Search over 40,000 articles from the original, classic Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition.
|
See also:COMPARATIVE See also:JURISPRUDENCE
.
The See also:object of this See also:article is to give a See also:general survey of the study of the See also:evolution of See also:law
.
It is not concerned with See also:analytical See also:jurisprudence as a theory of legal thought, or an encyclopaedic introduction to legal teaching
.
Jurisprudence in such a philosophic or pedagogical sense has certainly to reckon with the methods and results of a See also:comparative study of law, but its aims are distinct from those of the latter: it deals with more general problems
.
On the other See also:hand, the comparative study of law may itself be treated in two different ways: it may be directed to a comparison of existing systems of legislation and law, with a view to tracing analogies and contrasts in the treatment of See also:practical problems and taking See also:note of expedients and of possible solutions
.
Or else it may aim at discovering the principles regulating the development of legal systems, with a view to explain the origin of institutions and to study the conditions of their See also:life
.
In the first sense, comparative jurisprudence resolves itself into a study of See also:home and See also:foreign law (cf
.
See also:Hofmann in the Zeitschrift See also:fur das private and offentliche Recht der Gegenwart, 1878)
.
In the second sense, comparative jurisprudence is one of the aspects of so-called See also:sociology, being the study of social evolution in the See also:special domain of law
.
From this point of view it is, in substance, immaterial whether the legal phenomena subjected to investigation are See also:ancient or See also:modern, are See also:drawn from civilized or from See also:primitive communities
.
The fact that they are being observed and explained as features of social evolution characterizes the inquiry and forms the distinctive attribute separating these studies from kindred subjects
.
It is only natural, however, that See also:early periods and primitive conditions have attracted investigators in this See also: The See also:interest of students seems to have stood in inverse ratio to-the See also:chronological vicinity of the facts under See also:consideration—the farther from the observer, the more suggestive and worthy of See also:attention the facts were found to be . This peculiarity is easily explained if we take into See also:account the tendency of all evolutionary investigations to obtain a view of origins in See also:order to follow up the threads of development from their initial starting-point . Besides, it has been urged over and over again that the simpler phenomena of ancient and primitive society afford more convenient material for generalizations as to legal evolution than the extremely complex legal institutions of civilized nations . But there is no determined See also:line of See also:division between ancient and modern comparative jurisprudence in so far as both are aiming at the study of legal development . The law of See also:Islam or, for that See also:matter, the See also:German See also:civil See also:code, may be taken up as a subject of study quite as much as the code of Hammurabi or the See also:marriage customs of Australian tribes . The fact that the comparative study of legal evolution is chiefly represented by investigations of early institutions is therefore a characteristic, but not a necessary feature in the treatment of the subject . But it is essential to this treatment that it should be See also:historical and comparative . Historical, because it is only as See also:history, i.e. a sequence of stages and events, that development can be thought of . Comparative, because it is not the casual notices about one or the other See also:chain of historical facts that can See also:supply the basis for any scientific See also:induction . Comparisons of kindred processes have to be made in order to arrive at any conception of their general meaning and scientific regularity . As linguistic See also:science differs from See also:philology in so far as it treats of the general evolution of See also:language and not of particular See also:languages, even so comparative jurisprudence differs from the history of law as a study of general legal evolution distinct from the development of one or the other See also:national See also:branch of legal enactment . Needless to say that there are intermediate shades between these See also:groups, but it is not to these shades we have to attend, but to the See also:main distinctions and divisions . 1 . The See also:idea that the legal enactments and customs of differentcountries should be compared for the purpose of deducing general principles from them is as old as See also:political science itself . It was realized with especial vividness in epochs when a considerable material of observations was gathered from different See also:sources and in various forms . The See also:wealth of varieties and the recurrence of certain leading views in them led to comparison and to generalizations based on comparison . See also:Aristotle, who lived at the See also:close of a See also:period marked by the growth of See also:free See also:Greek cities, summarized, as it were, their political experience in his Constitutions and Politics; students of these know that the Greek philosopher had to See also:deal with not only public law and political institutions, but also to some extent private, criminal law, See also:equity, the relations between law and morals, &c . Another See also:great See also:attempt at comparative observation was made at the close of the pre-revolutionary period of modern See also:Europe . See also:Montesquieu took stock of the analogies and contrasts of law in the commonwealths of his See also:time and tried to show to what extent particular enactments and rules were dependent on certain general currents in the life of See also:societies—on forms of See also:government, on moral conditions corresponding to these, and ultimately on the See also:geographical facts with which various nationalities and states have to reckon in their development . These were, however, only slight beginnings, general forecasts of a coming line of thought, and Montesquieu's remarks on See also:laws and legal customs read now almost as if they were meant to serve as materials for social utopias, although they were by no means conceived in this sense . At this distance of time we cannot help perceiving how fragmentary, incomplete and uncritical his notions of the facts of legal history were, and how strongly his thought was biased by didactic considerations, by the wish to See also:teach his contemporaries what politics and law should be . It was reserved for the 19th See also:century to come forward with connected and far-reaching investigations in this field as in many others . We are not deceived by proximity and self-consciousness when we affirm that comparative jurisprudence, as understood in these See also:introductory remarks, See also:dates from the 19th century and especially from its second See also:half . There were many reasons for such a new departure: two of these reasons have been especially See also:manifest and decisive . The loth century was an eminently historical and an eminently scientific See also:age . In the domain of history it may be said that it opened an entirely new vista . While, speaking roughly, before that time history was conceived as a narrative of memorable events, more or less skilful, more or less sensational, but appealing primarily to the See also:literary sense of the reader, it became in the course of the 19th century an See also:encyclopaedia of reasoned know-ledge, a means of understanding social life by observing its phenomena in the past . The immense growth of historical scholarship in that sense, and the transformation of its aims, can hardly be denied . Apart from the See also:personal efforts of eminent writers, a great and general See also:movement has to be taken into account in order to explain this remarkable See also:stage of human thought . The historic See also:bent of mind of 19th-century thinkers was to a great extent the result of heightened political and cultural self-consciousness . It was the reflection in the See also:world of letters of the tremendous upheaval in the states of Europe and See also:America which took See also:place from the close of the 18th century onwards . As one of the greatest leaders of the movement, See also:Niebuhr, pointed out, the fact of being a See also:witness of such struggles and catastrophes as the See also:American Revolution, the See also:French Revolution, the See also:Napoleonic See also:Empire and the national reaction against it, taught every one to think historically, to appreciate the importance of historical factors, to measure the force not only of logical See also:argument and moral impulse, but also of instinctive habits and traditional customs . It is not a matter of See also:chance that the historical school of jurisprudence, See also:Savigny's See also:doctrine of the organic growth of law, was formed and matured while Europe collected its forces after the most violent revolutionary crisis it had ever experienced, and in most intimate connexion with the romantic movement, a movement animated by enthusiastic belief in the historical, traditional life of social groups as opposed to the intellectual conceptions of individualistic radicalism . On the other hand, the 19th century was a scientific age and especially an age of biological science . Former periods—the 26th and 17th centuries especially—had bequeathed to it high See also:standards of scientific investigation, an ever-increasing See also:weight of authority in the direction of an exact study of natural phenomena and a conception of the world as ruled by laws and not by capricious interference . But these scientific views had been chiefly applied in the domain of See also:mathematics, See also:astronomy and physics; although great discoveries had already been made in See also:physiology and other branches of See also:biology, yet the achievements of 19th-century students in this respect far surpassed those of the preceding period . And the doctrine of transformation which came to occupy the central place in scientific thought was eminently fitted to co-See also:ordinate and suggest investigations of social facts . As F . See also:York See also:Powell put it, See also:Darwin is the greatest historian of modern times, and certainly an historian not in the sense of a reader of See also:annals, but in that of a See also:guide in the under-See also:standing of organic evolution . Though much is expressed in the one name of Darwin, it is perhaps even more momentous as a See also:symbol of the tendency of a great age than as a See also:mark of personal See also:work . To this tendency we are indebted for the rise of See also:anthropology and of sociology, of the scientific study of See also:man and of the scientific study of society . Of course it ought not to be disregarded that the application of scientific principles and methods to human and social facts was made possible by the growth of knowledge in regard to See also:savage and half-civilized nations called forth by the increased activity of See also:European and American business men, administrators and explorers . Ethnography and See also:ethnology have brought some order into'the wealth of materials accumulated by generations of workers in this direction, and it is with their help that the far-reaching generalizations of modern inquirers as to man and society have been achieved . 2 . It is not difficult to see that the comparative study of legal evolution finds its definite place in a scientific See also:scheme elaborated from such points of view . Let us see how, as a matter of fact, the study in question arose and what its progress has been . The immediate incitement for the formation of comparative jurisprudence was given by the great discoveries of comparative philology . When the labours of See also:Franz See also:Bopp, See also:August See also:Schleicher, Max See also:Miller, W . D . See also:Whitney and others revealed the profound connexion between the different branches of the Indo-European See also:race in regard to their languages, and showed that the development of these languages proceeded on lines which might be studied in a strictly scientific manner, on the basis of comparative observation and with the object of tracing the uniformities of the See also:process, it was natural that students of See also:religion, of folk-See also:lore and of legal institutions took up the same method and tried to win similar results (See also:Sir H . See also:Maine, Rede lecture in See also:Village Communities, 3rd ed.) . It is interesting to note that one of the leading scholars of the Germanistic revival in the beginning of the 19th century, See also:Jacob See also:Grimm, a compeer of Savigny in his own line, took up with fervent zeal and remarkable results not only the scientific study of the German language, but also that of Germanic See also:mythology and popular law . His Rechtsalterthumer are still unrivalled as a collection of data as to the legal lore of See also:Teutonic tribes . Their basis is undoubtedly a narrow one: they treat of the varieties of legal See also:custom among the See also:continental Germans, the Scandinavians and the Germanic tribes of Great See also:Britain, but the method of treatment is already a comparative one . Grimm takes up the different subjects—See also:property, See also:contract, See also:procedure, See also:succession, See also:crime, &c.—and examines them in the See also:light of national, provincial and See also:local customs, sometimes noticing expressly See also:affinities with See also:Roman and Greek law (e.g. the subject of imprisonment for See also:debt, Rechtsalterthumer, 4th ed., vol. ii., p . 165) . A broader basis was taken up by a linguist who tried to trace the primitive institutions and customs of the early See also:Aryans before their separation into See also:divers branches . Adolphe Pictet (See also:Les Origines indo-europeennes, i . 1859; ii . 1863) had to See also:touch constantly on questions of See also:family law, marriage, property, public authority, in his attempt to reconstruct the See also:common See also:civilization of the See also:Aryan race, and he did so on the strength of a comparative study of terms used in the different Indo-European languages . He showed, for instance, how the idea of See also:protection was the predominant See also:element in the position of the See also:father in the Aryan See also:household . The names pitar, ` See also:pater, 1rariip, father, which recur in most branches of the Aryan race, go back to a See also:root pa-, pointing to guardianship or protection . Thus we are led to consider the patria potestas, so stringently formulated in Roman law, as an expression of a common Aryan notion, which was already in existence before the Aryan tribes parted See also:company and went their different ways . Descriptions of Aryan early culture have been given several times since in connexion with linguistic observations . An example is W . E . See also:Hearn's Aryan Household (1879) . Fustel de Coulanges' famous See also:volume on the ancient See also:city and See also:Rudolf von See also:Jhering's studies of primitive Indo-European institutions (Vorgeschichte der Indoeuropder) start from similar observations, although the first of these scholars is chiefly interested in tracing the See also:influence of religion on the material arrangements of life, while the latter draws largely on principles of public and private law, studied more especially in Roman antiquity . 3 . The See also:chief work in that direction has been achieved in one sense by a German See also:scholar, B . W . Leist . His Graeco-Roman legal history, his See also:Jus Gentium of Primitive Aryans, and his Jus Civile of Primitive Aryans, See also:form the most See also:complete and learned attempt not only to reconstitute the fundamental rules of common Aryan law before the separation of See also:tongues and nations, but also to trace the influence of this See also:original stock of juridical ideas in the later development of different branches of the Aryan race . These three books See also:present three stages of comparison, marked by a successive widening of the See also:horizon . He began his legal history by putting together the data as to Roman and Greek legal origins; in the Alt-arisches Jus Gentium the material of See also:Hindu law is not only drawn into the range of observation, but becomes its very centre; in the Alt-arisches Jus Civile the legal customs of the Zend branch, of Celts, Germans and Slays, are taken into account, although the most important See also:part of the inquiry is still directed to the See also:combination of Hindu, Greek and Roman law . In this way Leist builds up his theories by the comparative method, but he restricts its use consciously and consistently to a definite range . He does not want to plunge into haphazard analogies, but seeks common ground before all things in order to be able to See also:watch for the See also:appearance of ramifications and to explain them . According to his view comparison is of use only between " coherent " lines of facts . Common origin, not similarity of features, appears to him as the fundamental basis for fruitful'comparison . It may be said that Leist's work is characterized by the attempt to draw up a continuous history of a supposed archaic common law of the Aryan race rather than to put different solutions of kindred legal problems by the See also:side of each other . For him Aryan tribal organization with its See also:double-sided relationship—cognatic and agnatic—through men and through See also:women—is one, and although he does not draw its picture as Fustel de Coulanges does by the help of traits taken in-discriminately from Hindu, Roman and Greek material, although he notices divisions, degrees and See also:variations, at bottom he writes the history of one set of principles exemplified and modulated, as it were, in the six or seven main varieties of the race . Even so the nine rules of conduct prescribed by Hindu sacral law are, according to his view, the directing rules of Roman, Greek, Germanic, See also:Celtic, See also:Slavonic legal custom—the duties in regard to gods, parents and fatherland, guests, personal purity, the prohibitions against See also:homicide, See also:adultery and See also:theft—are variations of one and the same religious, moral and legal See also:system, and their original unity is reflected and proved by the unity of legal terminology itself . The same leading idea is embodied in the books of See also:Otto See also:Schrader—Urgeschichte and Sprachvergleichung (1st ed., 1883; 2nd ed., 189o) and Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde (1901) . In this See also:case we have to do not with a jurist but with a linguist and a student of cultural history .
His training made him especially See also:fit to trace the national affinities in the data of language, and the sense of the intimate connexion between the growth of institutions on one side, of words and linguistic forms on the other, underlies all his investigations
.
But Schrader testifies also to another powerful influence—to that of See also:Victor Hehn, the author of a remarkable See also:book on early civilization, Kulturpflanzenund Hausthiere in ihrem Uber gang aus Asien in See also:Europa (1st ed., 1870; 7th ed., 1902), dealing with the migrations of tribes and their modes of acquiring material civilization
.
Although the linguistic and archaeological sides naturally pre-dominate in Schrader's See also:works, he has constantly to consider legal subjects, and he strives conscientiously to obtain a clear and common-sense view of the early legal notions of the Aryans
.
Speaking of the " ordeals," the " waging of See also:God's law," for example, he traces the customs of See also:purification by See also:fire, See also:water, See also:iron, &c., to the practice of oaths (Sans. am; Gr
.
6Mvu a; O
.
Ital. omr = first See also:group; O
.
Ger. aips, Ir
.
Oeth = second group; O
.
Norse See also:rota, See also:Arm. erdnum = I swear = third group)
.
The central idea of the See also:ordeal is thus shown to be the imprecation—" Let him be cursed whose assertion is false."
The comparative study of the Aryan group assumed another aspect in the works of Sir See also:
For him the comparison between the legal lore of See also:Rome and that of India did not depend on linguistic roots or on the philological study of the laws of Manu, but was the result of recognizing again and again, in actual modern custom, the views, rules and institutions of which he had read in See also:Gaius or in the fragments of the Twelve Tables
.
The sense of historical See also:analogy and evolution which had shown itself already in the lectures on Ancient Law, which, after all, were mainly a presentment of Roman legal history mapped out by a man of the world, averse from pedantic disquisitions
.
But what appears as the expression of Maine's personal aptitude and intelligent See also:reading in Ancient Law gets to be the See also:interpretation of popular legal principles by modern as well as by ancient instances of their application in Village Communities, The Early History of Institutions, Early Law and,Custom
.
The evolution of property in See also:land out of archaic See also:collectivism, ancient forms of contract and compulsion, rudimentary forms of See also:feudalism and the like, were treated in a new light in consequence of systematic comparisons with the conditions not only of India but of See also:southern Slavonic nations, See also:medieval celts and Teutons
.
This breadth of view seemed startling when the lectures appeared, and the original treatment of the subject was hailed on all sides as a most welcome new departure in the study of legal customs and institutions
.
And yet Maine set very definite boundaries to his comparative surveys
.
He renounced the chronological See also:limitation confining such inquiries to the domain of antiquaries, but he upheld the ethnographical limitation confining them to laws of the same race
.
In his case it was the Aryan race, and in his Law and Custom he opposed in a determined manner the attempts of more daring students to extend to the Aryans generalizations drawn from the life of savage tribes unconnected with the Aryans by See also:blood
.
Thus, notwithstanding all diversities in the treatment of particular problems, one leading methodical principle runs through the works of all the above-mentioned exponents of comparative study
.
It was to proceed on the basis of common origin and on the See also:assumption of a certain common stock of language, religion, material culture, and law to start with
.
What Pictet, Leist, Schrader, and Maine were doing for the Aryans, F
.
Hommel, See also:Robertson See also: 4 . The literary group which started from the discoveries of comparative philology and history was met on the way by what may be called the ethnological school of inquirers . The original impetus was given, in this case, by jurists and historians whotook up the study in the field of ancient history, but treated it from the beginning in such a way as to break up the subdivisions of historic races and to See also:direct the inquiry to a See also:state of culture best illustrated by savage customs . The first impulse may be said to have come from J . J . Bachofen (Mutterrecht, 1861; Antiquarische Briefe, 188o; See also:Die See also:Sage von See also:Tanaquil) . All the representatives of Aryan antiquities are at one in laying stress on the patriarchal and agnatic system of the kindreds in the different Aryan nations; even Leist, although dwelling on the importance of cognatic ties, looks to agnatic relationship for the explanation of military organization and political authority . And undoubtedly, if we argue from the predominant facts and from the linguistic See also:evidence of parallel terms, we are led to assume that already before their separation the Aryans lived in a patriarchal state of society . Now, Bachofen discovered in the very tradition of classical antiquity traces of a fundamentally different state of things, the central conception of which was not patriarchal See also:power, but maternity, relationship being traced through mothers, the wife presenting the See also:constant and directing element of the household, while the See also:husband (and perhaps several husbands) joined her from time to time in more or less inconstant unions . Such a state of society is definitely described by See also:Herodotus in the case of the Lycians, it is clearly noticeable even in later historical times in See also:Sparta; the passage from this matriarchal conception to the recognition of the claims of the father is reflected in poetical fiction in the famous See also:Orestes myth, based on the struggle between the moral incitement which prompted the son to avenge his father and the See also:absolute reverence for the See also:mother required by ancient law . Although chiefly See also:drawing his materials from classical literature, Bachofen included in his Antiquarian Letters an interesting study of the marriage custom and systems of relationship of the See also:Malabar See also:Coast in India; they attracted his attention by the contrasts between different layers of legal tradition—the Brahmans living in patriarchal order, while the class next to them, the Nayirs (Nairs), follow rules of matriarchy . Similar ideas were put forward in a more comprehensive form by J . F . McLennan . His early volume (Studies in Ancient History, 1876) contains several essays published some time before that date . He starts from the wide occurrence of marriage by See also:capture in primitive societies, and groups the tribes of which we have definite knowledge into endogamous and exogamous societies according as they take their wives from among the kindred or outside it . Marriage by capture and by See also:purchase are signs of See also:exogamy, connected with the custom in many tribes of killing See also:female offspring . The development of marriage by capture and purchase is a powerful See also:agent in bringing about patriarchal See also:rule, agnatic relationship, and the formation of clans or gentes, but the more primitive forms of relationship appear as variations of systems based on mother-right . These views are supported by ethnological observations and used as a See also:clue to the history of relationship and family law in ancient See also:Greece . In further contributions published after McLennan's See also:death these researches are supplemented'and See also:developed in many ways . The peculiarities of exogamous societies, for instance, are traced back to the even more primitive practice of See also:Totemism, the grouping of men according to their conceptions of See also:animal See also:worship and to their symbols . McLennan's line of inquiry was taken up in a very effective manner not only by anthropologists like E . B . See also:Tylor or A . See also:Lang, but also in a more special manner by students of primitive family law . One of. the most brilliant monographs in this direction is Robertson Smith's study of Kinship and Marriage in See also:Arabia . But perhaps the most decisive influence was exercised on the development of the ethnological study of law by the discoveries of an American, See also:Lewis H . See also:Morgan . In his See also:epoch-making works on Systems of See also:Consanguinity (1869) and on Ancient Society (1877) he See also:drew attention to the remarkable fact that in the case of a number of tribes—the Red See also:Indians of America, the Australian See also:black tribes, some of the polar races, and several See also:Asiatic tribes, mostly of Turanian race—degrees of relationship are reckoned and distinguished by names, not as ties between individuals, but as ties between entire groups, classes or generations . Instead of a mother and a father a man speaks of fathers and mothers; all the individuals of a certain group are deemed husbands or wives of corresponding individuals of another group; sisters and See also:brothers have to be sought in entire generations, and not among the descendants of a definite and common See also:parent, and so forth . There are variations and types in these forms of organization, and intermediate links may be traced between unions of consanguine See also:people—brothers and sisters of the same blood—on the one hand, and the monogamic marriage prevailing nowadays, on the other; but the central and most striking fact seems to be that in early civilizations, in conditions which we should attribute to savage and See also:barbarian life, marriage appears as a tie, not between single pairs, but between classes, all the men of a class being regarded as potential or actual husbands of the women of a corresponding class . Facts of this See also:kind produce very See also:peculiar and elaborate systems of relationship, which have been copiously illustrated by Morgan in his tables . In his Ancient Society he attempted to reduce all the known forms and facts of marriage and kinship arrangements to a comprehensive view of evolution leading up to the Aryan, Semitic and Uralian family, as exhibiting the most modern type of relationship . These observations, in See also:conjunction with Bachofen's and McLennan's teaching on mother-right, brought about a complete See also:change of See also:perspective in the comparative study of man and society . The rights of ethnologists to have their say in regard to legal, political and social development was forcibly illustrated from both ends, as it were . On the one hand, classical antiquity itself proved to be a rather thin layer of human civilization hardly sufficient to conceal the See also:long periods of barbarism and primitive evolution which had gone to its making . On the other hand, unexpected combinations in regard to family, property, social order, were discovered in every corner of the inhabited world, and our trite notions as to the See also:character of laws and institutions were reduced to the See also:rank of variations on themes which recur over and over again, but may be and have been treated in very different ways . There is no need to speak of the use made of ethnological material in the wider range of anthropological and sociological studies—the works of Tylor, Lubbock, Lippert, See also:Spencer are in everybody's hands—but attention must be called to the further influence of the ethnological point of view in comparative jurisprudence . An interesting example of the passage from one line of investigation to another, from the historical to the anthropological line, if the expression may be used for the See also:sake of brevity, is presented in the works of one of the founders of the Zeitschrift fur vgl . Rechtswissenschaft—Franz Bernhoft . He appears in his earlier books as an exponent of the comparative study of Greek and Roman antiquities, more or less in the See also:style of Leist . Like the latter he was gradually incited to draw India into the range of his observations, but unlike Leist, he ended by fully recognizing the importance of ethnological evidence, and although he did not do much original See also:research in that direction himself, the influence of Bachofen and of the ethnologists made itself See also:felt in Bernhoft's treatment of classical antiquity itself: in his State and Law in Rome at the Time of the See also:Kings he starts from the view that See also:patricians and plebeians represent two ethnological layers of society—a patriarchal Aryan and a matriarchal pre-Aryan one . But, of course, the utmost use was made of ethnological evidence by writers who cut themselves entirely free from the special study of classical or European antiquities . The See also:enthusiasm of the explorers of new territory led them naturally to disregard the peculiar claims of European development in the history of higher civilization . They wanted material for a study of the genus homo in all its varieties, and they had no time to look after the See also:minute questions of philological and antiquarian research which had so long constituted the daily See also:bread of inquirers into the history of laws . The most characteristic representative of the new methods of extensive comparison was undoubtedly A . H . See also:Post (1839-1895)—the author of many works,in which he ranges over the whole domain of mankind—Hovas, Zulus, Maoris, See also:Tunguses, alternating in a kaleidoscopic See also:fashion with See also:Hindus, Teutons, See also:Jews, Egyptians . The order of his compositions is systematic, not chronological or even ethnographical in the sense of grouping kindred races together . He takes up the different subdivisions of law and traces them through all the various tribes which present any data in regard to them . His method is not only not See also:bound by history, it is opposed to it . He writes " The method of comparative ethnology is different from the historical method, inasmuch as it collects the given material from an entirely distinct point of view . Historical investigation tries to get at the causes of the facts of rational life by observing the development of these facts from such as preceded them within the range of See also:separate kindreds, tribes and peoples . The investigation of comparative ethnology inquires after the causes of facts in national life by See also:collecting identical or similar ethnological data wherever they may be found in the world, and by drawing inferences from these materials to identical or similar causes . This method is therefore quite unhistorical . It severs things that have been hitherto regarded as closely joined and arranges these shreds into new combinations " (Grundriss, i . 14) . This is not a See also:mere See also:paradox, but the necessary outcome of the situation in respect of the material used . What is bei |