See also:empire founded by
See also:Alexander the
See also:Great of Macedon in the countries now represented by
See also:Greece and
See also:Asia Minor,
See also:Persia and eastwards as far as
See also:northern India.' The
See also:present article contains a general account of the empire in its various aspects . It falls naturally into two
See also:main divisions:—I . The reign of Alexander . II . The
See also:period of his successors, the " Diadochi " and their dynasties . I . The Reign of Alexander . At the beginning of the 4th century B.C. two types of
See also:political association confronted each other in the lands of the Eastern Mediterranean,— 1 . Greeks the Persian
See also:monarchy with its huge agglomeration and of subject peoples, and the Greek city-state . Each Persians . had a different principle of strength . The Persian monarchy was strong in its
See also:size, in the mere amount of men and treasure it could dispose of under a single
See also:hand; the Greek state was strong in its morale, in the energy and discipline of its soldiery .
But the smallness of the single city-states and their unwillingness to combine prevented this superiority in quality from telling destructively upon the bulk of the Persian empire . The future belonged to anypower that could combine the advantages of both systems, could make a state larger than the Greek polis, and animated by a spirit equal to that of the Greek soldier . This was achieved by the
See also:kings of
See also:Macedonia . The
See also:work, begun by his predecessors, of consolidating the
See also:kingdom internally and making. its army a fighting-machine of high power was com- pleted by the
See also:genius of
See also:Philip II . (359–336 B.C.), who at the same
See also:time by war and
See also:diplomacy brought the Greek states of the
See also:Balkan peninsula generally to recognize his single predominance . At the synod of Corinth (338) Philip was solemnly declared the captain-general (arparrt'yos avroeparwp) of the Hellenes against the Great
See also:King . The attack on Persia was delayed by the assassination of Philip in 336, and it needed some fighting before the
See also:young Alexander had made his position secure in Macedonia and Greece . The recognition as captain-general he had obtained at another synod in Corinth, by an imposing military demonstration in Greece immediately upon his accession . Then came the invasion of the Persian empire by Alexander in 334 at the
See also:head of an army composed both of Macedonians and contingents from the allied Greek states . Before this force the Persian monarchy went down, and when Alexander died eleven years later (323) a Macedonian empire which covered all the territory of the old Persian empire, and even more, was a realized fact . The empire outside of Macedonia itself consisted of 22 provinces . In
See also:Europe, (I)
See also:Thrace; in Asia Minor, (2)
See also:Phrygia on the
See also:Hellespont, (3)
See also:Lydia, (4)
See also:Caria, (5)
See also:Lycia and Pamphyha, (6) Great 2 .
Extent of Phrygia, (7)
See also:Paphlagonia and
See also:Cappadocia; between the Empire. the
See also:Taurus and
See also:Iran, (8)
See also:Cilicia, (9) Syria, (to) Mesopo- tamia, (II) Babylonia, (12) Susiana; in Africa, (13) Egypt; in Iran, (14)
See also:Persis, (15)
See also:Media, (16)
See also:Parthia and
See also:Hyrcania, (17)
See also:Bactria and Sogdiana, (18) Areia and Drangiana, (19) Carmania, (20) Arachosia and Gedrosia ; lastly the
See also:Indian provinces, (21) the Paropanisidae (the
See also:Kabul valley), and (22) the province assigned to Pithon, the son of Agenor, upon the
See also:Indus (J . Beloch, Griech . Gesch . III . [ii.], p . 236 seq . ; for the Indian provinces cf . B . Niese, Gesch. der griech. and maked . Slaaten, I. p . 500 seq.) . Hardly provinces proper, but rather client principalities, were the two native kingdoms to which Alexander had
See also:left the conquered
See also:land beyond the Indus—the kingdoms of Taxiles and
See also:Porus .
The conquered empire presented Alexander with a
See also:system of
See also:government' ready-made, which it was natural for the new masters to take over . For the
See also:Asiatic provinces and Egypt, the old Persian name of satrapy (see
See also:SATRAP) was still re- 3 . System tained, but the
See also:governor seems to have been styled 0f Govern-officially in Greek strategos, although the
See also:term satrap
See also:meat' certainly continued current in
See also:common parlance . The
See also:governors appointed by Alexander were, in the west of the empire, exclusively Macedonians; in the east, members of the Old Persian
See also:nobility were still among the satraps at Alexander's
See also:death, Atropates in Media, Phrataphernes in Parthia and Hyrcania, For the events which brought this empire into being see ALEXANDER THE GREAT . For the detailed accounts of the
See also:separate dynasties into which it was divided after Alexander's death, see SELEUCID
See also:DYNASTY, ANTIGONUS,
See also:PERGAMUM, &C., and for its effect on the spread of Hellenic culture see
See also:HELLENISM . and Alexander's
See also:law Oxyartes in the Paropanisidae . Alexander had at first trusted Persian grandees more freely in this capacity; in Babylonia, Bactria, Carmania, Susiana he had set Persian governors, till the ingrained
See also:Oriental tradition of misgovernment so declared itself that to the three latter provinces certainly Macedonians had been appointed before his death . Otherwise the only eastern satrapy whose governor was not a Macedonian, was Areia, under Stasanor, a Cypriote Greek. in the case of certain provinces, possibly in the empire generally, Alexander established a
See also:control . The
See also:financial administration was entrusted to separate officials; we hear of such in Lydia (Arr. i . 17, 7), Babylonia (id. iii . 16, 4), and notably in Egypt (id. iii . 5, 4) .
Higher financial controllers seem to have been overgroups of provinces (Philoxenus over Asia Minor, Arr. i . 17, 7; see Beloch, Gr . Gesch . III . [i] p . 14), and Harpalus over the whole finances of the empire, with his seat in
See also:Babylon . Again the garrisons in the chief cities, such as
See also:Sardis, Babylon,
See also:Pelusium and Susa, were under commands distinct from those of the provinces . The old Greek cities of the motherland were not formally subjects of the empire, but
See also:sovereign states, which assembled at Corinth as members of a great
See also:alliance, in which the Macedonian king was included as a member and held the
See also:office of captain-general . The Greek cities of Asia Minor stood to him in a similar relation, though not included in the Corinthian alliance, but in federations of their own (Kaerst, Cesch. d. hellenist . Zeitalt. i . 261 seq.) . Their territory was not
See also:part of the king's
See also:country (baser. in the Brit .
See also:Mus . No . 400) . Of course, in fact, the power of the king was so vastly
See also:superior that the Greek cities were in reality subject to his dictation, even in so intimate a
See also:matter as the readmission of their exiles, and might be obliged to receive his garrisons . Within the empire itself, the various communities were allowed, subject to the interference of the king or his officials, to
See also:manage their own affairs . Alexander is said to have granted the Lydians to be "
See also:free " and " to use the
See also:laws of the
See also:ancient Lydians," whatever exactly these expressions may mean (Arr. i . 17, 4) . So too in Egypt, the native monarchs were left as the
See also:local authorities (Arr. iii . 5, 4) . Especially to the gods of the conquered
See also:people Alexander showed respect . In Egypt and in Babylon he appeared as the restorer of the native religions to
See also:honour after the unsympathetic
See also:rule of the Persians . The
See also:temple of
See also:Marduk in Babylon which had fallen began to rise again at his command .
It is possible that he offeredsacrifice to Yahweh in Jerusalem . In Persia, the native aristocracy retained their power, and the Macedonian governor adopted Persian
See also:dress and
See also:manners (Diod. xix . 48, 5; Arr. vi . 30) . A new factor introduced by Alexander was the foundation of Greek cities at all critical points of intercourse in the conquered lands . These, no doubt, possessed municipal autonomy with the ordinary organization of the Greek state; to what extent they were formally and regularly controlled by the provincial authorities we do not know; Pithon, the satrap of the Indian province is specially described as sent "in colonias in Indis conditas" (Just. xiii . 4, 21) . The empire included large tracts of
See also:mountain or
See also:desert, inhabited by tribes, which the Persian government had never subdued . The subjugation of such districts could only be by a system of effective military occupation and would be a work of time; but Alexander made a beginning by punitive expeditions, as occasion offered, calculated to reduce the free tribes to tempo- rary quiet ; we hear of such expeditions in the case of the Pisidians, the tribes of the
See also:Lebanon, the Uxii (in Kuuzistan), the Tapyri (in the Elburz), the
See also:hill-peoples of Bajaor and
See also:Swat, the Cossaei (in
See also:Kurdistan); an expedition against the
See also:Arabs was in prepara- tion when Alexander died . See A . Kohler, Reichsverwaltung u . Politik Alexanders
See also:des Grossen in Klio, v .
303 seq . (1905) . Alexander, who set out as king of the Macedonians and captain- general of the Hellenes, assumed after the death ofDarius the r,
See also:court. character of the Oriental great king . He adopted the Persian garb (Plutarch, de fort . Al. i . 8) in- cluding a head-dress, the diadema, which was suggested by that of the Achaemenian king (Just. xii . 3, 8) . We hear also of a
See also:sceptre as part of his insignia (Diod. xviii . 27, 1) . The pomps and ceremonies which were traditional in the East were to be continued . To the Greeks and Macedonians such a regime was abhorrent, and the opposition roused by Alexander's attempt to introduce among them the practice of proskynesis (prostration before the royal presence), was bitter and effectual . The title of chiliarch, by which the Greeks had described the great king's chief
See also:minister, in accordance with the Persian title which described him as "
See also:commander of a thousand," i.e. of the royal
See also:body-guard, was conferred by Alexander upon his friend
See also:Hephaestion .
See also:Chares held the position of chief
See also:usher (eicrayyeXeis) . Another Greek, Eumenes of Cardia, was chief secretary (apxcypaµµarebs) . The figure of the
See also:eunuch, so long characteristic of the Oriental court, was as prominent as ever (e.g .
See also:Bagoas, Plut . Alex . 67, &c.; cf . Arr. vii . 24) . Alexander, however, who impressed his contemporaries by his sexual continence, kept no
See also:harem of the old sort . The number of his wives did not go beyond two, and the second, the daughter of Darius, he did not take till a
See also:year before his death . In closest contact with the king's
See also:person were the seven, or latterly eight, body-
See also:guards, awparodbkafter, Macedonians of high
See also:rank, including
See also:Ptolemy and
See also:Lysimachus, the future kings of Egypt, and Thrace (Arr. vi . 28, 4) .
The institution, which the Macedonian court before Alexander had borrowed from Persia, of a
See also:corps of pages composed of the young sons of the nobility (?raises l3avLX sot or /3aatXmmot) continued to hold an important. place in the system of the court and in Alexander's
See also:campaigns (see Arr. iv . 13, 1; Curt. viii . 6, 6; Suid. i tto-0. m aaiSes; cf. the iraTes of Eumenes, Diod. xix . 28, 3) . See Spiecker, Der
See also:Hof and die Hofordnung Alex. d . Grossen (19o4) . The army of Alexander was an instrument which he inherited from his father Philip . Its core was composed of the Macedonian peasantry who served on
See also:foot in heavy
See also:armour (" the s . Army . Foot-companions ")?reg"era%poi) . They formed the phalanx, and were divided into 6 brigades (riEas), probably on the 'territorial system . Their distinctive
See also:arm was the great Macedonian pike (sarissa), some 14 ft. long, of further reach than the ordinary Greek
See also:spear .
They were normally
See also:drawn up in more open
See also:order than the heavy Greek phalanx, and possessed thereby a mobility and
See also:elasticity in which the latter was fatally deficient . Reckoning 1,500 to- each
See also:brigade, we got a
See also:total for the phalanx of 9,000 men . Of higher rank than the pezetaeri were the royal foot-guards (fiacnXecoi bxae,riarai), some 3,000 in number, more lightly armed, and distinguished (at any
See also:rate at the time of Alexander's death) by
See also:shields . Of these 1,000 constituted the royal corps (rb R'yi sa ri 13aaiXiKbv) . The Macedonian
See also:cavalry was recruited from a higher grade of society than the
See also:infantry, the petite noblesse of the nation . They
See also:bore by old
See also:custom the name of the king's Companions (Era"apoL), and were distributed into 8 territorial squadrons
See also:Oat) of probably some 250 men each, making a normal total of 2;000 . In the cavalry also the most privileged
See also:squadron bore the name of the agema . The ruder peoples which were neighbors to the Macedonians (Paeonians, Agrianes, Thracians) furnished contingents of
See also:light cavalry and javelilteers (lucovrLarai) . From the Thessalians the Macedonian king, as overlord, drew some thousand excellent troopers . The
See also:rest of Alexander's army was composed of Greeks, not formally his subjects . These served partly as mercenaries, partly in contingents contributed by the states in virtue of their alliance . According to Diodorus (xvii .
17, 3) at the time of Alexander's passage into Asia, the mercenaries numbered 5,000, and the troops of the alliance 7,000 foot and 600
See also:horse . All these numbers take no account of the troops left behind in Macedonia, 12,000 foot and 1,500 horse, according to Diodorus . When Alexander was
See also:lord of Asia, innovations followed in the army . Already in 330 at
See also:Persepolis, the command went forth that 30,000 young Asiatics were to be trained as Macedonian soldiers (the
See also:epigoni, Arr. vii., 6, 1) . Contingents of the
See also:fine Bactrian cavalry followed Alexandc r into India . Persian nobles were admitted into the agema of the Macedonian cavalry . A far more
See also:radical re-modelling of the army was undertaken at Babylon in 323, by which the old phalanx system was to be given up for one in which the unit was to be composed of Macedonians with pikes and Asiatics with missile arms in combination—a
See also:change calculated to be momentous both from a military point of view in the coming
See also:wars, andfrom a olitical, in the close
See also:fusion of Europeans and Asiatics . The death ofpAlexander interrupted the
See also:scheme, and his successors reverted to the older system . In the wars of Alexander the phalanx was never the most active arm; Alexander delivered his telling attacks -with his cavalry, whereas the slow-moving phalanx held rather the position of a reserve, and was brought up to
See also:complete a victory when the cavalry charges had already taken effect . Apart from the pitched battles, the warfare of Alexander was largely hill-fighting, in which the hypaspistae took the
See also:principal part, and the contingents of light-armed hillmen from the Balkan region did excellent service . For Alexander's army and tactics, beside the
See also:regular histories open new ways . The voyage of
See also:Nearchus from the Indus to the (
See also:Droysen, Niese, Beloch, Kaerst), see D .
See also:Hogarth, Journal of
See also:Euphrates was intended to
See also:link India by a waterway with the der., xvii . 1 seq . (corrected at some points in his Philip and Alex- Mediterranean lands . So too Heraclides was sent to explore an der) . The modifications in the army system were closely connected the
See also:Caspian; the survey, and possible circumnavigation, of the with Alexander's general policy, in which the fusion of Greeks Arabian coasts was the last enterprise which occupied Alexander . 6 . Fusion of and Asiatics held so prominent a place . He had The improvement of waterways in the interior of the empire was Greeks and himself, as we have seen, assumed to some extent not neglected, the Babylonian canal system was repaired, the Asiatics. the guise of a Persian king . The Macedonian obstructions in the
See also:Tigris removed . A canal was attempted Peucestas received
See also:special marks of his favour for adopting the across the Mimas promontory (Plin . N.H. v .
116) . The reports Persian dress . The most strikingdeclaration of his ideals was of the /3mµaru rrai, Baeton and
See also:Diognetus, who accompanied the
See also:marriage feast at Susa in 324, when a large number of the the
See also:march of Alexander's army, gave an exacter knowledge of Macedonian nobles were induced to marry Persian princesses, the
See also:geographical conformation of the empire, and were accessible and the rank and
See also:file were encouraged by special rewards to take for later investigators (Susemihl, Gesch. d. griech . Litt., I. p . 544) . Eastern wives . We are told that among the schemes registered Greek natural science was enriched with a mass of new mate-in the state papers and disclosed after Alexander's death was rial from the observations of the philosophers who went with one for transplanting large bodies of Asiatics into Europe and Alexander through the :
See also:strange lands (H . Bretzl, Botanische Europeans into Asia, for blending the peoples of the empire by Forschungen d . Alexanderzuges, 1903); whilst on the other hand intermarriage into a single whole (Diod. xviii . 4, 4) . How far attempts were made to acclimatize the
See also:plants of the motherland did Alexander intend that in such a fusion Hellenic culture should in the
See also:soil (Theophr., Hist . Plant. iv .
4, I) . retain its pre-
See also:eminence ? How far could it have done so, had The accession of Alexander brought about a change in the mone- the scheme been realized ? It is not impossible that the question tary system of the kingdom . Philip's bimetallic system, which had may be raised again whether the
See also:Eurasian after all is the
See also:heir attempted artificially to
See also:fix the value of silver in spite 9 comags . Y yet of the great depreciation of gold consequent upon the of the ages . I working of the Pangaean mines, was abandoned . Alexander's High above all the medley of kindreds and tongues, un- I gold coinage, indeed (possibly not struck till after the invasion of trammelled by
See also:national traditions, for he had outgrown the Asia), follows in
See also:weight that of Philip's staters; but he seems at once to have adopted for his silver coins (of a smaller denomination compass of any one nation, invested with the than the tetradrachm) the Euboic-
See also:Attic standard, instead of the 1 . Divine Honours.
See also:glory of achievements in which the old
See also:bounds of Phoenician, which had been Philip's . With the
See also:conquest of Asia, the possible seemed to fall away, stood in 324 the Alexander conceived the plan of issuing a
See also:uniform coinage for the man Alexander . Was he a man ? The question was explicitly empire .
Gold had fallen still further from thediffusion of the Per- suggested by the
See also:report that the
See also:priest in the
See also:Oasis sian treasure, and Alexander struck in both metals on the Attic standard, leaving their relation to adjust itself by the state of the had hailed him in the
See also:god's name as the son of Ammon . The market . This imperial coinage was designed to break down the Egyptians had, of course, ascribed deity by old custom to their monetary predominance of Athens (Beloch, Gr . Gesch. iii . [i.], 42). kings, and were ready enough to add Alexander to the
See also:list . The None of the coins with Alexander's own image can be shown to have Persians, on the other hand, had a different conception of the been issued during his reign; the traditional gods of the Greeks still godhead, and we have no
See also:proof that from them Alexander either Athena and
See also:Nike living figured upon Alexander's gold; Heraclehand required or received divine honours . From the Greeks he cer-
See also:Zeus upon his silver . tainly received such honours; the ambassadors from the Greek See L .
See also:Muller, Numismatique d'Alexandre le
See also:Grand (1858); also states came in 323 with the character of theori, as if approaching
See also:NUMISMATICS: § I . Greek Coins, Macedonian." a deity (Arr. vii . 23, 2) . It has been supposed that in offering II .
See also:external fortunes of the Macedonian such worship the Greeks showed the effect of "Oriental " Empire after Alexander's death must be briefly traced before its influence, but indeed we have not to look outside the Greek circle inner developments be touched upon) . There was, at t .
See also:History of ideas to explain it . As early as
See also:Aeschylus (Supp . 991) the first, when Alexander suddenly died in 323, no overt of the proffering of divine honours was a
See also:form of expression for intense disruption of the empire . The dispute between "Success feelings of reverence or gratitude towards men which naturally the Macedonian infantry and the cavalry (i.e. the sore." suggested itself—as a figure of speech in Aeschylus, but the figure commonalty and the nobles) was as to the person who should had been translated into
See also:action before Alexander not in the well be chosen to be the king, although it is true that either
See also:candidate, known case of
See also:Lysander only (cf. the case of
See also:Dion, Plut . Dio, 29). the
See also:half-witted son of Philip IL, Philip Arrhidaeus, or the pos Among the educated Greeks rationalistic views of the old thumous son of Alexander by
See also:Roxana, opened the prospect of a
See also:mythology had become so current that they could assimilate long regency exercised by one or more of the Macedonian lords . Alexander to Dionysus without supposing him to be super The compromise, by which both the candidates should be kings natural, and to this
See also:temper the divine honours were a mere form, together, was, of course, succeeded by a struggle for power an elaborate sort of flattery . Did Alexander merely receive such among those who wished to rule in their name . The resettle-honours ? Or did he claim them himself ? It would seem that ment of dignities made in Babylon in 323, while it left the eastern he did .
Many of the assertions as to his action in this
See also:line do commands practically undisturbed as well as that of
See also:Antipater not stand the light of
See also:criticism (see Hogarth, Eng . Hist . Rev. ii., in Europe, placed
See also:Perdiccas (whether as
See also:regent or as chiliarch) in 1887, p . 317 seq.; Niese, Historische Zeitschrift, lxxix., 1897, p . 1, possession of the kings' persons, and this was a position which seq.); even the explicit statement in
See also:Arrian as to Alexander the other Macedonian lords could not suffer . Hence the first and the Arabians is given as a mere report; but we have well
See also:intestine war among the Macedonians, in which Antipater, authenticated utterances of Attic orators when the question of Antigonus the satrap of Phrygia, and Ptolemy, the satrap of the cult of Alexander came up for debate, which seem to prove Egypt, were allied against Perdiccas, who was ultimately murthat an intimation of the king's pleasure had been conveyed to dered in 321 on the Egyptian frontier (see PERDICCAS [41, Athens . EUMENES) . A second settlement, made at Triparadisus in A new
See also:life entered the lands conquered by Alexander . Human Syria in 321, constituted Antipater regent and increased the intercourse was increased and quickened to a degree not before power of Antigonus in Asia . When Antipater died, in 319, a 8, inter. known . Commercial enterprise now found open second war broke out, the wrecks of the party of Perdiccas, led course and roads between the
See also:Aegean and India; the new by Eumenes, combining with Polyperchon, the new regent, and
See also:Discovery . Greek cities made stations in what had been for later on (318) with the eastern satraps who were in arms against the earlier Greek traders unknown lands; an immense quantity Pithon, the satrap of Media .
Cassander, the son of Antipater, of precious
See also:metal had been put into circulation which disappointed of the regency, had joined the party of Antigonus. the Persian kings had kept locked up in their treasuries In 316 Antigonus had defeated and killed Eumenes and made (cf . Athen. vi . 231 e) . At the same time Alexander himself made himself supreme. from the Aegean to Iran, and Cassander had it a principal concern to win fresh geographical knowledge, to . For details see separate articles on the chief generals . ousted Polyperchon from Macedonia . But now a third war began, the old associates of Antigonus, alarmed by his over-grown power, combining against him—Cassander, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, the governor of Thrace, and Seleucus, who had fled before Antigonus from his satrapy of Babylonia . From 315 to 301 the war of Antigonus against these four went on, with one
See also:short truce in 311 . Antigonus never succeeded in reaching Macedonia, although his son
See also:Demetrius won Athens and
See also:Megara in 307 and again (304–302) wrested almost all Greece from Cassander; nor did Antigonus succeed in expelling Ptolemy from Egypt, although he led an army to its frontier in 306; and after the
See also:battle of Gaza in 312, in which Ptolemy and Seleucus defeated Demetrius, he had to see Seleucus not only recover Babylonia but bring all the eastern provinces under his authority as far as India . Meanwhile the struggle changed its character in an important respect . King Philip had been murdered by
See also:Olympias in 317; the young Alexander by Cassander in 310; Heracles, the illegitimate son of Alexander the Great, by Polyperchon in 309 . Thus the old royal
See also:house became
See also:extinct in the male line, and in 306 Antigonus assumed the title of king .
His four adversaries answered this
See also:challenge by immediately doing the same . Even in appearance the empire was no longer a unity . In 301 the coalition triumphed over Antigonus in the battle of Ipsus (in Phrygia) and he himself was slain . Of the four kings who now divided the Macedonian Empire amongst them, two were not destined to found durable dynasties, while the house of Antigonus, represented by Demetrius, was after all to do so . The house of Antipater came to an end in the male line in 294, when Demetrius killed the son of Cassander and established himself on the
See also:throne of Macedonia . He was however expelled by Lysimachus and
See also:Pyrrhus in 288; and in 285 Lysimachus took possession of all the European part of the Macedonian Empire . Except indeed for Egypt and
See also:Palestine under Ptolemy, Lysimachus and Seleucus now divided the empire between them, with the Taurus in Asia Minor for their frontier . These two,survivors of the
See also:forty years' conflict soon entered upon the crowning fight, and in 281 Lysimachus fell in the battle of Corupedion (in Lydia), leaving Seleucus virtually
See also:master of the empire . Seleucus' assassination by Ptolemy Ceraunus in the same year brought back confusion . Ptolemy Ceraunus (the son of the first Ptolemy, and half-
See also:brother of the reigning king of Egypt) seized the Macedonian throne, whilst
See also:Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, succeeded in holding together the Asiatic dominions of his father . The confusion was aggravated by the incursion of the Gauls into the Balkan Peninsula in 279; Ptolemy Ceraunus perished, and a period of complete anarchy succeeded in Macedonia . In 276 Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius, after inflicting a crushing defeat on the Gauls near Lysimachia, at last won Macedonia definitively for his house .
Three solid kingdoms had thus emerged from all the fighting since Alexander's death: the kingdom of the Antigonids in the
See also:original land of the
See also:race, the kingdom of the
See also:Ptolemies in Egypt, and that of the Seleucids, extending from the Aegean to India . For the next Too years these are the three great
See also:powers of the eastern Mediterranean . But already parts of the empire of Alexander had passed from -Macedonian rule altogether . In Asia Minor, Philetaerus a Greek of Tios (Tieium) in Paphlagonia, had established himself in a position of
See also:practical independence at Pergamum, and his
See also:nephew, Attalus, was the father of the line of kings who reigned in Pergamum till 133—antagonistic to the Seleucid house, till in 189 they took over the Seleucid possessions west of the Taurus . In
See also:Bithynia a native dynasty assumed the
See also:style of kings in 297 . In Cappadocia two Persian houses,
See also:relics of the old aristocracy of Achaemenian days had carved out principalities, one of which became the kingdom of
See also:Pontus and the other the kingdom of Cappadocia (in the narrower sense); the former regarding
See also:Mithradates (281–266) as its founder, the latter being, the creation of the second Ariarathes (?3o2–?281) . Armenia, never effectively conquered by the Macedonians, was left in the hands of native princes, tributary only when the Seleucid court was strong enough to compel . In India, Seleucus had in 302 ceded large districts on the west of the Indus to Chandragupta, who had arisen to found a xvu . 8native empire which annexed the Macedonian provinces in the Panjab . Whilst the Antigonid kingdom remained practically whole till the
See also:Roman conquest ended it in 168 B.C., and the house of Ptolemy ruled in Egypt till the death of
See also:Cleopatra in 30 B.C., the Seleucid Empire perished by a slow
See also:process of disruption . The eastern provinces of Iran went in 240 or thereabouts, when the Greek
See also:Diodotus made himself an
See also:independent king in Bactria(q.v.) and Sogdiana, and
See also:Tiridates, brother of
See also:Arsaces, a " Scythian " chieftain, conquered Parthia (so Arrian, but see PARTHIA) . Armenia was finally lost in 19o, when Artaxias founded a new native dynasty there .
Native princes probably ruled in Persis before 166, though the
See also:district was at least nominally subject to Antiochus IV . Epiphanes till his death in 164 (see PERSIS) . In
See also:southern Syria, which had been won by the house of Seleucus from the house of Ptolemy in 198, the independent Jewish principality was set up in 143 . About the same time Media was totally relinquished to the Parthians . Babylonia was
See also:Parthian from 129 . Before 88 the Parthians had conquered
See also:Mesopotamia . Commagene was independent under a king, MithradatesCallinicus, in the earlier part of the last century B.C . Syria itself in the last days of the Seleucid dynasty is seen to be breaking up into
See also:petty principalities, Greek or native . From 83 to 69 is the transient
See also:episode of Armenian conquest, and in 64 the last
See also:shadow of Seleucid rule vanished, when Syria was made a Roman province by
See also:Pompey . From this time Rome formally entered upon the heritage of Alexander as far as the Euphrates, but many of the dynasties which had arisen in the days of Macedonian supremacy were allowed to go on for a time as client states . One of them, the royal house of Commagene, not deposed by the Romans till A.D . 72, had Seleucid
See also:blood in its.
See also:veins through the marriage of a Seleucid princess with Mithradates Callinicus, and regarded itself as being a continuation of the Seleucid dynasty .
Its kings bore the name of Antiochus, and were as proud of their Macedonian, as of their Persian, descent (see the Inscription of Nimrud Dagh,Michel, No . 735) . The Macedonians of Alexander were not mistaken in seeing an essential transformation of their national monarchy when Alexander adopted the guise of an Oriental great 2 . Constituking . Transplanted into this foreign soil, the don of me monarchy became an absolute despotism, unchecked Macedonian by a proud territorial nobility and a
See also:hardy peasantry Kingdom. on
See also:familiar terms with their king . The principle which Seleucus is reported to have enunciated, that the king's command was the supreme law (App . Syr . 61), was literally the principle of the new Hellenistic monarchies in the East . But the rights belonging to the Macedonian army as Alexander inherited it did not al-together disappear . Like the old Roman people, the Macedonian people under arms had acted especially in the transference of the royal authority, conferring or confirming the right of the new chief, and in cases of the capital trials of Macedonians . In the latter respect the army came regularly into
See also:function under Alexander, and in the wars which followed his death (Diod. xviii . 4, 3; 36, 7; 37, 2, 39, 2; xix .
61, 3), and in Macedonia; although the power of life and death came de facto into the hands of the Antigonid king, the old right of the army to
See also:act as
See also:judge was not legally abrogated, and
See also:friction was sometimes caused by its assertion (Polyb. v . 27, 5) . The right of the army to confer the royal power was still symbolized in the popular acclamation required on the accession of a new king, and at Alexandria in troubled times we hear of " the people " making its will effective in filling the throne, although it is here hard to distinguish
See also:mob rule from the exercise of a legitimate function . Thus the people put Euergetes II. on the throne when Philometor was captured (Polyb.
See also:xxix . 23, 4); the people compelled Cleopatra III. to choose
See also:Soter II. as her associate (Just. xxxiv . 3, 2) . In Syria, the usurper Tryphon bases his right upon an election by the " people " (Just.
See also:xxxvi . 1, 7) or" the army " (Jos .
See also:Ant. xiii . § 219) . Where it is a case of delegating some part of the supreme authority, as when Seleucus I. made his son Antiochus king for the eastern provinces, we find the army convoked to ratify the
See also:appointment (App . Syr .
61) . So too the people is spoken of as IT appointing the guardians of a king during his minority (Just. lCxxiv . 3, 6) . Nor was the power of the army a fiction . The Hellenistic monarchies rested, as all government in the last resort' must, upon the
See also:loyalty of those who wielded the brute force of the state, and however unlimited the powers of the king might be in theory, he could not alienate the
See also:goodwill of the army with impunity . The right of
See also:primogeniture in succession was recognized as a general principle; a woman, however, might succeed only so long as there were no male
See also:agnates . Illegitimate
See also:children had no rights of succession . In disturbed times, of course, right yielded to might or to practical necessities . The practice by which the king associated a son with himself, as secondary king,
See also:dates from the very beginning of the kingdoms of the Successors; Antigonus on assuming the diadem in 306 caused Demetrius also to bear the title of king . Some ten years later Seleucus appointed Antiochus as king for the eastern provinces . Thenceforth the practice is a common one . But the cases of it fall into two classes .
Sometimes the subordinate orjoint kingship implies real functions . In the Seleucid kingdom the territorial expanse of the
See also:realm made the creation of a distinct subordinate government for part of it a [measure of practical convenience . Sometimes the joint-king is merely titular, an
See also:infant of
See also:tender years, as for instance Antiochus Eupator, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, or Ptolemy Eupator, the son of Ptolemy Philometor . The
See also:object here is to secure the succession in the event of the supreme king's dying whilst his heir is an infant . The king's government was carried on by officials appointed by him and responsible to him alone . Government at the same time, as an Oriental despotism under-stands it, often has little in view but the gathering in of the tribute and compulsion of the subjects to
See also:personal service in the army or in royal
See also:works, and if satisfied in these respects will leave much independence to the local authorities . In the loosely-knit Seleucid realm it is plain that a great
See also:deal more independence was left to the various communities,—cities or native tribes,—than in Egypt, where the conditions made a bureaucratic system so easy to carry through . In their outlying possessions the Ptolemies may have suffered as much local independence as the Seleucids; the
See also:internal government of Jerusalem, for instance, was left to the high priests . In so far as the older Greek cities fell within their sphere of power, the successors of Alexander were forced to the same ambiguous policy as Alexander had been, between recognizing the cities' unabated claim to sovereign independence and the
See also:necessity of attaching them securely . In Asia Minor, the "enslavement " and liberation of cities alternated with the circumstances of the
See also:hour, while the kings all through professed themselves the champions of Hellenic freedom, and were ready on occasion .to display munificence toward the city temples or in public works, such as might reconcile republicans to a position of dependence . Antiochus III. went so far as to write on one occasion to the subject Greek cities that if any royal
See also:mandate clashed with the civic laws it was to be disregarded (Plut .
See also:Imp. et duc. apophth.) .
But it was the old cry of the " autonomy of the Hellenes," raised by
See also:Smyrna and
See also:Lampsacus, which ultimately brought Antiochus III. into collision with Rome . How anxious the Pergamene kings, with their ardent Hellenism, were to avoid offence is shown by the elaborate forms by which, in their own capital, they sought to give their real control the appearance of popular freedom (Cardinali, Regno di Pergamo, p . 2C1 seq.) . A similar problem confronted the Antigonid dynasty in the cities of Greece itself, for to maintain a predominant influence in Greece was a ground-principle of. their policy . Demetrius had presented himself in 307 as the liberator, and driven the Macedonian garrison from the
See also:Peiraeus; but his own garrisons held Athens thirteen years later, when he was king of Macedonia, and the Antigonid dynasty clung to the points of vantage in Greece, especially
See also:Chalcis and Corinth, till their garrisons were finally expelled by the Romans in the name of Hellenic liberty . The new
See also:movement of commerce initiated by the conquest of Alexander continued under his successors, though the break-up of the Macedonian Empire in Asia in the 3rd century and thedistractions of the Seleucid court must have withheld many advantages from the Greek merchants which a strong central government might have afforded them . It was along3 . Commerce. the great
See also:trade-routes between India and the West that the main stream of riches flowed then as in later centuries . One of these routes was by
See also:sea to south-west
See also:Arabia (
See also:Yemen), and thence up the Red Sea to Alexandria . This was the route
See also:con-trolled and
See also:developed by the Ptolemaic kings . Between Yemen and India the
See also:traffic till Roman times was mainly in the hands of Arabians or .
See also:Indians; between Alexandria and Yemen it was carried by Greeks (
See also:Strabo ii . 118) .
See also:coast of the Red Sea was dotted with commercial stations of royal foundation from
See also:north of
See also:Suez to Arsinoe in the south near the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb . From Berenice on the Red Sea a land-route struck across to the Nile at
See also:Coptos; this route the kings furnished with watering stations . That there might also be a waterway between Alexandria and the Red Sea, they cut a canal between the
See also:Delta and the northern :Arsine . It was Alexandria into which this stream of traffic poured and made it the commercial metropolis of the
See also:world . We hear of
See also:diplomatic intercourse between the courts of Alexandria and Pataliputra, i.e .
See also:Patna (Plin. vi . § 58) . An alternative rout-e went from the Indian ports to the Persian Gulf, and thence found the Mediterranean by
See also:caravan across Arabia from the country of
See also:Gerrha to Gaza; and to control it was no doubt a
See also:motive in the long struggle of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid houses for Palestine, as well as in the attempt of Antiochus III. to subjugate the Gerrhaeans . Or from the Persian Gulf wares might be taken up the Euphrates and carried across to
See also:Antioch;. this route
See also:lay altogether in the Seleucid sphere . With Iran Antioch was connected most directly by the road which crossed the Euphrates at the Zeugma and went through Edessa and Antioch-Nisibis to the Tigris . The trade from India which went down the
See also:Oxus and then to the Caspian does not seem to have been consider-able (Tarn, Journ. of
See also:Hell .
See also:Stud. xxi. ro seq.) .
From Antioch to the Aegean the land high-road went across Asia Minor by the Cilician
See also:Gates and the Phrygian
See also:Apamea . Of the financial organization of the Macedonian kingdoms we know practically nothing, except in the case of Egypt . Here the papyri and ostraca have put a large material at our disposal, but the circumstances in Egypt' were too
See also:peculiar for us to generalize upon these data as to the Seleucid and Antigonid realms . That the Seleucid kings drew in a principal part of their revenues from tribute levied upon the various native races, distributed in their
See also:village communities as tillers of the soil goes without saying.2 In districts left in the hands of native chiefs these chiefs would themselves exploit their villages and pay the Seleucid court and tribute . To exact tribute from Greek cities was invidious, but both Antigonid and Seleucid kings often did so (Antigonid, Diog . Laert . II., 140; Plut . Dem . 27; Seleucid, Michel, No . 37; Polyb. xxi . 43, •2) . Sometimes, no doubt, this tribute was demanded under a fairer name, as the contribution of any ally (aiivraEis, not d)opos), like the F aXar a'z levied by Antiochus I .
(Michel, No . 37; cf . Polyb. xxii . 27, 2) . The royal domains, again, and royal monopolies, such as
See also:salt-mines, were a source of revenue.3 As to indirect taxes, like customs and
See also:harbour dues, while their existence is a matter of course (cf . Polyb. v . 89, 8), their scale, nature and amount is quite unknown to us . Whatever the financial system ' For Ptolemaic Egypt, see PTOLEMIES and EGYPT . 2 A tenth of the produce is su,gested to have been the normal tax by what the Romans found ootaining in the Attalid kingdom . The references given by Beloch (Griech . Gesch. iii . [i.], p .
343) to rove it for the Seleucid kingdom are questionable . Beloch refers (t) to the
See also:letter of Demetrius II. to Lasthenes in which at Se:
See also:meal Kai ea riXn are mentioned, r Macc . If, 35 (Beloch, by an oversight, refers to the
See also:paraphrase of the documents in
See also:Joseph . Ant. xiii . 4, §126 seq., in which the mention of the
See also:beam-al is omitted!) . The authenticity of this document is, however, very doubtful . He refers (2) to Dittenb . 171 (1st ed.), line 101; but here the tax seems to be, not an imperial one, but one paid to the city of Smyrna . 8 The salt
See also:monopoly is mentioned in 1 Macc . 10, 29; II, 3 ,a suspected source, but supported in this detail by the
See also:analogy of Ptolemaic Egypt and Rome . For domains in Antigonid, Attalid and Bithynian realms, see Cie . De
See also:leg. agr. ii .
19, 5o . of the Antigonid and Seleucid kingdoms may have been, it is clear that they were far from enjoying the affluence of the Ptolemaic . During the first Seleucid reigns indeed the revenues of Asia may have filled its treasuries (see Just. xvii . 2, 13), but Antiochus III. already at his accession found them depleted (Polyb. v . 5o, r), and from his reign financial embarrassment, coupled with extravagant
See also:expenditure, was here the usual
See also:condition of things .
See also:Perseus, the last of the Antigonid house, amassed a substantial treasure for the expenses of the supreme struggle with Rome (Polyb. xviii . 35, 4; Liv. xlv, 40), but it was by means of almost miserly economies . Special officials were naturally attached to the service of the finances . Over the whole department in the Seleucid realm there presided a single chief (o 7ri TWV rpoo&5wv, App . Syr . 45) . How far the financial administration was removed from the competence of the provincial governors, as it seems to have been in Alexander's system, we cannot say .
Seleucus at any rate, as satrap of Babylonia, controlled the finances of the province (Diod. xix . 55, 3), and so, in the Ptolemaic system, did the governor ofCyprus (Polyb.
See also:xxvii . 13) . The fact that provincial officials rwv rpotro&wv (in Eriza, Bull. corr. hell. xv . 556) are found does not prove anything, since it leaves open the question of their being subordinate to the governor . With the exception of Ptolemaic Egypt, the Macedonian kingdoms followed in their coinage that of Alexander .
See also:Money s. coinage. was for a long while largely struck with Alexander's own image and superscription; the gold and silver coined in the names of Antigonid and Seleucid kings and by the minor principalities of Asia, kept to the Attic standard which Alexander had established . Only in Egypt Ptolemy I. adopted, at first the Rhodian, and afterwards the Phoenician, standard, and on this latter standard the Ptolemaic money was struck during the subsequent centuries . Money was also struck in their own name by the cities in the several dynasties'
See also:spheres of power, but in most cases only
See also:bronze or small silver for local use . Corinth, however, was allowed to go on striking staters under Antigonus Gonatas; Ephesus, Cos and the greater cities of
See also:Phoenicia retained their right of coinage under Seleucid or Ptolemaic supremacy . In language and manners the courts of Alexander's successors were Greek . Even the Macedonian dialect, which it was considered proper for the kings to use on occasion, was often for- 6 .
The gotten (Plut . Ant . 27), The Oriental features which court Alexander had introduced were not copied . There was no proskynesis (or certainly not in the case of Greeks and Macedonians), and the king did not
See also:wear an Oriental dress . The
See also:symbol of
See also:royalty, it is true, the diadem, was suggested by the head-
See also:band of the old Persian kings (Just. xii . 3, 8); but, whereas, that had been an imposing erection, the Hellenistic diadem was a
See also:simple riband . The king's state dress was the same in principle as that worn by the Macedonian or Thessalian horsemen, as the uniform of his own cavalry
See also:officers . Its features were the broad-brimmed
See also:hat (kausia), the cloak (chlamys) and the high-laced boots (krepides) (Plut . Ant . 54; Frontinus, iii . 2, 11) . These, in the case of the king, would be of richer material,
See also:colour and adornment .
The diadem could be worn
See also:round the kausia; the chlamys offered
See also:scope for gorgeous embroidery; and the boots might be
See also:felt '(see the description of Demetrius' chlamys and boots, Plut . Dem . 41) . There were other traces in the Hellenistic courts of the old Macedonian tradition besides in dress . One was the honour given to prowess in the
See also:chase (Polyb. xxii . 3, 8; Diod. xxxiv . 34) . Another was the fashion for the king to hold wassail with his courtiers, in which he unbent to an extent scandalous to the Greeks, dancing or indulging in routs and practical jokes.' The prominent part taken by the
See also:women of the royal house was a Macedonian characteristic . The history of these kingdoms furnishes a long list of queens and princesses who were ambitious 1 Antiochus Epiphanes was an extreme case . For the Antigonid court see Diog . Laert. vii . 13; Plut .
Arat . 17; for the Seleucid, Athen. iv . 155b; v . 211a; for the Ptolemaic, Diog . L. vii . 177; Athen. vi . 246c, Plut . Cleom . 33; Just.
See also:xxx . 1.and masterful politicians, of which the great Cleopatra is the last and the most famous . The kings after Alexander, with the exception of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Pyrrhus, are not found to have more than one legitimate wife at a time, although they show unstinted freedom in
See also:divorce and the number of their mistresses . The custom of marriages between
See also:brothers and sisters, agreeable to old Persian as to old Egyptian ethics, was instituted in Egypt by the second Ptolemy when he married his full
See also:sister Arsinoe Philadelphus.; It was henceforth common, though not invariable, among the Ptolemies .
At the Seleucid 'court there seems to be an instance of it in 195, when the heir-apparent, Antiochus, married his sister Laodice . The style of " sister " was given in both courts to the
See also:queen, even when she was not the king's sister in reality (Strack, , Dynastie, Nos . 38, 40, 43; Archiee f . Papyr, i . 205) . The Friends " of the king are often mentioned . It is usual for him to confer with a council (vuv&5ptov) of his " Friends " before important decisions, administrative, military or judicial (e.g . Polyb. v . 16, 5; 22, 8) . They form a definite body about the king's person Nato, m5m-ayµa, Polyb. xxxi . 3, 7; cf. o1 ePiXot in contrast with al 5uvaµets, id. v . 50, 9),
See also:admission into which depends upon his favour alone, and is accorded, not only to his subjects, but to aliens, such as the Greek refugee politicians (e.g .
Hegesianax, Athen. iv . 1S5b;Hannibal and the Aetolian Thoas take part in the
See also:councils of Antiochus III) . A similar body, with a title corresponding to 4LXot, is found in. ancient Egypt (
See also:Erman, Ancient Egypt, Eng. trans., p . 72) and in Persia (Spiegel . Eran . Alt. iii . 626); but some such support is so obviously required by the necessities of a
See also:despot's position that we need not suppose it derived from any particular precedent . The Friends (at any rate under the later Seleucid and Ptolemaic reigns) were distinguished by a special dress and badge of gold analogous to the stars and crosses of
See also:modern orders . The- dress was of crimson (rrop4 pa); this and the badges were the king's,
See also:gift, and except by royal
See also:grant neither crimson nor gold.. might, apparently, be worn at court (1 Mace. zo, 20; 62; 8g; z 1, 58; Athen. v . 211b) . The order of Friends was organized in a hierarchy of ranks, which were multiplied as time went: on . In Egypt we find them classified as oa yye' is, oµoTtµai Tots vuyyev&trw, apxtowµaroluXaKes, rpwrot ciaot, 4 tXot (in the narrower sense),StfSoXot .
For the Seleucid kingdom vuyyeveis,1rpeilroc ciaot and irk iaot are mentioned . These classes do not appear in Egypt before the 2nd century; Strack conjectures,, that they were created inimitation of the Seleucid court . We have no direct evidence as to the institutions of the Seleucid court in the 3rd century . Certain awµaTO4ukaKes of Antiochus . I. are mentioned, but we do not know, whether the name was not then used in its natural sense (Strack, Rhein . Mus . LV., rgoo, p . 161 seq.; Wilamowitz, Archiv f . Pap . I., p . 225; Beloch, Gr . Gesch. iii (i), p .
391) . As to Macedonia, whatever may have been the constitution of the court, it is implied that it offered in its externals a sober plainness in comparison with the vain display and ceremonious frivolities of Antioch and Alexandria (Polyb. xvi, 22, 5; Plut . Cleom . 31; Arat, 15) . The position of a Friend did not carry with it necessarily any functions; it was in itself purely honorary . The . ministers and high officials were, on the other hand, regularly invested with one or other of the ranks specified . The chief of these ministers is denoted 6 Erl rwv rpayµarwv, and he corresponds to the
See also:vizier of the later East . All departments of government are under his supervision, and he regularly holds the highest rank of a kinsman . When the king is a minor, he acts as
See also:guardian or regent (rirporos) . Over different departments of, state we find a state secretary (irtvroXoypac&os or uaoµvnµaroyp4d oF,: Seleucid, Polyb. xxxi, 3, 16; Ptolemaic, Strack, Znschriften 103) and a minister of
See also:finance (o iri rwv rpoao8wv in the Seleucid kingdom; App . Syr . 45; 61OtK1lrns in Egypt, Lumbroso, Econ .
Pol. p . 339) . Under each of these great heads of departments was a
See also:host of
See also:lower officials, those, for instance, who held to the province a relation analogous to that of the head of the department of the realm . Such a provincial authority is described as irl rwv rpouc&wv in the inscription of Eriza (Bull. corr. hell . xv . 556) . Beside the officials concerned with the work of government we have those of the royal
See also:household: (I) the chief-physician, apXtarpbs (for the Seleucid see App . Syr . 59; Polyb. v . 56, r; Michel, No . 1158; for the Pontic, Bull. corr. hell. vii . 354 seq.); (2) the chief-
See also:huntsman, apXtKUVrgyos (Dittenb .
Orient . Graec . 99); (3) the maitre-d'hotel apxeSiarpos (Dittenb . Orient . Graec . 169) (4) the lord of the queen's bedchamber, d eiri Tou KOtrwvos rIs f3aatkioags (Dittenb . Orient . Graec . 256) . As in the older Oriental courts, the high positions were often filled by eunuchs (e.g . Craterus, in last mentioned inscription) . It was customary, as in Persia and in old Macedonia, for the great men of the realm to send their children to court to be brought up with the children of the royal house .
Those who had been so brought up with the king were styled his avvrpot/sot (for the Seleucid, Polyb. v . 82, 8 and xxxi . 21, 2; Bull. corr. hell. i . 285; 2 Mace. ix . 29; for the Ptolemaic auvrpo¢os sral&aKat of the queen, Polyb. xv . 33, II; for the Pontic, Bull. corr. hell . Vii . 355; for the Pergamene . Polyb. xxxii . 27, 10, &c.; for the Herodian, Acts 13) . It is perfectly gratuitous to suppose with Deissmann that " the fundamental meaning had given place to the general meaning of intimate friend." With this custom we may perhaps bring into connexion the office of Tpo$us (Polyb. xxxi . 20, 3; Michel, No .
1158) . As under Alexander, so under his successors, we find a corps of i3aosXtcoi asides . They appear as a corps, 600 strong, in a triumphal procession at Antioch (Polyb. xxxi . 3, 17; cf. v . 82, 13; Antigonid,
See also:Livy, xlv . 6; cf . Curtius, viii . 6, 6) . All the Hellenistic courts felt it a great part of
See also:prestige to be filled with the light of Hellenic culture . A distinguished philo- sopher Henenic sopher or man of letters would find them bidding culture, for his presence, and most of the great names are associated with one or other of the contemporary kings . Antigonus Gonatas,
See also:bluff soldier-spirit that he was, heard the Stoic philosophers gladly, and, though he failed to induce
See also:Zeno to come to Macedonia, persuaded Zeno's
See also:disciple, Persaeus of
See also:Citium, to enter his service . Nor was it philosophers only who made his court illustrious, but poets like
See also:Aratus .
The Ptolemaic court, with the museum attached to it, is so prominent in the
See also:literary and scientific history of the age that it is unnecessary to give a list of the philosophers, the men of letters and science, who at one time or other
See also:ate at King Ptolemy's table . One may
See also:notice that the first Ptolemy himself made a contribution of some value to
See also:historical literature in his account of Alexander's campaigns; the
See also:fourth Ptolemy not only instituted a cult of
See also:Homer but himself published tragedies; and even Ptolemy Euergetes II. issued a
See also:book of
See also:memoirs . The Pergamene court was in no degree behind the Ptolemaic in its literary and
See also:artistic zeal . The notable school of sculpture connected with it is treated elsewhere (see GREEK
See also:ART) ; to its literary school we probably owe in great part the preservation of the masterpieces of Attic
See also:prose (Susemihl I., p . 4), and two of its kings (Eumenes I. and Attalus III.) were themselves authors . The Seleucid court did not
See also:rival either of the last named in brilliance of culture; and yet some names of distinction were associated with it . Under Antiochus I . Aratus carried out a recension of the Odyssey, and
See also:Berossus composed a Babylonian history in Greek; under Antiochus III .
See also:Euphorion was made keeper of the library at Antioch . Antiochus IV., of course, the enthusiastic Hellenist, filled Antioch with Greek artists and gave a royal welcome to Athenian philosophers . Even in the degenerate days of the dynasty, Antiochus Grypus, who had been brought up at Athens, aspired to shine as a poet . The values recognized in the great Hellenistic courts and the Greek world generally imposed their authority upon the dynasties of
See also:barbarian origin .
The Cappadocian court admitted the full stream of Hellenistic culture under Ariarathes V . (Diod. xxxi . 19, 8) . One of the kings called Nicomedes in Bithynia offered immense sums to acquire the
See also:Aphrodite of
See also:Praxiteles from the Cnidians (Plin . N.H. xxxvi . 21), and to a king Nicomedes the geographical poem of the Pseudo-
See also:Scymnus is dedicated . Even Iranian kings in the last century B.C. found pleasure in composing, or Iistening to, Greek tragedies, and Herod the Greatkept Greek men of letters beside him and had spasmodic ambitions to make his mark as an orator or author (Nicol .
See also:Dam. frag . 4; F.H.G . III. p . 350) . The offering of divine honours to the king, which we saw begin under Alexander, became stereotyped in the institutions of the succeeding Hellenistic kingdoms .
Alexander himself was after his death the object of various local cults, like that which centred in the
See also:shrine near
See also:Erythrae (Strabo, xiv . 644) . His successors in the first years after his death recognized him officially as a divinity, except Antipater (Suidas, s.v . Avriaarpos), and coins began to be issued with his image . At Alexandria the state cult of him seems to have been instituted by the second Ptolemy, when his body was laid in the Sema (
See also:Otto, Priester u . Tempel, i . 139 seq.) . The successors themselves received divine honours . Such worship might be the spontaneous homage of a particular Greek community, like that offered to Antigonus by Scepsis in 311 (Journ. of Hell . Stud. xix . 335 seq.), the Antigonus and Demetrius by Athens in 307, to Ptolemy I. by the Rhodians in 304, or by Cassandrea to Cassander, as the city's founder (Ditt . 2nd ed .
178); or it might be organized and maintained by royal authority . The first proved instance of a cult of the latterkind is that instituted at Alexandria by the second Ptolemy for his father soon after the latter's death in 283/2, in which, some time after, 279/8, he associated his
See also:mother Berenice also, the two being worshipped together as Bent awrrlpes (Theoc. xvii . 121 seq.) . Antiochus I. followed the Ptolemaic precedent by instituting at Seleuciain-Pieria a cult for his father as Seleucus Zeus Nicator . So far we can point to no instance of a cult of the living sovereign (though the cities -might institute such locally) being established by the court for the realm . This step was taken in Egypt after the death of Arsine Philadelphus (271) when she and her still-living brother-
See also:husband, Ptolemy II., began to be worshipped together as OeoL 68eX col .. After this the cult of the reigning king and queen was regularly maintained in Greek Egypt, side by side with that of the dead Ptolemies . Under Antiochus II . (261—246) a document shows us a cult of the reigning king in full working for the Seleucid realm, with a high priest in each province, appointed by the king himself; the document declares that the Queen Laodice is now to be associated with the king . The official surname of Antiochus II., Theos, suggests that he himself had here been the innovator . Thenceforward, in the Hellenistic kingdoms of the East the worship of the living sovereign became the rule, although it appears to have been regarded as given in anticipation of an
See also:apotheosis which did not become actual till death . In the Pergamene kingdom at any rate, though the living king was worshipped with sacrifice, the title Oeos was only given to those who were dead (Cardinali,Regno di Pergamo, p .
1S3) . The Antigonid dynasty, simpler and saner in its manners, had no official cult of this sort . The divine honours offered on occasion by the Greek cities were the independent acts of the cities . See Plut .
See also:Aral . 45 Cleom . 16; Kornemann, " Zur Gesch. d. antiken Herrscherkulte " in Beilrage z. all . Gesch. i . 51 sqq . ; Otto, Priester u . Tempel, pp . 138 seq .
There does not seem any clear proof that the surnames which the Hellenistic kings in Asia and Egypt bore were necessarily connected with the cult, even if they were used to describe 9.surnames. the various kings in religious ceremonies . Some had doubtless a religious colour, Theos, Epiphanes, Soter; others a dynastic, Philomator, Philometor, Philadelphus . Under what circumstances, and by whose selection, the surname was attached to a king, is obscure . It is noteworthy that while modern books commonly speak of the surnames as assumed, the explanations given by our ancient authorities almost invariably suppose them to be given as marks of homage or gratitude (
See also:English Historical Review, xvi . 629 (1901) . The official surnames must not, of course, be confused with the popular nicknames which were naturally not recognized by the court, e.g . Ceraunus ("
See also:Thunder "),
See also:Hierax ("
See also:Hawk "), Physcon (" Pot-belly "), Lathyrus (" Chick-
See also:pea ") . The armies of Alexander's successors were still in the main principles of their organization similar to the army with which Alexander had conquered Asia . During the years immediately 10 . Armies. after Alexander the very Macedonians who had fought under Alexander were ranged against each other under the banners 8 . Divine Honours . of the several chiefs .
The most noted corps of veterans, Argyraspides (i.e. the royal Hypaspistae) played a great part in the first wars of the successors, and covered themselves with
See also:Infamy by their betrayal of Eumenes . As the soldiers of Alexander died off, fresh levies of home-
See also:born Macedonians could be raised only by the chief who held the motherland . The other chiefs had to supply themselves with Macedonians from the numerous colonies planted before the break-up of the empire in Asia or Egypt, and from such Macedonians they continued for the next two centuries to form their phalanx . The breed—at least if the statement which Livy puts into the mouth of a Roman general can be relied on—degenerated greatly under Asiatic and Egyptian skies (Liv. xxxviii . 17, io); but still old names like that of pezetaeri attached to the phalangites (Plut . Tib . 17), and they still wielded the national sarissa . The latter weapon in the
See also:interval between Alexander and the time of
See also:Polybius had been increased to a length of 21 ft . (Polyb. xviii . 12), a proportion inconsistent with any degree of mobility; once more indeed the phalanx of the 2nd century seems to have become a body effective by sheer weight only and disordered by unevenness of ground . The Antigonid kings were never able from Macedonian levies to put in the
See also:field a phalanx of more than 20,000 at the utmost (Liv. xlii . 51) ; Antigonus Doson takes with him to Greece (in 222) one of io,000 only .
The phalanx of Antiochus III. at Raphia numbered 20,000, and Ptolemy Philopator was able at the same time to form one of 25,000 men (Polyb. v . 4) . As these phalangites are distinguished both from the Greek mercenaries and the native Egyptian levies, it looks (although such a fact would be staggering) as if more Macedonians could be raised for military service in' Egypt than in Macedonia itself (but see Beloch, p . 353) . The royal foot-guards are still described in Macedonia in 171 as the agema (Polyb. v . 25, 1; 27, 3; Liv. xlii . 51), when they number 2000; at the Ptolemaic court in 217 the agema had numbered 3000 (Polyb. v . 65, 2); and a similar corps of hypaspistae is indicated in the Seleucid army (Polyb. vii . 16,2; xvi . 18, 7) . So too the old name of " Companions " was kept up in the Seleucid kingdom for the Macedonian cavalry (see Polyb. v . 53, 4, &c.), and divisions of rank in it are still indicated by the terms agema and royal squadron (SaoiXoo) an, see Bevan, House of Seleucus, ii .
288) . The Antigonid and Seleucid courts had much valuable material at hand for their armies in the barbarian races under their sway . The Balkan hill-peoples of Illyrian or Thracian stock, the hill-peoples of Asia Minor and Iran, thechivalry of Media and Bactria, the mounted bowmen of the Caspian
See also:steppes, the camel-riders of the Arabian desert, could all be turned to account . Iranian troops seem to have been employed on a large scale by the earlier Seleucids . At Raphia, Antiochus III. had Io,000 men drawn from the provinces, armed and drilled as Macedonians, and another corps of Iranians numbering 5000 under a native commander (Polyb. v . 79) . The experiment of arming the native Egyptians on a large scale does not seem to have been made before the
See also:campaign of 217, when Ptolemy IV. formed corps of the Macedonian
See also:pattern from Egyptians and Libyans (cf . Polyb. v . 107, 2; Ptolemy I. had employed Egyptians in the army, though chiefly as
See also:carriers, Diod. xix . 8o, 4) . From this time native rebellions in Egypt are recurrent . To the troops drawn from their own dominions the mercenaries which the kings procured from abroad were an important supplement .
These were mainly the bands of Greek condottieri, and even for their home-born troops Greek officers of renown were often engaged . The other class of mercenaries were Gauls, and from the time of the Gallic invasion of Asia Minor in 279 Gauls or
See also:Galatians were a regular constituent in all armies . They were a weapon
See also:apt to be dangerous to the employer, but the terror they inspired was such that every potentate sought to get hold of them . The elephants which Alexander brought back from India were used in the armies of his successors, and in 302 Seleucus procured a new supply . Thenceforward elephants, either brought fresh from India or bred in the royal stables at Apamea, regularly figured in the Seleucid armies . The Ptolemies supplied themselves with this arm from the southern coasts of the Red Sea, where they established stations for the capture and
See also:shipping of elephants, but the
See also:African variety was held inferior to the Indian . Scythed chariots such as had figured in the old Persian armies were still used by the Greek masters of Asia (Seleucus I., Diod. xx . 113, 4; Molon, Polyb. v . 53, -io; Antiochus III., Liv.
See also:xxxvii . 41), at any rate till the battle of
See also:Magnesia . The Hellenistic armies were distinguished by their external magnificence . They made a greater display of brilliant metal and gorgeous colour than the Roman armies, for instance .
The description given by
See also:Justin of the army which Antiochus Sidetes took to the East in 130 B.c.,
See also:boot-nails and bridles of gold, gives an idea of their standard of splendour (Just. xxxviii. to, 1; cf . Polyb. xxxi . 3; Plut . Eum . 14; id . Aemil . 18; id . Sulla, 16) . During the 3rd century B.C . Egypt was the greatest sea power of the eastern Mediterranean, and maintained a large
See also:fleet (the figures in App . Prooem, to are not trustworthy, see Beloch III . [i.], 364) .
Its control of the Aegean was, however, contested not without success by the Antigonids, who won the two great sea-fights of Cos (c . 256) andAndros (227), and wrested the overlordship of the
See also:Cyclades from the Ptolemies . Of the numbers and constitution of the Antigonid fleet we know nothing.' At the Seleucid court in 222 the
See also:admiral (va(,apxos) appears as a person of high
See also:consideration (Polyb. v . 43, I) ; ' For the Antigonid vai'apxos or admiral, see Polyb. xvi . 6.in his war with Rome Antiochus III. had 107 decked battleships on the sea at one time . By the Peace of Apamea (188) the Seleucid
See also:navy was abolished; Antiochus undertook to keep no more than to
See also:ships of war . For the Hellenistic armies and fleets see A .
See also:Bauer in L. von Miiller's Handbuch, vol. iv.; Delbriick, Gesch. d . Kriegskunst (1900) . To their native subjects the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kings were always foreigners . It was considered wonderful in the last Cleopatra that she learnt to speak Egyptian (Plut. tt . Treat .
Anton . 27) . Natives were employed, as we have mentof seen, in the army, and Iranians are found under the subject Seleucids holding high commands, e.g . Aspasianus the Peoples . Mede (Polyb. v . 79, 7), Aribazus, governor of Cilicia (
See also:Flinders Petrie, Papyri, II., No . 45), Aribazus, governor of Sardis (Polyb. vii . 17, 9), and Omanes (Michel, No . 19, 1 . 104) . Native cults the Hellenistic kings thought it
See also:good policy to patronize . Antiochus I. began rebuilding the temple of
See also:Nebo at
See also:Borsippa (Keilinschr .
Bibl. iii . 2, 136 seq.) Antiochus III. bestowed favours on the Temple at Jerusalem . Even if the documents in Joseph .Arch. xii . §§ 138 seq. are
See also:spurious, their general view of the relation of Antiochus III. and Jerusalem is probably true . Even small local worships, like that of the village of Baetocaece, might secure royal patronage (C.I.G . No . 4474) . Of course, financial straits might drive the kings to lay hands on temple-treasures, as Antiochus III. and Antiochus IV. did, but that was a measure of emergency . The Macedonian kingdoms, strained by continual wars, increasingly divided against themselves, falling often under the sway of prodigals and debauchees, were
See also:farm, sign--from realizing the Hellenic idea of sound govern- finance of ment as against the crude barbaric despotisms of Macedonian the older East . Yet, in spite of all corruption, ideas Rule . of the intelligent development of the subject lands, visions of the Hellenic king, as the Greek thinkers had come to picture him, haunted the Macedonian rulers, and perhaps fitfully, in the intervals of war or carousal, prompted some degree of action .
See also:Treatises " Concerning Kingship " were produced as a regular thing by philosophers, and kings who claimed the fine flower of Hellenism, could not but peruse them . Strabo regards the loss of the eastern provinces to the Parthians as their passage under a government of lower type, beyond the sphere of Hellenic iortpkyeia (Strabo xi . 509) . In the organization of the administrative machinery of these kingdoms, the higher power of the Hellene to adapt and combine had been operative; they were organisms of a richer, more complex type than the East had hitherto known . It was thus that when Rome became a world-empire, it' found to some extent the forms of government ready made, and took over from the Hellenistic monarchies a tradition which it handed on to the later world .
(fyromians slavobulgaroid hybrids) The Greekness of Macedonia is carved in stone and metal so no one can deny
Macedonians have always been Greek. Macedonians had always Greek names, toponyms, ways, heroes, gods, dialect and did spread Greek Language and Civilization to the World with that famous campaign to the East.
Do not copy, download, transfer, or otherwise replicate the site content in whole or in part.
Links to articles and home page are encouraged.