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Originally appearing in Volume V21, Page 7 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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PEABODY, a township of Essex county, Massachusetts, tration," declaring that " certain disputes, in particular those U.S.A., in the eastern part of the state, 2 M. N.W. of Salem. relating to the interpretation and application of the provisions Pop. (1905) 13,098; (1910) 15,721. It is served by the Boston & of international agreements, are suitable (susceptible) to be Maine railroad. The township covers an area of 17 sq. m. Its submitted to compulsory arbitration without any restriction." principal village is also known as Peabody. It contains the These declarations were obviously a concession to the wide-Peabody institute (1852), a gift of George Peabody; in 1909 the spread feeling, among civilized nations, that peace is an object institute had a library of 43,200 vols., and in connexion with it is in itself, an international political condition requiring its code of the Eben Dale Sutton reference library, containing 4100 vols. methods and laws just as much as the domestic political conditions in 1909. In the institute is the portrait of Queen Victoria given of nations require their codes of methods and laws. In other by her to Mr Peabody. Among the places of interest in the words peace among nations has now become, or is fast becoming, township are the birthplace of George Peabody, the home of a positive subject of international regulation, while war is Rufus Choate (who lived here from 1823 to 1828), and the old 1 This has been incorrectly rendered in the English official transburying-ground, where many soldiers of the War of Indepen- lation as " the sincere desire to work for the maintenance of general dente are buried; and the town has a Lexington monument, peace." coming, among progressive peoples, to be regarded merely as an accidental disturbance of that harmony. and concord among mankind which nations require for the fostering of their domestic welfare. Though the idea of preserving peace by general international regulation has had several exponents in the course of ages, no deliberate plan has ever yet been carried into effect. Indirectly, however, there have been'many agencies which have operated towards this end. The earliest, known to history, is the Amphictyonic Council (q.v.) which grew out of the common worship of the Hellenes. It was not so much a political as a religious body. " If it had any claim," says Freeman,' " to the title of a general council of Greece, it was wholly in the sense in which we speak of general councils in modern Europe. The Amphictyonic Council represented Greece as an ecclesiastical synod represented western Christendom. Its primary business was to regulate the concerns of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The Amphictyonic Council which met at Delphi was only the most famous of several bodies of the same kind." " It is easy, however," adds Freeman, " to understand how the religious functions of such a body might assume a political character. Thus the old Amphictyonic oath forbade certain extreme measures of hostility against any city sharing in the common Amphictyonic worship, and it was forbidden to raze any Amphictyonic city or to cut off its water. As the only deliberative body in which most Greek communities were represented, its decisions were those of the bulk of the Hellenic people. It sank eventually into a mere political tool in the hands first of Thebes, and then under Philip of Macedonia." The so-called pax romana was merely peace within an empire governed from a central authority, the constituent parts of which were held together by a network of centralized authority. The feudal system again was a system of offence and defence, and its object was efficiency for war, not the organized regulation of peace. Yet-it had elements of federation within the bonds of its hierarchy. The spiritual influence of the Church again was exerted to preserve relative peace among feudal princes. The " Truce of God " was established by the clergy (originally in Guyenne in 1031) to take advantage of holy days and festivals for the purpose of restricting the time available for bloodshed. The " grand design " of Henry IV. (France), which some historians regard merely as the fantastic idea of a visionary, was probably a scheme of his great minister Sully to avert by a federation the conflict which he probably foresaw would break out sooner or later between Catholic and Protestant Europe, and which, in fact, broke out some fifteen years later in the Thirty Years' War. The Holy Roman Empire itself was in some respects an agent for the preservation of peace among its constituent states. In the same way the federation of Swiss cantons, of the states of the North American Union and of the present German Empire have served as means of reducing the number of possible parties to war, and consequently that of its possible occasions. Not only the number of possible war-making states but also the territorial area over which war can be made has been reduced in recent times by the creation of neutralized states such as Switzerland, Belgium, Luxemburg and Norway, and areas such as the Congo basin, the American lakes and the Suez Canal. The " balance of power," which has played in the history of 'modern Europe such an important part, is inherent in the notion of the independence and stability of states. Just as in Italy the common weal of the different republics which were crowded within the limited area of the peninsula required that no one of them should become so powerful as to threaten the independence of the others, so western Europe had a similar danger to counteract. France, Spain and the Empire were competing with each other in power to the detriment of smaller states. Great Britain and the Netherlands, Prussia and Russia, 'History of Federal Government in Greece and Italy (2nd ed., London, 1893), p. 97.had interests in the preservation of the status quo, and wars were waged and treaties concluded to adjust the strength of states in the common interest of preventing any one of them from obtaining undue predominance. Then came the break up of what remained of feudal Europe and a readjustment under Napoleon, which left the western world with five fairly balanced homogeneous nations. These now took the place of the old heterogeneous areas, governed by their respective sovereigns without reference to any idea of nationality or of national representation. The leading nations assumed the hegemony of the west, and in more recent times this combination has become known as the " concert of Europe." This concert of the great powers, as its name implies, in contradistinction to the " balance of power," was essentially a factor for the preservation of peace. For a century back it has played the part of an upper council in the management of Europe. In all matters affecting the Near East, it considers itself supreme. In matters of general interest it has frequently called conferences to which the minor states have been invited, such as the West African Conference in Berlin in 1885, and the Anti-Slavery Conference at Brussels in 1889-189o, and the Conference of Algeciras in 1906. Meanwhile the concert has admitted among its members first in 1856 Turkey, later in 1878 at the Congress of Berlin the United States, and now undoubtedly Japan will expect to be included as a great power in this controlling body. The essential feature of the concert has been recognition of the advantage to all the great powers of common action in reference to territorial changes in the Near East, of meeting together as a council, in preference to unconcerted negotiation by the powers acting severally. A departure of more recent origin has been the calling together of the smaller powers for the settlement of matters of general administrative interest, conferences such as those which led to the conclusion of the conventions creating the Postal Union, the Copyright and Industrial Property Unions, &c. These conferences of all the powers serve in practice as a sort of common council in the community of states, just as the concert of the great powers acts as a kind of senate. We have thus the nucleus of that international parliament which idealist peacemakers have dreamt of since the time of Henry IV.'s " grand design." This brings us down to the greatest deliberate effort ever made to secure the peace of the world by a. general convention. It was due to the initiative of the young tsar Nicolas II., who, in his famous rescript of the 24th of August 1898, stated that he thought that the then moment was " very favourable for seeking, by means of international discussion, the most effectual means of assuring to all peoples the benefits of a real and durable peace." " In the course of the last twenty years," added the rescript, " the preservation of peace had become an object of international policy." Economic crises, due in great part to the existing system of excessive armaments, were transforming armed peace into a crushing burden, which peoples had more and more difficulty in bearing. He therefore proposed that there should be an international conference for the purpose of focusing the efforts of all states which were " sincerely seeking to make the great idea of universal peace triumph over the elements of trouble and discord." The first conference was held in 1899, and another followed it in 1907: at the earlier one twenty-six powers were represented; at that of 1907 there were forty-four, this time practically the whole world. The conventions drawn up at the second conference were a deliberate codification of many branches of international law. By them a written law has been substituted for that unwritten law which nations had been wont to construe with a latitude more or less corresponding to their power. At the conference of 1899, moreover, a court of arbitration was instituted for the purpose of dealing judicially with such matters in dispute as the powers agreed to submit to it. In the interval between the two Hague Conferences, Great Britain and France concluded the first treaty applicable to future difficulties, as distinguished from the treaties which had preceded it, treaties which related in all cases to difficulties already existing and confined to them. This treaty made arbitration applicable to all matters not affecting " national honour or vital interests." Since then a network of similar treaties, adopted by different nations with each other and based on the Anglo-French model, has made reference to the Hague Court of Arbitration practically compulsory for all matters which can be settled by an award of damages or do not affect any vital national interest. The third Hague Conference is timed to be held in 1917. Meanwhile a conference of the maritime powers was held in London in 1908-1909 for the elaboration of a code of international maritime law in time of war, to be applied in the international Court of Prize, which had been proposed in a convention signed ad referendum at the Hague Conference of 1907. A further development in the common efforts which have been made by different powers to assure the reign of justice and judicial methods among the states of the world was the proposal of Secretary Knox of the United States to insert in the instrument of ratification of the International Prize Court Convention (adopted at the Hague in 1897) a clause stating that the International Prize Court shall be invested with the duties and functions of a court of arbitral justice, such as recommended by the first Voeu of the Final Act of the conference. The object of this proposal was to give effect to the idea that the existing " permanent " court lacked the essential characteristics of national courts of justice in not being ready at all times to hear cases, and in needing to be specially constituted for every case submitted to it. The new court would be permanently in session at the Hague, the full panel of judges to assemble in ordinary or extraordinary session once a year. Thus, while armaments are increasing, and wars are being fought out in the press and in public discussion, the great powers are steadily working out a system of written law and establishing a judiciary to adjust their differences in accordance with it.' The Current Grouping of Mankind and Nation-making.—In the consolidation of peace one of the most important factors is unquestionably the grouping of mankind in accordance with the final territorial and racial limitations of their apparent destiny. Language has played a vital part in the formation of Germany and Italy. The language question still disturbs the tranquillity of. the Near East. The Hungarian government is regarded by the Slav, Ruman and German inhabitants of the monarchy as an oppressor for endeavouring to force every-body within the realm to learn the Magyar language. The " Young Turkish " government has problems to face which will be equally difficult, if it insists on endeavouring to institute centralized government in Turkey on the French model. Whereas during the 19th century states were being cut out to suit the existing distribution of language, in the loth the tendency seems to be to avoid further rearrangement of boundaries, and to complete the homogeneity, thus far attained, by the artificial method of forcing reluctant populations to adopt the language of the predominant or governing race. In the United States this artificial method has become a necessity, to prevent the upgrowth of alien communities, which might at some later date cause domestic trouble of a perilous character. For example, when a community of French Canadians, discontented with British rule, many years ago migrated and settled in Massachusetts, they found none of the tolerance they had been enjoying in Canada for their French schools and the French language they wished to preserve. In Alsace-Lorraine German-speaking immigrants are gradually displacing, under 1 Schemes of thinkers, like William Penn's European Parliament (1693); the Abbe St Pierre's elaboration (c. 1700) of Henry 1V.'s ` grand design " (see supra) ; Jeremy Bentham's International Tribunal (1786–1789); Kant's Permanent Congress of Nations and Perpetual Peace (1796); John Stuart Mill's Federal Supreme Court; Seeley's, Bluntschli's, David Dudley Field's, Professor Leone Levi's, Sir Edmund Hornby's co-operative schemes for promoting law and order among nations, have all contributed to popularizing in different countries the idea of a federation of mankind for the preservation of peace.government encouragement, the French-speaking population. Poland is another case of the difficulty of managing a population which speaks a language not that of the governing majority, and Russia, in trying to solve one problem by absorbing Finland into the national system, is burdening herself with another which may work out in centuries of unrest, if not in domestic violence. Not very long ago Pan-Germans were paying much attention to the German settlers in 'the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul, where large villages spoke nothing but German, and German, as the only language known on the spot, had become the tongue in which municipal business was transacted. The Brazilian government, in view of the danger to which such a state of things might give rise, followed the example of the United States in dealing with the language question. Thus while in the one case homogeneity of language within state boundaries seems to be one of the conditions making for peace, the avoidance of interference with a well-marked homogeneous area like Finland would seem to contribute equally to the same end. Meanwhile the difficulties in the way of contemporary nation-making are fostered by many extraneous influences, as well as by dogged resistance of the races in question. Not the least important of these influences is the sentimental sympathy felt for those who are supposed to be deprived of the use of their mother-tongue, and who are subjected to the hardship of learning an alien one. The hardship inflicted on those who have to learn a second language is very easily exaggerated, though it is to be regretted that in the case of Hungary the second language is not one more useful for international purposes. Contemporary Statecraft.—Nation-making has hitherto been more or less unconscious—the outcome of necessity, a natural growth due to the play of circumstance and events. But in our own age conscious statecraft is also at work, as in Canada, where the genius of statesmen is gradually endowing that dominion with all the attributes of independence and power. Australia has not learnt the lesson of Canada in vain. Whatever value may attach to the consolidation of the. British Empire itself as a factor in spreading the peace which reigns within it, it is also a great contribution to the peace of the world that the British race should have founded practically independent states like the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the South African Union and the Dominion of New Zealand. These self-governing colonies with their spheres of influence, with vast areas still unpeopled, have a future before them which is dissociated from the methods of an over-peopled Europe, and among them the preservation of peace is the direct object and condition of their progressive development. Like the United States, they have or will have their Monroe doctrine. Colonized by the steady industrial peoples of northern Europe, there is no danger of the turbulence of the industrially indolent but more passionate peoples of Central and South America. As in Europe, these northern peoples will hold the power which intelligent democracies are consciously absorbing, and the British faculty for statecraft is gradually welding new nations on the British model, without the obsolete traditions and without that human sediment which too frequently chokes the currents of national vitality in the older communities of Europe. Militarism.—It is often stated, as if it were incontrovertible, that conscription and large standing armies are a menace to peace, and yet, although throughout the civilized world, except in the British Empire and the United States, conscription is the system employed for the recruiting of the national forces of both defence and offence, few of these countries show any particular disposition to make war. The exceptional position of the United States, with a population about equal to that of the rest of the American continent, and of Great Britain, an island state but little exposed to military invasion, places both beyond absolute need of large standing armies, and renders an enlisting system feasible which would be quite inadequate for the recruitment of armies on the French or German scale. Democratic progress on the Continent has, however, absorbed conscription as a feature in the equalization of the citizen's rights and liabilities. Just as in Anglo-Saxon lands a national ideal is gradually materializing in the principle of the equalization of chances for all citizens,. so in continental Europe, along with this equalization of chances, has still more rapidly developed the ideal of an equalization of obligations, which in turn leads to the claim for an enlargement of political rights co-extensive with the obligations. Thus universal conscription and universal suffrage tend to become in continental political development complementary conditions of the citizen's political being. In Germany, moreover, the military service is designed not only to make the recruit a good soldier, but also to give him a healthy physical, moral and mental training. German statesmen, under the powerful stimulus of the emperor William II., have, in the eyes of some critics, carried this secondary object of conscript training to such excess as to be detrimental to military efficiency. To put it shortly, the Germans have taught their soldiers to think, and not merely to obey. The French, who naturally looked to German methods for inspiration, have come to apply them more particularly in the development of their cavalry and artillery, especially in that of the former, which has taken in the French army an ever higher place as its observing and thinking organ. Militarism on the Continent has thus become allied with the very factors which made for the reign of reason. No agitation for the development of national defences, no beating of drums to awaken the military spirit, no anti-foreign clamour or invasion panic, no parading of uniforms and futile clash of arms, are necessary to entice the groundling and the bumpkin into the service. In Germany patriotic waving of the flag, as a political method, is directed more especially to the strengthening of imperial, as distinguished from local, patriotism. Where conscription has existed for any appreciable time it has sunk into the national economy, and men do their military service with as little concern as if it were a civil apprenticeship. As implied above, military training under conscription does not by any means necessarily tend to the promotion of the military spirit. In France, so far from taking this direction, it has resulted, under democratic government and universal suffrage, in a widespread abhorrence of war, and, in fact, has converted the French people from being the most militant into being the most pacific nation in Europe. The fact that every family throughout the land is a contributory to the military forces of the country has made peace a family, and hence a national, ideal. Paradoxical as it may seem, it is the logical conclusion of such comparisons that militarism only exists in countries where there are no citizen armies, and that, where there are citizen armies, they are one of the elements which make for permanent peace. Normal Nature of Peace.—America has been the pioneer of the view that peace is the normal condition of mankind, and that, when the causes of war are eliminated, war ceases to have a raison d'etre. The objects and causes of war are of many kinds. War for fighting's sake, although in the popular mind there may be, during most wars, only the excitement and the emotion of a great gamble, has no conscious place among the motives of those who determine the destinies of peoples. Apart, however, from self-defence, the main causes of war are four: (I) The desire for territorial expansion, due to the overgrowth of population, and insufficiency of the available food-supply; if the necessary territory cannot be obtained by negotiation, conquest becomes the only alternative to emigration to foreign lands. (2) The prompting of national ambition or a desire to wipe out the record of a humiliating defeat. (3) Ambitious potentates again may seek to deflect popular tendencies into channels more satisfactory for their dynasty. (4) Nations, on the other hand, may grow jealous of each other's commercial success or material power. In many cases the apparent cause may be of a nobler character, but historians have seldom been content to accept the allegations of those who have claimed to carry on war from disinterested motives. On the American continent South and Central Americanstates have had many wars, and the disastrous effects of them not only in retarding their own development, but in impairing their national credit, have led to earnest endeavours on the part of their leading statesmen to arrive at such an under-standing as will banish from their international polity all excuses for resorting to armed conflicts. In 1881 Mr Blaine, then U.S. secretary of state, addressed an instruction to the ministers of the United States of America accredited to the various Central and South American nations, directing them to invite the governments of these countries to participate in a congress, to be held at Washington in 1882, " for the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America." Owing to different circumstances the conference was delayed till the autumn of 1889. At this conference a plan of arbitration was drawn up, under which arbitration was made obligatory in all controversies whatever their origin, with the single exception that it should not apply where, in the judgment of any one of the nations involved in the controversy, its national independence was imperilled, and even in this case arbitration, though optional for the nation so judging, was to be obligatory for the adversary power. At the second International Conference of American States, which sat in the city of Mexico from the 22nd of October 1901 to the 31st of January 1902, the same subject was again discussed, and a scheme was finally adopted as a compromise which conferred authority on the government of Mexico to ascertain the views of the different governments represented in the conference, regarding the most advanced form in which a general arbitration convention could be drawn up that would meet with the approval and secure ratification by all the countries represented, and afterwards to prepare a plan for such a general treaty. The third Pan-American Conference was held in the months of July and August 1906, and was attended by the United States, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Salvador and Uruguay. Only Haiti and Venezuela were absent. The conference, being held only a year before the time fixed for the second Hague Conference, applied itself mainly to the question of the extent to which force might be used for the collection of pecuniary claims against defaulting governments, and the forwarding of the principle of arbitration under the Hague Conventions. The possible causes of war on the American continent had meanwhile been considerably reduced. Different states had adjusted their frontiers, Great Britain in British Guiana had settled an out-standing question with Venezuela, France in French Guiana another with Brazil, Great Britain in Newfoundland. had re-moved time-honoured grievances with France, Great Britain in Canada others with the United States of America, and now the most difficult kind of international questions which can arise, so far as the American continent is concerned, have been removed from among existing dangers to peace. Among the Southern Republics Argentina and Chile concluded in 1902 a treaty of arbitration, for the settlement of all difficulties without distinction, combined with a disarmament agreement of the same date, to which more ample reference will be made hereafter. Thus in America progress is being rapidly made towards the realization of the idea that war can be superannuated by elimination of its causes and the development of positive methods for the preservation of peace (see PAN-
End of Article: PEABODY
PEA (Pisum)

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I would like to add that the Sutton Home for Women in Peabody, MA is reopening. It is an elegant little lodging home that was incorporated in 1899.
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