PAPYRUS  , the

paper reed, the Cyperus Papyrus of Linnaeus, some Malay influence . Papuan weapons are the bow and arrow (in the Fly River region, the north and north-east coasts) ; a beheading knife of a sharp seg-Weapons. ment of bamboo; a shafted stone club—rayed, disk- shaped or ball-headed (in use all over the island) ; spears of various forms, pointed and barbed; the spear-thrower (on the Finsch coast) ; and hardwood clubs and shields, widely differing in pattern and ornamentation with the district of their manufacture . The Papuan bow is rather short, the arrows barbed and tipped with cassowary or human bone . The Papuans are mostly ignorant of iron, but work skilfully with axes of stone or tridacna shell and bone chisels, cutting down trees 20 in. in diameter . Two men working on a tree trunk, one making a cut with the adze lengthwise and the other chopping off the piece across, will soon hollow out a large canoe . Every man has a stone axe, each village generally owning a large one . Their knives are of bamboo hardened by fire . In digging they use the pointed stick . In British New Guinea alone is the man-catcher (a rattan loop at the end of a handle with a pith spike pro- jecting into it) met with . In the D'Entrecasteaux Islands the sling is in use . For war the natives smear themselves in grotesque fashion with lime or ochres, and in some parts hold in their teeth against the chin a face-like mask, supposed to strike terror into the foe, against whom they advance warily (if not timidly), yelling and blowing their war-trumpets . The war canoe (which is a long, narrow dug-out outrigger, capable of holding twenty-eight men) is only a transport, for they never fight in it .

The

conch-shell is the trumpet of alarm and call to arms . The vendetta—resulting, when successful, in the bringing back the head of the slain as a trophy to be set up as a house ornament—is widely practised . The eastern tribes salute by squeezing simultaneously the nose and stomach, and both there and on the north coast friendship is ratified by sacrificing a dog . In other places they wave green branches, and on the south coast, pour water over their heads, a custom noticed by Cook at Mallicolo (New Hebrides) . Among other pets they keep little pigs, which the women suckle . The Papuan numerals extend usually to 5 only . In Astrolabe Bay the limit is 6; with the more degraded tribes it is 3, or, as in Torres straits, they have names only for 1 and 2; 3 is 2+1 . Language.—The Papuan languages or dialects are very numerous, owing, doubtless, to the perpetual intertribal hostility which has fostered isolation . In grammatical structure there is considerable resemblance between these dialects, but the verbal differences have become great . Several dialects are sometimes found on one island . The following are some broad characteristics of the Papuan it seems hardly credible that the Cyperus papyrus could have sufficed for the many uses to which it is said to have been applied and we may conclude that several plants of the genus Cyperus were comprehended under the head of byblus or papyrus—an opinion which is supported by the words of Strabo, who mentions both inferior and superior qualities . The Cyperus dives is still grown in Egypt, and is used to this day for many of the purposes named by ancient writers .

The widespread use throughout the ancient

world of the writing material manufactured from the papyrus plant is attested by early writers, and by documents and sculptures . Papyrus rolls are represented in ancient Egyptian wall-paintings; and extant examples of the rolls themselves are sufficiently numerous . The most ancient Egyptian papyrus now known contains accounts of the reign of King Assa (358o-3536 B.C.) . The earliest literary papyrus is that known, from the name of its former owner, as the Prisse papyrus, and now preserved at Paris, containing a work composed in the reign of a king of the fifth dynasty, and computed to be itself of the age of upwards of 2500 years B.C . The papyri discovered in Egypt have often been found in tombs, and in the hands, or swathed with the bodies, of mummies . The ritual of the dead is most frequently the subject . Besides the ritual and religious rolls, there are the hieratic, civil and literary documents, and the demotic and enchorial papyri, relating generally to sales of property . Coptic papyri mainly contain Biblical or religious texts or monastic deeds . Papyrus was also known to the Assyrians, who called it " the reed of Egypt." The early use of Papyrus among the Greeks is proved by the reference of . Herodotus (v . 58) to its introduction among the Ionian Greeks, who gave it the name of &4.Ofpat, " skins," the material to which they had already been accustomed . In Athens it was doubtless in use for literary as well as for other purposes as early as the 5th century B.C .

An inscription relating to the rebuilding of the

Erechtheum in 407 B.C. records the purchase of two papyrus rolls, to be used for the fair copy of the rough accounts . The very large number of classical and other Greek papyri, of the Ptolemaic and later periods, which have been recovered in Egypt, are noticed in the article on PALAEOGRAPHY . The rolls found in the ruins of Herculaneum contain generally the less interesting works of writers of the Epicurean school . Papyrus also made its way into Italy, but at how early a period there is nothing to show . It may be presumed, however, that from the very first it was employed as the vehicle for Roman literature . Under the Empire its use must have been extensive, for not only was it required for the production of books, but it was universally employed for domestic purposes, correspondence and legal documents . So indispensable did itbecome that it is reported that in the reign of Tiberius, owing to the scarcity and dearness of the material caused by a failure of the papyrus crop, there was a danger of the ordinary business of life being deranged (Pliny, N.H. xiii . 13) . The account which Pliny (N.H. xiii . 1r–i3) has transmitted to us of the manufacture of the writing material from the papyrus plant should be taken strictly to refer to the process followed in his own time; but, with some differences in details, the same general method of treatment had doubtlessly been practised from time immemorial . His text, however, is so confused, both from obscurity of style and from corruptions in the MSS., that there is much difference of opinion as to the meaning of many words and phrases employed in his narrative, and their application in particular points of detail . In one important particular, however, affecting the primary construction of the material, there can no longer be any doubt .

The old

idea that it was made from layers or pellicules growing between the rind and a central stalk has been abandoned, as it has been proved that the plant, like other reeds, contains only a cellular pith within the rind . The stem was in fact cut into longitudinal strips for the purpose of being converted into the writing material, those from the centre of the plant being the broadest and most valuable . The strips (inae, philyrae), which were cut with a sharp knife or some such instrument, were laid on a board side by side to the required width, thus forming a layer (scheda), across which another layer of shorter strips was laid at right angles . The two layers thus " woven "—Pliny uses the word texere in de-scribing this part of the process—formed a sheet (plagula or net), which was then soaked in water of the Nile . The mention of a particular water has caused trouble to the commentators . Some have supposed that certain chemical properties of which the Nile water was possessed acted as a glue or cement to cause the two layers to adhere; others, with more reason, that glutinous matter contained in the material itself was solved by the action of water, whether from the Nile or any other source; and others again read in Pliny's words an implication that a paste was actually used . The sheet was finally hammered and dried in the sun . Any roughness was levelled by polishing with ivory or a smooth shell . But the material was also subject to other defects, such as moisture lurking between the layers, which might be detected by strokes of the mallet; spots or stains; and spongy strips (taeniae), in which the ink would run and spoil the sheet . When such faults occurred, the papyrus must be re-made . To form a roll the several sheets KoXX,,cra, were joined together with paste (glue being too hard), but not more than twenty sheets in a roll (scapus) . As, however, there are still extant rolls consisting of more than the prescribed number of sheets, either the reading of vicenae is corrupt, or the number was not constant in all times .

The scapus seems to have been a

standard length of papyrus, as sold by the stationers . The best sheet formed the first or outside sheet of the roll, and the others were joined on in order of quality, so that the worst sheets were in the centre of the roll . This arrangement was adopted, not for the purpose of fraudulently selling bad material under cover of the better exterior, but in order that the outside of the roll should be composed of that which would best stand wear and tear . Besides, in case of the entire roll not being filled with the text, the unused and inferior sheets at the end could be better spared, and so might be cut off . The different kinds of papyrus writing material and their dimen- sions are also enumerated by Pliny . The best quality, formed from the middle and broadest strips of the plant, was originally named hieratica, but afterwards, in flattery of the emperor Augustus, it was called, after him, Augusta; and the charta Livia, or second quality, was so named in honour of his wife . The hieratica thus descended to the third rank . The first two were 13 digiti, or about 91 in. in width; the hieratica, ii digiti or 8 in . Next came the charta amphitheatrica, named after the principal place of its manu- facture, the amphitheatre of Alexandria, of 9 digiti or 61 in. wide . The charta Fanniana appears to have been a kind of papyrus worked up from the amphitheatrica, which by flattening and other methods was increased in width by an inch, in the factory of a certain Fannius at Rome . The Saitica, which took its name from the city of Sais, and was probably of 8 digiti or 58 in., was of a common description . The Taeniotica, named apparently from the place of its manufacture, a tongue of land (rawta) near Alex- andria, was sold by weight, and was of uncertain width, perhaps from 41 to 5 in .

And lastly there was the common packing-paper, the charta emporetica, of 6 digiti or 41 in . Isidore (Etymol. vi. ro) mentions yet another kind, the Corneliana, first made under C .

Cornelius Gallus, prefect of Egypt, which, however, may have been the same as the amphitheatrica or Fanniana . The name of the man who had incurred the anger of Augustus may have been suppressed by the same influence that expunged the episode of Gallus from the Fourth Georgic (Birt, Antik . Buchwesen, p . 250) . In the reign of the emperor Claudius also another kind was intro- duced and entitled Claudia . It had been found by experience that the charta Augusta was, from its fineness and porous nature, ill suited for literary use; it was accordingly reserved for correspon- dence only, and for other purposes was replaced by the new paper . zo The charta Claudia was made from a composition of the first and second qualities, the Augusta and the Livia, a layer of the former being backed with one of the latter ; and the sheet was increased to nearly a foot in width . The largest of all, however, was the macrocollon, probably of good quality and equal to the hieratic, and a cubit or nearly 18 in. wide . It was used by Cicero (Ep. ad Attic. xiii . 25; xvi .

3) . The width, however, proved inconvenient, and the broad sheet was liable to injury by tearing . An examination of extant papyri has had the result of proving that sheets of large

size, measuring about 12 in., were sometimes used . A large class of examples run to 10 in., others to 8 in., while the smaller sizes range from 4 to 6 in . An interesting question arises as to the accuracy of the different measurements given by Pliny . His figures regarding the width of the different kinds of papyri have generally been understood to concern the width (or height) of the rolls, as distinguished from their length . It has, however, been observed that in practice the width of extant rolls does not tally in any satisfactory degree with Pliny's measurements; and a more plausible explanation has been offered (Birt, Antik . Buchwesen, pp . 251 seq.) that the breadth (not height) of the individual sheets of which the rolls are composed is referred to . The first sheet of a roll was named lrparr6KOXXov; the last, &rXaroKbXXwv . Under the Romans, the former bore the name of the comes largitionum, who had control of the manufacture, with the date and name of place . It was the practice to cut away the portion thus marked; but in case of legal documents this mutilation was forbidden by the laws of Justinian .

On the Arab

conquest of Egypt in the 7th century, the manufacture was continued, and the protocols were marked at first, as it appears, with inscriptions in both Greek and Arabic, and later in the latter language alone . There are several examples extant, some being in the British Museum, ranging between the years 67o and 715 (see facsimiles in C . H . Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, i . (Heidelberg, 1906); and cf . " Arabische Papyri des Aphroditofundes," in Zeitsch. fur Assyriologie, xx . (1906), 68–104 . The Arab inscriptions are accompanied by curious scrawls on each side, which may be imitated from words used in the Latin inscriptions of the Roman period . Papyrus was cultivated and manufactured for writing material by the Arabs in Egypt down to the time when the growing industry of paper in the 8th and 9th centuries rendered it no longer a necessity (see PAPER) . It seems to have entirely given place to paper in the roth century . Varro's statement, repeated by Pliny, that papyrus was first made in Alexander's time, should probably be taken to mean that its manufacture, which till then had been a government monopoly, was relieved from all restrictions . It is not probable, however, that it was ever manufactured from the native plant anywhere but in Egypt .

At Rome there was certainly some kind of industry in papyrus, the charta Fanniana, already referred to, being an instance in

illustration . But it seems probable that this industry was confined to the re-making of material imported into Italy, as in the case of the charta Claudia . This second manufacture, however, is thought to have been detrimental to the papyrus, as it would then have been in a dried condition requiring artificial aids, such as a more liberal use of gum or paste, in the process . The more brittle condition of the Latin papyri found at Herculaneum has been instanced as the evil result of this re-making of the material . As to cultivation of the plant in Europe, according to Strabo the Romans obtained the papyrus plant from Lake Trasimene and other lakes of Etruria, but this statement is unsupported by any other ancient authority . At a later period, however, a papyrus was cultivated in Sicily, which has been identified by Parlatore with the Syrian variety (Cyperus syriacus), far exceeding in height the Egyptian plant, and having a more drooping head . It grew in the east and south of the island, where it was introduced during the Arab occupation . It was seen in the loth century, by the Arab traveller Ibn-Haukal, in the neighbourhood of Palermo, where it throve luxuriantly in the pools of the Papireto, a stream to which it lent its name . From it paper was made for the sultan's use . But in the 13th century it began to fail, and in 1591 the drying up of the Papireto caused the extinction of the plant in that district . It is still to be seen at Syracuse, but it was probably transplanted thither at a later time, and reared only as a curiosity, as there•is no notice of it to be found previous to 1674 . It is with this Syracusan plant that some attempts have been made in modern times to manufacture a writing material similar to ancient papyrus .

Even after the introduction of vellum as the ordinary vehicle for literature papyrus still continued to some extent in use outside Egypt, and was not entirely superseded until a

late date . It ceased, however, to be used for books sooner than for documents . In the 5th century St Augustine apologizes for sending a letter written on vellum instead of the more usual substance, papyrus (Ep. xv.); and Cassiodorus (Varr. xi . 38), writing in the 6th century, indulges in a high-flown panegyric on the plant and its value . Of medieval literary Greek papyri very few relics have survived, but of documents coming down to the 8th and 9th centuries an increasing number is being brought to light among the discoveries in Egypt . Medieval Latin MSS. on papyrus in book form are still extant in different libraries of Europe, viz.: the Homilies of St Avitus; of the 6th century, at Paris; Sermons and Epistles of St Augustine, of the 6th or 7th century, at Paris and Geneva; works of Hilary, of the 6th century, at Vienna; fragments of the Digests, of the 6th century, at Pommersfeld; the Antiquities of Josephus, of the 7th century, at Milan; Isidore, De contemptu munch, of the 7th century, at St Gall; and the Register of the Church of Ravenna, of the loth century, at Munich . The employment of this material in Italy for legal purposes is sufficiently illustrated by the large number of documents in Latin which were preserved at Ravenna, and date from the 5th to the loth century . In the papal chancery it was used at an early date, evidence of its presence there being found in the biography of Gregory I . But of the extant papal deeds the earliest to which an authentic date can be attached is a bull of Adrian I. of the year 788, while the latest appears to be one of 1022 . There is evidence to show that in the loth century papyrus was used, to the exclusion of other materials, in papal deeds . In France it was a common writing substance in the 6th century (Gregory of Tours, Hist . Franc. v .

5) . Of the Merovingian period there are still extant several papyrus deeds, the earliest of the year 625, the latest of 692 . Under

Charlemagne and his successors it was not used . By the 12th century the manufacture of papyrus had entirely ceased, as appears from a note by Eustathius in his commentary on the Odyssey, xxi . 39o . AuTHORITIES.—Melch . Guilandino's commentary on the chapters of Pliny relating to papyrus, Papyrus, hoc est commentarius, &e . (Venice, 1572) ; Montfaucon, " Dissertation sur la Plante appellee Papyrus," in the Memoires de l'academie des inscriptions (1729), pp . 592–608; T . C . Tychsen, " De chartae papyraceae in Europa per medium aevum usu," in the Comment . Soc .

Reg . Scient . Gottingensis (1820), pp . 141—208; Dureau de la Malle, " M6moire sur le papyrus," in the Mem. de l'institut (1851), pp . 14o-183; P . Parlatore, M6moire sur le papyrus des anciens," in the Mem. a l'acad. des sciences (1854), pp . 469–502; Blumner, Technologie and Terminologie der Gewerbe and Kunste bei Griechen and Romern, i . 308–327 (

Leipzig, 1875) ; C . Paoli, Del Papiro (Florence, 1878) ; G . Cosentino, " La Carta di papiro," in Archivio storico siciliano (1889), pp . 134-164 . See also W .

Wattenbach, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (Leipzig, I896); T . Birt, Das antike Buchwesen (Berlin, 1882); F . G . Kenyon, The Palaeography of Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1899); and W . Schubart, Das Buch bei den Griechen and Romern (Berlin, 1907) . (E . M .