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PELAGIUS (c. 360- c. 420)

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Originally appearing in Volume V21, Page 65 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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PELAGIUS (c. 360- c. 420)  , See also:early See also:British theologian, Of the origin of See also:Pelagius almost nothing is known . The name is supposed to be a graecized See also:form of the Cymric See also:Morgan (See also:sea-begotten) . His contemporaries understood that he was of British (probably of Irish) See also:birth,and gave him the appellation Brio . He was a large ponderous See also:person, heavy both in See also:body and mind (See also:Jerome, "stolidissimus et Scotorum pultibus praegravatus ") . He was influenced by the monastic See also:enthusiasm which had been kindled in See also:Gaul by See also:Athanasius (336), and which, through the See also:energy of See also:Martin of See also:Tours (361), rapidly communicated itself to the Britons and Scots . For, though Pelagius remained a layman throughout his See also:life, and though he never appears in any strict connexion with a coenobite fraternity, he yet adhered to monastic discipline ("veluti monachus "), and distinguished himself by his purity of life and exceptional sanctity (" egregie Christianus ") . He seems to have been one of the earliest, if not the very earliest, of that remarkable See also:series of men who issued from the monasteries of See also:Scotland and See also:Ireland, and carried back to the See also:Continent in a purified form the See also:religion they had received from it . Coming to See also:Rome in the beginning of the 5th See also:century (his earliest known See also:writing is of date 405), he found a scandalously See also:low See also:tone of morality prevalent . But his remonstrances were met by the plea of human weakness . To remove this plea by exhibiting the actual See also:powers of human nature became his first See also:object . It seemed to him that the Augustinian See also:doctrine of See also:total depravity and of the consequent bondage of the will both cut the See also:sinew of all human effort and threw upon See also:God the blame which really belonged to See also:man . His favourite See also:maxim was, " If I ought, I can." The views of Pelagius did not originate in a conscious reaction against the See also:influence of the Augustinian See also:theology, although each of these systems was See also:developed into its ultimate form by the opposition of the other .

Neither must too much See also:

weight be allowed to the circumstance that Pelagius was a See also:monk, for he was unquestionably alive to the delusive See also:character of much that passed for monkish sanctity . Yet possibly his monastic training may have led him to look more at conduct than at character, and to believe that holiness could be arrived at by rigour of discipline . This view of things suited his See also:matter-of-fact temperament . Judging from the See also:general See also:style of his writings, his religious development had been equable and peaceful, not marked by the prolonged See also:mental conflict, or the abrupt transitions, which characterized the experience of his See also:great opponent . With no great penetration he saw very clearly the thing before him, and many of his See also:practical counsels are marked by sagacity, and are expressed with the succinctness of a See also:proverb (" corpus non frangendum, sed regendum est ") . His interests were primarily ethical; hence his insistence on the freedom of the will and his See also:limitation of the See also:action of divine See also:grace . The See also:peculiar tenets of Pelagius, though indicated in the commentaries which he published at Rome previous to 409, might not so speedily have attracted See also:attention had they not been adopted by Coelestius, a much younger and bolder man than his teacher . Coelestius, probably an See also:Italian, had been trained as a lawyer, but abandoned his profession for an ascetic life . When Rome was sacked by the Goths (410) the two See also:friends crossed to See also:Africa . There Pelagius once or twice met with See also:Augustine, but very shortly sailed for See also:Palestine, where he justly expected that his opinions would be more cordially received . Coelestius remained in See also:Carthage with the view of receiving ordination . But Aurelius, See also:bishop of Carthage, being warnedagainst him, summoned a See also:synod, at which See also:Paulinus, a See also:deacon of See also:Milan, charged Coelestius with holding the following six errors: (1) that See also:Adam would have died even if he had not sinned; (2) that the See also:sin of Adam injured himself alone, not the human See also:race; (3) that new-See also:born See also:children are in the same See also:condition in which Adam was before the fall; (4) that the whole human race does not See also:die because of Adam's See also:death or sin, nor will the race rise again because of the resurrection of See also:Christ; (5) that the See also:law gives entrance to See also:heaven as well as the See also:gospel; (6) that even before the coming of Christ there were men who were entirely without sin .

To these propositions a seventh is sometimes added, " that infants, though unbaptized, have eternal life," a corollary from the. third . Coelestius did not deny that he held these opinions, but he maintained that they were open questions, on which the See also:

Church had never pronounced . The synod, notwithstanding, condemned and excommunicated him . Coelestius, after a futile See also:appeal to Rome, went to See also:Ephesus, and there received ordination . In Palestine Pelagius lived unmolested and revered, until in 415 See also:Orosius, a See also:Spanish See also:priest, came from Augustine, who in the meantime had written his De peccatorum meritis, to warn Jerome against him . The result was that in See also:June of that See also:year Pelagius was cited by Jerome before See also:John, bishop of See also:Jerusalem, and charged with holding that man may be without sin, if only he desires it . This See also:prosecution See also:broke down, and in See also:December of the same year Pelagius was summoned before a synod of fourteen bishops at Diospolis (Lydda) . The prosecutors on this occasion were two deposed Gallican bishops, Heros of See also:Arles and See also:Lazarus of See also:Aix, but on See also:account of the illness of one of them neither could appear . The proceedings, being conducted in various See also:languages and by means of interpreters, lacked certainty, and justified Jerome's application to the synod of the epithet " miserable." But there is no doubt that Pelagius repudiated the assertion of Coelestius, that " the divine grace and help is not granted to individual acts, but consists in See also:free will, and in the giving of the law and instruction." At the same See also:time he affirmed that a man is able, if he likes, to live without sin and keep the commandments of God, inasmuch as God gives him this ability . The synod was satisfied with these statements, and pronounced Pelagius to be in agreement with See also:Catholic teaching . Pelagius naturally plumed himself on his acquittal, and provoked Augustine to give a detailed account of the synod, in which he shows that the See also:language used by Pelagius was ambiguous, but that, being interpreted by his previous written statements, it involved a denial of what the Church understood by grace and by man's dependence on it . The See also:North See also:African Church as a whole resented the decisions of Diospolis, and in 416 sent up from their synods of Carthage and Mileve (in See also:Numidia) an appeal to See also:Innocent, bishop of Rome, who, flattered by the See also:tribute thus paid to the see of Rome, decided the question in favour of the African synods .

And, though his successor See also:

Zosimus wavered for some time, he at length See also:fell in with what he saw to be the general mind of both the ecclesiastical and the See also:civil powers . For, simultaneously with the largely attended African synod which finally condemned Pelagianism in the See also:West, an imperial See also:edict was issued at See also:Ravenna by See also:Honorius on the 3oth of See also:April 418, peremptorily determining the theological question and enacting that not only Pelagius and Coelestius but all who accepted their opinions should suffer See also:confiscation of goods and irrevocable banishment . Thus prompted, Zosimus See also:drew up a circular inviting all the bishops of Christendom to subscribe a condemnation of Pelagian opinions . Nineteen Italian bishops refused, among them See also:Julian of Eclanum in See also:Apulia, a man of See also:good birth, approved sanctity and great capacity, who now became the recognized See also:leader of the See also:movement . But not even his acuteness and zeal could redeem a cause which was rendered hopeless when the Eastern Church (Ephesus, 431) confirmed the decision of the West . Pelagius himself disappears after 420; Coelestius was at See also:Constantinople seeking the aid of See also:Nestorius in 428 . Pelagianism.—The See also:system of Pelagius is a consistent whole, each See also:part involving the existence of every other . Starting from the See also:idea that " ability limits See also:obligation," and resolved that men should feel their responsibility, he insisted that man is able to do all that God commands, and that there is, and can be, no sin where the will is not absolutely free—able to choose good or evil . The favourite Pelagian See also:formula, " Si necessitatis est, peccatum non est; si voluntatis, vitati potest," had an See also:appearance of finality which imposed on superficial minds . The theory of the will involved in this fundamental See also:axiom of Pelagianism is that which is commonly known as the " See also:liberty of indifference," or " See also:power of contrary choice "—a theory which affirms the freedom of the will, not in the sense that the individual is self-determined, but in the sense that in each volition and at each moment of life, no matter what the previous career of the individual has been, the will is in equipoise, able to choose good or evil . We are born characterless (non pleni), and with no See also:bias towards good or evil (ut sine virtute, ita et sine vitio) . It follows that we are uninjured by the sin of Adam, See also:save in so far as the evil example of our predecessors misleads and influences us (non propagine sed exemplo) .

There is, in fact, no such thing as See also:

original sin, sin being a thing of will and not of nature; for if it could be of nature our sin would be chargeable on God the creator . This will, capable of good as of evil, being the natural endowment of man, is found in the See also:heathen as well as in the See also:Christian, and the heathen may therefore perfectly keep such law as they know . But, if all men have this natural ability to do and to be all that is required for perfect righteousness, what becomes of grace, of the aid of the See also:Holy Spirit, and, in a word, of See also:Christianity ? Pelagius vacillates considerably in his use of the word " grace." Sometimes he makes it See also:equivalent to natural endowment . Indeed one of his most careful statements is to this effect: " We distinguish three things—the ability, the will, the See also:act (posse, velle, ease) . The ability is in nature, and must be referred to God, who has bestowed this on His creature; the other two, the will and the act, must be referred to man, because they flow from the See also:fountain of free will " (Aug., De gr . Christi, ch . 4) . But at other times he admits a much wider range to grace, so as to make Augustine doubt whether his meaning is not, after all, orthodox . But, when he speaks of grace " sanctifying," " assisting," and so forth, it is only that man may " more easily " accomplish what he could with more difficulty accomplish without grace . A decisive passage occurs in the See also:letter he sent to the see of Rome along with his Confessio fidei: " We maintain that free will exists generally in all mankind, in Christians, See also:Jews and Gentiles; they have all equally received it by nature, but in Christians only is it assisted by grace . In others this good of their original creation is naked and unarmed .

Phoenix-squares

They shall be judged and condemned because, though possessed of free will, by which they might come to the faith and merit the grace of God, they make an See also:

ill use of their freedom; while Christians shall be rewarded because, by using their free will aright, they merit the grace of the See also:Lord and keep His commandments " (ibid. chs . 33, 34) . Pelagius allowed to grace everything but the initial determining movement towards salvation . He ascribed to the unassisted human will power to accept and use the proffered salvation of Christ . It was at this point his departure from the Catholic creed could be made apparent: Pelagius maintains, expressly and by implication, that it is the human will which takes the initiative, and is the determining See also:factor in the salvation of the individual; while the Church maintains that it is the divine will that takes the initiative by renewing and enabling the human will to accept and use the aid or grace offered . Semipelagianism.—It was easy for Augustine to show that this was an " impia opinio "; it was easy for him to expose the defective character of a theory of the will which implied that God was not holy because He is necessarily holy; it was easy for him to show that the positions of Pelagius were See also:anti-Scriptural (see AUGUSTINE) ; but, though his arguments prevailed, they did not wholly convince, and the rise of Semipelagianism—an See also:attempt to hold a See also:middle course between the harshness of Augustinianism and the obvious errors of Pelagianism—is full of significance . This See also:earnest and conciliatory movement discovered itself simultaneously in North Africa and in See also:southern Gaul . In the former Church, which naturally desired to adhere to the views of its own great theologian, the monks of Adrumetum found themselves either sunk to the See also:verge of despair or provoked to licentiousness by his predestinarian teaching . When this was reported to Augustine he wrote two elaborate See also:treatises to show that when God ordains the end He also ordains the means, and if any man is ordained to life eternal he is thereby ordained to holiness and zealous effort . But meanwhile some of the monks themselves had struck out a via See also:media which ascribed to God See also:sovereign grace and yet See also:left intact man's responsibility . A similar See also:scheme was adopted by Cassian of See also:Marseilles (hence Semipelagians are often spoken of as Massilians), and was afterwards ably advocated by See also:Vincent of Lerins and Faustus of Rhegium . These writers, in opposition to Pelagius, maintained that man was damaged by the fall, and seemed indeed disposed to See also:purchase a certificate of orthodoxy by the abusive epithets they heaped upon Pelagians (ranae, muscae moriturae, &c.) .

The differentia of Semipelagianism is the tenet that in regeneration, and all that results from it, the divine and the human will are co-operating (synergistic) coefficient factors . After finding considerable See also:

acceptance, this theory was ultimately condemned, because it retained the See also:root-principle of Pelagianism—that man has some ability to will good and that the beginning of salvation may be with man . The See also:Councils of See also:Orange and See also:Valence(529), however, which condemned Semipelagianism, did so with the significant restriction that See also:predestination to evil was not to be taught—a restriction so agreeable to the general feeling of the Church that, three centuries after, See also:Gottschalk was sentenced to be degraded from the priesthood, scourged and imprisoned for teaching reprobation . The questions raised by Pelagius continually recur, but, without tracing the strife as sustained by Thomists and Jansenists on the one See also:side and the See also:Jesuits and Arminians on the other, this See also:article can only indicate the general bearing of the controversy on society and the Church . The See also:anthropology of Pelagius was essentially naturalistic . It threatened to supersede grace by nature, to deny all immediate divine influence, and so to make Christianity practically useless . Pelagius himself did not carry his See also:rationalism through to its issues; but the logical consequence of his system was, as Augustine perceived, the denial of the See also:atonement and other central truths of revealed religion . And, while the Pelagians never existed as a See also:sect See also:separate from the Church Catholic, yet wherever rationalism has infected any part of the Church there Pelagianism has sooner or later appeared; and the See also:term " Pelagian " has been continued to denote views which minimize the effects of the fall and unduly magnify man's natural ability . These views and tendencies have appeared in theologies which are not in other respects rationalistic, as, e.g. in Arminianism; and their presence in such theologies is explained by the See also:desire to remove everything which might seem to discourage human effort . It is not easy to determine how far the vices which See also:ate so deeply into the life of the Church of the middle ages were due to the sharpness with which some of the severer features of the Augustinian theology were defined during the Pelagian controversy . The pernicious belief in the magical efficacy of the sacraments and the consequent defective ethical power of religion, the superstitious eagerness to accept the Church's creed without examining or really believing it, the falsity and See also:cruelty engendered and propagated by the idea that in the Church's cause all weapons were justifiable, these vices were undoubtedly due to the belief that the visible church was the See also:sole divinely-appointed repository of grace . And the sharply accentuated tone in which Augustinianism affirmed man's inability quickened the craving for that grace or See also:direct agency of God upon the soul which the Church declared to be needful and administered through her divinely appointed persons and sacraments, and thus brought a decided impulse to the development of the sacerdotal system .

Again, although it may fairly be doubted whether, as See also:

Baur supposes, Augustine was permanently tainted with the Manichaean notion of the inherent evil of matter, it can scarcely be questioned that his views on See also:marriage as elicited by the Pelagian controversy gave a considerable impulse to the already prevalent idea of the superiority of virginity . When the Pelagians declared that Augustine's theory of original sin discredited marriage by the implication that even the children of the regenerate were born in sin, he could only reply (De nuptiis et concupiscentia) that marriage now cannot partake of the spotless purity of the marriage of unfallen man, and that, though what is evil in concupiscence is made a good use of in marriage, it is still a thing to be ashamed of—not only with the shame of natural modesty (which he does not take into account) but with the shame of See also:guilt . So that, even although he is careful to point out the advantages of marriage, an indelible stigma is still left even on the lawful procreation of children . " The Pelagians deserve respect," says See also:Harnack, " for their purity of See also:motive, their horror of the Manichaean See also:leaven and the See also:opus operatum, their insistence on clearness, and their intention to defend the Deity . But we cannot but decide that their doctrine fails to recognize the misery of sin and evil, that in its deepest roots it is godless, that it knows, and seeks to know, nothing of redemption and that it is dominated by an empty formalism (a notional See also:mythology), which does See also:justice at no single point to actual quantities, and on a closer examination consists of sheer contradictions . In the form in which this doctrine was expressed by Pelagius—and in fact also by Julian—i.e. with all the accommodations to which he condescended, it was not a novelty . But in its fundamental thought it was; or rather, it was an innovation because it abandoned in spite of all accommodations in expression, the See also:pole of the mystical doctrine of redemption, which the Church had steadfastly maintained side by side with the doctrine of freedom." In the Pelagian controversy some of the fundamental See also:differences between the Eastern and Western theologies appear . The former laid stress on " the supernatural character of Christianity as a fact in the See also:objective See also:world " and developed the doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation; the Western emphasized " the supernatural character of Christianity as an agency in the subjective world " and developed the doctrines of sin and grace . All the See also:Greek fathers from See also:Origen to Chrysostum had been jealous for human freedom and loath to make sin a natural power, though of course admitting a general See also:state of sinfulness . The early British monasteries had been connected with the Orient . Pelagius was See also:familiar with the Greek language and theology, and when he came to Rome he was much in the See also:company of See also:Rufinus and his circle who were endeavouring to propagate Greek theology in the Latin Church . fidei ad Innocentium and Epistola ad Demetriadem are preserved in Jerome's See also:works (vol. v. of Martiani's ed., vol. xi. of Vallarsi's) .

The last-named was also published separately by See also:

Semler (See also:Halle, 1775) . There are of course many citations in the Anti-Pelagian Treatises of Augustine . On the Commentaries see See also:Journal of Theol . Studies, vii . 568, viii . 526; an edition is being prepared for the See also:Cambridge Texts and Studies by A . Souter . See also F . Wiggers, Darstellung See also:des Augustinismus and Pelagianismus (2 vols., See also:Berlin, 1831–1832 ; Eng. trans. of vol. i., by R . See also:Emerson, See also:Andover, 1840); J . L . See also:Jacobi, Die Lehre d .

Pelagius (See also:

Leipzig, 1842); F . Klasen, Die innere Entwickelung des Pelagianismus (See also:Freiburg, 1882); B . B . AVarfield, Two Studies in the See also:History of Doctrine (New See also:York, 1893) ; A . Harnack, History of See also:Dogma, Eng. trans., v . 168–202; F . Loofs, Dogmengeschischte and See also:art. in Hauck-See also:Herzog's Realencyklo. See also:fur prat . Theologie u . Kirche (end of vol. xv.), where a full bibliography is given . (M .

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