly or Levitical institutions . There is also an unmistakable development in the laws; and the priestly legislation, though ahead of both Ezekiel and Deuteronomy, not to mention still earlier usage, not only continues to undergo continual internal modification, but finds a further distinct development, in the way of See also:definition and interpretation, outside the Old Testament—in the See also:Talmud (q.v.) . Upon the characteristics of the post-exilic priestly writings we need not dwell.2 Though one may often be repelled by their lifelessness, their lack of spontaneity and the externalization of the ritual, it must be recognized that they placed a strict monotheism upon a legal basis . " It was a necessity that Judaism should incrust itself in this manner; without those hard and ossified forms the preservation of its essential elements would have proved impossible . At a time when all nationalities, and at the same time all bonds of religion and national customs, were beginning to be broken up in the seeming cosmos and real See also:chaos of the Graeco-Roman Empire, the Jews stood out like a See also:rock in the midst of the ocean . When the natural conditions of independent See also:nationality all failed them, they nevertheless artificially maintained it with an energy truly marvellous, and thereby preserved for themselves, and at the same time for the whole world, an eternal good." 3 If one is apt to acquire too narrow a view of Jewish legalism, the whole experience of subsequent history, through the heroic age of the See also:Maccabees (q.v.) and onwards, only proves that the minuteness of ritual See also:procedure could not See also:cramp the See also:heart . Besides, this was only one of the aspects of Jewish literary activity . The work represented in Nehemiah and Ezra, and put into action by the supporters of an exclusive Judaism, certainly won the day, and their hands have left their impress upon the historical traditions . But Yahwism, like Islam, had its sects and tendencies, and the opponents to the stricter ritualism always had followers . Whatever the predominant party might think of foreign marriages, the tradition of the half-Moabite origin of David serves, in the beautiful idyll of Ruth (q.v.), to suggest the debt which Judah and Jerusalem owed to one at least of its neighbours . Again, although some may have desired a self-contained community opposed to the heathen neighbours of Jerusalem, the story of Jonah implicitly contends against the attempt of Judaism to close its doors . The conflicting tendencies were incompatible, but Judaism retained the 2 See HEBREW RELIGION, § 8 seq., and the relevant portions of the histories of Israel . 3 J . Wellhausen, art . " Israel," Ency . Brit . 9th ed., vol. xiii. p . 419; or his Prolegomena, pp . 497 seq . incompatibilities within its limits, and the two tendencies, prophetical and priestly, continue, the former finding its further development in See also:Christianity.' The Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis (§ 4) does not pretend to be complete in all its details and it is independent of its application to the historical criticism of the Old Testament . No alternative hypo-thesis prevails, See also:mere desultory criticism of the internal intricacies being quite inadequate . Maintaining that the position of the Pentateuch alone explains the books which follow, conservative writers concede that it is composite, has had some literary history, and has suffered some revision in the post-exilic age . Their con-cessions continue to become ever more significant, and all that follows from them should be carefully noticed by those who are impressed by their arguments . They identify with Deuteronomy the law-roll which explains the noteworthy reforms of Josiah (§ 16); but since it is naturally admitted that religious conditions had become quite inconsistent with Mosaism, the conservative view implies that the " long-lost " Deuteronomy must have differed profoundly from any known Mosaic writings to which earlier pious kings and prophets had presumably adhered . Similarly, the " book of the Law of Moses," brought from Babylon by Ezra (Ezra vii.; Neh. viii.), clearly contained much of which the people were ignorant, and conservative writers, who oppose the theory that a new Law was then introduced, emphasize (a) the previous existence of legislation (to prove that Ezra's book was not entirely a novelty), and (b) the See also:gross wickedness in Judah (as illustrated by the prophets) from the time of Josiah to the strenuous efforts of the reformers on behalf of the most fundamental principles of the national religion . This again simply means that the Mosaism of Ezra or Nehemiah must have differed essentially from the priestly teaching prior to their arrival . The arguments of conservative writers involve concessions which, though often overlooked by their readers, are very detrimental to the position they endeavour to support, and the objections they bring against the theory of the introduction of new law-books (under a Josiah or an Ezra) apply with equal force to the promulgation of Mosaic teaching which had been admittedly ignored or forgotten . Their arguments have most weight, however, when they show the hazardous character of reconstructions which rely upon the trustworthiness of the historical narratives . What book Ezra really brought from Babylon is uncertain; the writer, it seems, is merely narrating the introduction of the Law ascribed to Moses, even as a predecessor has recounted the discovery of the Book of the Law, the Deuteronomic code subsequently included in the Pentateuch . The importance which the biblical writers attach to the return from Babylon in the reign of Artaxerxes forms a starting-point for several interesting inquiries . Thus, in any estimate of the influence of Babylonia upon the Old Testament, it is obviously necessary to ask whether certain features (a) are of true Babylonian origin, or (b) merely find parallels or analogies in its stores of literature; whether the indebtedness goes back to very early times or to the age of the Assyrian domination or to the exiles who now returned . Again, there were priestly and other families—some originally of " southern " origin—already settled around Jerusalem, and questions inevitably arise concerning their relation to the new-comers and the literary vicissitudes which gave us the Old Testament in its present form . To this age we may ascribe the literature of the Priestly writers (symbolized by P), which differs markedly from the other sources . Yet it is clear from the book of Genesis alone that in the age of Priestly writers and compilers there were other phases of thought . Popular stories with many features of popular religion were current . They could be, and indeed had been made more edifying; but the very noteworthy conservatism of even the last compiler or editor, in contrast to the re-shaping and re-writing of the material in the book of Jubilees, indicates that the Priestly spirit was not that of the whole community . But through the Priestly hands the Old Testament history passed, and their standpoint See also:colours its records . This is especially true of the history of the exilic and post-exilic periods, where the effort is made to preserve the continuity of Israel and the Israelite community (Chronicles–Ezra–Nehemiah) . The bitterness aroused by the ardent and to some extent unjust zeal of the reforming element can only be conjectured . The traditions reveal a tendency to legitimate new circumstances . Priesthoods, whose traditions connect them with the south, are subordinated; the ecclesiastical records are re-shaped or re-adjusted; and a picture is presented of hierarchical jealousies and rivalries which (it was thought) were settled once and for all in the days of the exodus from Egypt . Many features gain in significance as the account of the Exodus, the foundation of Israel, is read in the light of the age when, after the advent of a new element from Babylonia, the Pentateuch assumed its present shape; it must suffice to mention the supremacy of the Aaronite priests and the glorification of uncompromising An instructive account of Judaism in the early post-exilic age on critical lines (from the Jewish standpoint) is given by C . G . See also:Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures (18 2), pp . 355 sqq.; cf. also the sketch by I . Abrahams, Judaism (1907).hostility to foreign marriages ? The most " unhistorical " tradition has some significance for the development of thought or of history-writing, and thus its internal features are ultimately of historical value . Only from an exhaustive comparison of controlling data can the scattered hints be collected and classified . There is much that is suggestive, for example, in the relation between the " post-exilic " additions to the prophecies and their immediately earlier form; or in the singular prominence of the Judaean family of See also:Perez (its elevation over Zerah, a half-Edomite family, Gen. xxxviii . ; its connexion with the Davidic dynasty, Ruth iv.; its position as head of all the Judaean sub-divisions, t Chron. ii . 5 sqq.); or in the late insertion of local tradition encircling Jerusalem; or in the perplexing attitude of the histories towards the district of Benjamin and its famous sanctuary of Bethel (only about to m. north of Jerusalem) . Although these and other phenomena cannot yet be safely placed in a historical See also:frame, the methodical labours of past scholars have See also:shed much light upon the obscurities of the exilic and post-exilic ages, and one must await the more comprehensive study of the two or three centuries which are of the first importance for biblical history and theology . 24 . Old Testament History and External Evidence.—Thus the Old Testament, the history of the Jews during the first great period, describes the relation of the Hebrews to surrounding peoples, the superiority of Judah over the faithless (north) Israelite tribes, and the reorganization of the Jewish community in and around Jerusalem at the arrival of Ezra with the Book of the Law . The whole gives an impression of unity, which is designed, and is to be expected in a compilation . But closer examination reveals remarkable gaps and irreconcilable historical standpoints . For all serious biblical study, the stages in the growth of the written traditions and the historical circumstances which they imply, must inevitably be carefully considered,, and upon the result depends, directly or indirectly, almost every subject of Old Testament investigation . Yet it is impossible to recover with confidence or completeness the development of Hebrew history from the pages of the Old Testament alone . The keen interest taken by the great prophets in the world around them is not prominent in the national records; political history has been subordinated, and the Palestine which modern discovery is revealing is not conspicuous in the didactic narratives . To external evidence one must look, therefore, for that which did not fall within the scope or the horizon of the religious historians . They do not give us the records of the age of the Babylonian monarch Khammurabi (perhaps Amraphel, Gen. xiv.), of the Egyptian conquests in the XVIIIth and following dynasties, or of the period illustrated by the Amarna tablets (§ 3) . They treat with almost unique fullness a few years in the middle of the 9th century B.C., but ignore Assyria; yet only the Assyrian inscriptions explain the political situation (§ to seq.), and were it not for them the true significance of the 8th–7th centuries could scarcely be realized (§ i5 seq.) . It would be erroneous to confuse the extant sources with the historical material which might or must have been accessible, or to assume that the antiquity of the elements of history proves or presupposes the antiquity of the records themselves, or even to deny the presence of some historical kernel merely on account of unhistorical elements or the late dress in which the events are now clothed . External research constantly justifies the cautious attitude which has its logical basis in the internal conflicting character of the written traditions or in their divergence from ascertained facts; at the same time it has clearly shown that the internal study of the Old Testament has its limits . Hence, in the absence of more complete external evidence one is obliged to recognize the limitations of Old Testament historical criticism, even though this recognition means that See also:positive reconstructions are more See also:precarious than negative conclusions . The naive impression that each period of history was handled by some more or less contemporary authority is not confirmed by a criticism which confines itself strictly to the literary evidence . An interest in the past is not necessarily confined to any one age, and the critical view that the biblical history has been compiled from relatively late standpoints finds support in the still later treatment of the events—in Chronicles as contrasted with Samuel-Kings or in Jubilees as contrasted with Genesis.' It is instructive to observe in Egypt the form which old traditions have taken in See also:Manetho (Maspero, Rec. de travaux, xxvii., 1905, 1 . 22 seq.); cf. also the late story of Rameses II. and the Hittites (J . H . Breasted, Ans . Rec. of Egypt, iii . 189 seq.) ; while in Babylonia one may note the didactic treatment, after the age of Cyrus, of the events of the time of Khammurabi (A . H . Sayce, Proc . Soc . Biblical Archaeol., 1907, pp . 13 sqq.) . The links which unite the traditional heroes with Babylonia (e.g . Abraham, Ezra), See also:Mesopotamia (e.g . Jacob), Egypt (e.g . Joseph, 2 Cf. the story of Phinehas, Num. xxv . 6 sqq.; on Gen. xxxiv., see StMEON . Apropos of hostility towards Samaria, it is singular that the term of reproach, " Cutheans," applied to the Samaritans is derived from Cutha, the famous seat of the god See also:Nergal, only some 25 M . N.E. of Babylon itself (see above, p . 286, n . 4) . a The various tendencies which can be observed in the later pseudepigraphical and apocalyptical writings are of considerable value in any See also:consideration of the development of thought illustrated in the Old Testament itself . Jeroboam), Midian (e.g . Moses, Jethro), &c., like the intimate relationship between Israel and surrounding lands, havea significance in the light of recent research . Israel can no longer be isolated from the politics. culture, folk-See also:lore, thought and religion of western Asia and Egypt . Biblical, or rather Palestinian, thought has been brought into the world of ancient Oriental life, and this life, in spite of the various forms in which it has from time to time been shaped, still rules in the East . This has far-reaching consequences for the traditional attitude to Israelite history and religion . Research is seriously complicated by the growing stores of material, which unfortunately are often utilized without attention to the principles of the various departments of knowledge or aspects of study . The complexity of modern knowledge and the interrelation of its different branches are often insufficiently realized, and that by writers who differ widely in the application of such material as they use to their particular views of the manifold problems of the Old Testament . It has been easy to confuse the study of the Old Testament in its relation to modern religious needs with the technical scientific study of the much edited remains of the literature of a small part of the ancient East . If there was once a tendency to isolate the Old Testament and ignore comparative research, it is now sometimes found possible to exaggerate its general agreement with Oriental history, life and thought . Difficulties have been found in the super-natural or marvellous stories which would be taken as a matter of course by contemporary readers, and efforts are often made to recover historical facts or to adapt the records to modern theology without sufficient attention to the historical data as a whole or to their religious environment . The preliminary preparation for research of any value becomes yearly more exacting . Many traces of myth, legend and ' primitive " thought survive in the Old Testament, and on the most cautious estimate they pre-suppose a vitality which is not a little astonishing . But they are now softened and often bereft of their earlier significance, and it is this and their divergence from common Oriental thought which make Old Testament thought so profound and unique . The process finds its normal development in later and non-biblical literature; but one can recognize earlier, cruder and less distinctive stages, and, as surely as writings reflect the mentality of an author or of his age, the peculiar characteristics of the extant sources, viewed in the light of a comprehensive survey of Palestinian and surrounding culture, demand a reasonable explanation . The differences between the form of the written history and the conditions which prevailed have impressed themselves variously upon modern writers, and efforts have been made to recover from the Old Testament earlier forms more in accordance with the external evidence . It may be doubted, however, whether the material is sufficient for such restoration or reconstruction.' In the Old Testament we have the outcome of specific developments, and the stage at which we see each element of tradition or belief is not always isolated or final (cf . Kings and Chronicles) . The early myths, legends and traditions which can be traced differ profoundly from the canonical history, and the gap is wider than that between the latter and the subsequent apocalyptical and pseudepigraphical literature . Where it is possible to make legitimate and unambiguous comparisons, the ethical and spiritual superiority of Old Testament thought has been convincingly demonstrated, and to the re-shaping and re-writing of the older history and the older traditions the Old Testament owes its permanent value . While the history of the great area between the Nile and the Tigris irresistibly emphasizes the insignificance of Palestine, this land's achievements for humanity grow the more remarkable as research tells more of its environment . Although the light thrown upon ancient conditions of life and thought has destroyed much that sometimes seems vital for the Old Testament, it has brought into relief a more permanent and indisputable appreciation of its significance, and it is gradually dispelling that pseudo-scientific literalism which would fetter the greatest of ancient Oriental writings with an insistence upon the verity of historical facts . Not internal criticism, but the incontestable results of objective observation have shown once and for all that the relationship between the biblical account of the earliest history (Gen. i.–xi.) and its value either as an authentic record (which requires unprejudiced examination) or as a religious document (which remains untouched) is typical . If, as seems probable, the continued methodical investigation, which is demanded by the advance of modern knowledge, becomes more drastic in its results, it will recognize ever more clearly that there were certain unique influences in the history of Palestine which cannot be explained by purely historical research . The change from Palestinian polytheism to the pre-eminence of Yahweh and the gradual development of ethical monotheism are facts which external evidence continues to emphasize, which biblical criticism must investigate as completely as possible . And if the work of criticism has brought a fuller appreciation of the value of these facts, the debt which is owed to the Jews is enhanced when one proceeds to realize the immense difficulties against which those who transmitted the Old Testament had to contend in the period of Greek domination . The growth of ' Reference may be made to H . Winckler, Gesch . Israels, ii . (1900) ; W . Erbt, Die Hebrder (1906); and T . K . Cheyne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel (1907).the Old Testament into its present form, and its preservation despite hostile forces, are the two remarkable phenomena which most See also:arrest the attention of the historian; it is for the theologian to interpret their bearing upon the history of religious thought . (S . A . C.) II.—GREEK DOMINATION 25 . Alexander the Great.—The second great period of the 'history of the Jews begins with the conquest of Asia by Alexander the Great, See also:disciple of See also:Aristotle, king of Macedon and captain-general of the Greeks . It ends with the destruction of Jerusalem by the armies of the Roman Empire, which was, like Alexander, at once the masterful See also:pupil and the docile patron of See also:Hellenism . The destruction of Jerusalem might be regarded as an event of merely domestic importance; for the Roman cosmopolitan it was only the removal of the titular See also:metropolis of a national and an Oriental religion . But, since a derivative of that religion has come to be a power in the world at large, this event has to be regarded in a different light . The destruction of Jerusalem in A.D . 70 concludes the period of four centuries, during which the Jews as a nation were in contact with the Greeks and exposed to the influence of Hellenism, not wholly of their own will nor yet against it . Whether the See also:master of the provinces, in which there were Jews, be an Alexander, a See also:Ptolemy, a Seleucid or a Roman, the force by which he rules is the force of Greek culture . These four centuries are the Greek period of Jewish history . The ancient historians, who together cover this period, are strangely indifferent to the importance of the Jews, upon which Josephus is at pains to insist . When Alexander invaded the interior of the Eastern world, which had hitherto remained inviolable, he came as the champion of Hellenism . His death prevented the achievement of his designs; but he had broken down the barrier, he had planted the seed of the Greek's influence in the four quarters of the Persian Empire .
His successors, the See also:Diadochi, carried on his work, but See also:Antiochus Epiphanes was the first who deliberately took in hand to deal with the Jews
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Daniel (viii
.
8) describes the interval between Alexander and Antiochus thus: " The he-See also:goat (the king of Greece) did very greatly: and when he was strong the great See also:horn (Alexander) was broken; and instead of it came- up four other ones—four kingdoms shall stand up out of his nation but not with his power
.
And out of one of them came forth a little horn (Antiochus Epiphanes) which waxed exceeding great towards the south (Egypt) and towards the East (Babylon) and towards the beauteous land (the land of Israel)." The insignificance of the Jewish community in Palestine was their salvation
.
The re-forms of Nehemiah were directed towards the See also:establishment of a religious community at Jerusalem, in which the rigour of the law should be observed
.
As a part of the Persian Empire the community was obscure and unimportant
.
But the race whose chief sanctuary it guarded and maintained was the heir of great traditions and ideals
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In Egypt, moreover, in Babylon and in Persia individual Jews had responded to the influences of their environment and won the respect of the aliens whom they despised
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The law which they cherished as their standard and See also:guide kept them united and conscious of their unity
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And the individuals, who acquired power or wisdom among those outside Palestine shed a reflected glory upon the nation and its Temple
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In connexion with Alexander's See also: Only Tyre and Gaza barred the way to Egypt . He took, presumably, the coast-road in order to establish and retain his command of the sea . The rest of Palestine, which is called Coele-Syria, made its submission and furnished supplies . Seven days after the capture of Gaza Alexander was at See also:Pelusium . According to the tradition which Josephus has preserved the high priest refused to See also:transfer his allegiance, and Alexander marched against Jerusalem after the capture of Gaza . The high priest dressed in his robes went out to meet him, and at the sight Alexander remembered a See also:dream, in which such a man had appeared to him as the appointed See also:leader of his expedition . So the danger was averted : Alexander offered sacrifice and was shown the prophecy of Daniel, which spoke of him . It is alleged, further, that at this time certain Jews who could not refrain from intermarriage with the heathen set up a temple on Mt Gerizim and became the Samaritan schism (§ 21 above) . The combination is certainly artificial and not historical . But it has a value of its own inasmuch as it illustrates the permanent tendencies which See also:mould the history of the Jews . It is true that Alexander was subject to dreams and visited shrines in order to assure himself or his followers of victory . But it is not clear that he had such need of the Jews or such regard for the Temple of Jerusalem that he should turn aside on his way to Egypt for such a purpose . However this may be, Alexander's See also:tutor had been in Asia and had met a Jew there, if his disciple See also:Clearchus of See also:Soli is to be trusted . " The man," Aristotle says, " was by race a Jew out of Coele-Syria . His people are descendants of the See also:Indian philosophers . It is re-ported that philosophers are called Calani among the See also:Indians and Jews among the Syrians . The Jews take their name from their place of See also:abode, which is called See also:Judaea . The name of their city is very difficult; they See also:call it Hierusaleme . This man, then, having been a See also:guest in many homes and having come down gradually from the highlands to the sea-coast, was Hellenic not only in speech but also in soul . And as we were staying in Asia at the time, the man cast up at the same place and interviewed us and other scholars, making trial of their wisdom . But inasmuch as he had .come to be at home with many cultured persons he imparted more than he got." The date of this interview is probably determined by the fact that Aristotle visited his friend See also:Hermias, See also:tyrant of Atarneus, in 347–345 B.C . There is no reason to doubt the probability or even the accuracy of the narrative . Megasthenes also describes the Jews as the philosophers of Syria and couples them with the Brahmins of See also:India . This hellenized Jew who descended from the hills to the coast is a figure typical of the period . 26 . The See also:Ptolemies.—After the death of Alexander Palestine fell in the end to Ptolemy (3or n.c.) and remained an Egyptian province until 198 B.C . For a century the Jews in Palestine and in See also:Alexandria had no history—or none that Josephus knew . But two individuals exemplify the different attitudes which the nation adopted towards its new environment and its wider opportunities, Joseph the tax-See also:farmer and Jesus the See also:sage . The wisdom of Jesus ben Sira (Sirach) is contained in the book commonly called See also:Ecclesiasticus (q.z'.) . At a time when men were attracted by the wisdom and See also:science of the Greeks, he taught that all wisdom came from Yahweh who had chosen Israel to receive it in trust . He discouraged inquiries into the nature and purpose of things: it was enough for him that Yahweh had created and ruled the universe . If a man had leisure to be wise—and this is not for many—he should study the Scriptures which had come down, and so become a scribe . For the scribe, as for the man at the plough-tail, the Law was the rule of life . All, however much or little preoccupied with worldly business, must fear God, from whom come good things and evil, life, death, poverty and riches . It was not for men to meddle with secrets which are beyond human intelligence . Enough that the individual did his duty in the state of life in which he was set and left behind him a good name at his death . The race survives—" the days of Israel are unnumbered." Every member of the congregation of Israel must labour, as God has appointed, at some handicraft or profession to provide for his home . It is his sacred duty and his private interest to beget children and to See also:train them to take his place . The See also:scholar is apt to pity the smith, the See also:potter, the carpenter and the farmer: with better reason he is apt to condemn the trader who becomes absorbed in greed of gain and so deserts the way of righteousness and See also:fair dealing . As a teacher Jesus gave his own services freely . For the soldier he had no See also:commendation . There were physicians who understood the use of herbs, and must be rewarded when their help was invited . But, whatever means each head of a family adopted to get a livelihood, he must pay the priest's dues . The centre of the life of Israel was the Temple, over which the high priest presided and which was inhabited by Yahweh, the God of Israel . The scribe could train the individual in morals and in See also:manners; but the high priest was the ruler of the nation . As ruler of the nation the high priest paid its tribute to Egypt, its overlord . But Josephus reports of one Onias that for avarice he withheld it . The sequel shows how a Jew might rise to power in the See also:civil service of the Egyptian Empire and yet remain a hero to some of the Jews—provided that he did not intermarry with a See also:Gentile . For Joseph, the son of Tobiah and nephew of Onias, went to court and secured the taxes of Palestine, when they were put up to See also:auction . As tax-farmer he oppressed the non-Jewish cities and so won the admiration of Josephus . But while such men went out into the world and brought back wealth of one kind or another to Palestine, other Jews were content to make their homes in foreign parts . At Alexandria in particular Alexander provided for a Jewish colony which soon became Hellenic enough in speech to require a See also:translation of the Law . It is probable that, as in Palestine an Aramaic See also:paraphrase of the Hebrew text was found to be necessary, so in Alexandria the Septuagint grew up gradually, as need arose . The legendary tradition which even See also:Philo accepts gives it a formal nativity, a royal patron and inspired authors . From the text which Philo uses, it is probable that the translation had been transmitted in writing; and his legend probably fixes the date of the commencement of the undertaking for the reign of Ptolemy Lagus . The |