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FRANCOIS RABELAIS (c. 1490—1553)

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Originally appearing in Volume V22, Page 773 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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FRANCOIS See also:RABELAIS (c. 1490—1553)  , See also:French humorist, was See also:born at See also:Chinon on the See also:Vienne in the See also:province of See also:Touraine . The date of his See also:birth is wholly uncertain: it has been put by tradition, and by authorities See also:long subsequent to his See also:death, as 1483, 1490, and 1495 . There is nothing in the See also:positive facts of his See also:life which would not suit tolerably well with any of these See also:dates; most 17th-See also:century authorities give the earliest, and this also accords best with the See also:age of the eldest of the Du Bellay See also:brothers, with whom See also:Rabelais was (perhaps) at school . In favour of the latest it is urged that, if Rabelais was born in 1483, he must have been See also:forty-seven when he entered at See also:Montpellier, and proportionately and unexpectedly old at other known periods of his life . In favour of the See also:middle date, which has, as far as See also:recent authorities are concerned, the See also:weight of consent in its favour, the testimony of See also:Guy Patin (1601-1672), a See also:witness of some merit and not too far removed in point of See also:time, is invoked . The only contribution which need be made here to the controversy is to point out that if Rabelais was born in 1483 he must have been an old See also:man when he died, and that scarcely even tradition speaks of him as such . With regard to his birth, parentage, youth, and See also:education everything depends upon this tradition, and it is not until he was according to one extreme See also:hypothesis See also:thirty-six, according to the other extreme twenty-four, that we have solid testimony respecting him . In the See also:year 1519, on the 5th of See also:April, the See also:Francois Rabelais of See also:history emerges . The monks of Fontenay le See also:Comte bought some See also:property (See also:half an See also:inn in the See also:town), and among their signatures to the See also:deed of See also:purchase is that of Francois Rabelais . Before this all is cloudland . It is said that he had four brothers and no sisters, that his See also:father had a See also:country property called La Deviniere, and was either an See also:apothecary or a See also:tavern-keeper . Half a century after his death De See also:Thou mentions that the See also:house in which he was born had become a tavern and then a See also:tennis-See also:court .

It still stands at the corner of a See also:

street called the See also:Rue de la Lamproie, and the tradition may be correct . An indistinct allusion of his own has been taken to mean that he was tonsured in childhood at seven or nine years old; and tradition says that he was sent to the See also:convent of Seuilly . From Seuilly at an unknown date tradition takes him either to the university of See also:Angers or to the convent school of La Baumette or La 'Basmette, founded by See also:good See also:King Rene in the neighbourhood of the Angevin See also:capital . Here he is supposed to have been at school with the brothers Du Bellay, with See also:Geoffroy d'Estissac and others . The next See also:stage in this (so far as See also:evidence goes, purely imaginary) career is the monastery of Fontenay le Comte, where, as has been seen, he is certainly found in 1519 holding a position sufficiently See also:senior to sign deeds for the community, where he, probably in 1511, took See also:priest's orders, and where he also pursued, again certainly, the study of letters, and especially of See also:Greek, with ardour . From this date, therefore, he becomes historically visible . The next certain intelligence which we have of Rabelais is somewhat more directly bio- 1 See S . See also:Ephraim's Quotations from the See also:Gospel (See also:Cambridge, 1901), Q . 57 f.; Evaitgelion du-Mepharreshe (Cambridge, 1904), ii . 5; and See also:Early Eastern See also:Christianity (See also:London, 1904), lecture ii . =1 . 25graphical .

The letters of the well-known Greek See also:

scholar Budaeus, two of which are addressed to Rabelais himself and several more to his friend and See also:fellow-See also:monk See also:Pierre Amy, together with some notices by See also:Andre Tiraqueau, a learned jurist, to whom Rabelais rather than his own learning has secured See also:immortality, show beyond doubt what manner of life the future author of Gargantua led in his convent . The letters of Budaeus show that an See also:attempt was made by the heads of the convent or the See also:order to check the studious ardour of these See also:Franciscans; but it failed, and there is no positive evidence of anything like actual persecution, the phrases in the letters of Budaeus being merely the usual exaggerated Ciceronianism of the See also:Renaissance . Some books and papers were seized as suspicious, then given back as See also:innocent; but Rabelais was in all See also:probability disgusted with the See also:cloister—indeed his See also:great See also:work shows this beyond doubt . In 1524, the year of the publication of Tiraqueau's See also:book above cited, his friend Geoffroy d'Estissac procured from See also:Clement VII. an See also:indult, licensing a See also:change of order and of See also:abode for Rabelais . From a Franciscan he became a See also:Benedictine, and from Fontenay he moved to Maillezais, of which Geoffroy d'Estissac was See also:bishop . But even this learned and hospitable See also:retreat did not apparently satisfy Rabelais . In or before 1530 he See also:left Maillezais, abandoned his Benedictine garb for that of a See also:secular priest, and, as he himself puts it in his subsequent Supplicatio See also:pro Apostasia to See also:Pope See also:Paul III., " per seculum See also:diu vagatus fuit." For a time the Du Bellays provided him with an abode near their own See also:chateau of Langey . He is met at Montpellier in the year just mentioned . He entered the See also:faculty of See also:medicine there on the 16th of See also:September and became See also:bachelor on the 1st of See also:November, a remarkably See also:short See also:interval, which shows what was thought of his acquirements . Early in 1531 he lectured publicly on See also:Galen and See also:Hippocrates, while his more serious pursuits seem to have been chequered by acting in a morale comedie, then a very frequent university amusement . Visits to the Iles d'Hieres, and the See also:composition of a See also:fish See also:sauce in See also:imitation of the See also:ancient garum, which he sent to his friend See also:Etienne See also:Dolet, are associated, not very certainly, with his stay at Montpellier, which, lasting rather more than a year at first, was renewed at intervals for several years . In 1532, however, he had moved from Montpellier to See also:Lyons .

Here he plunged into manifold work, See also:

literary and professional . He was appointed before the beginning of November physician to the Hotel Dieu, with a See also:salary of forty livres per annum, and lectured on See also:anatomy with demonstrations from the human subject . He edited for See also:Sebastian See also:Gryphius, in the single year 1532, the medical Epistles of Giovanni Manardi, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, with the Ars Parva of Galen, and an edition of two supposed Latin documents, which, however, happened unluckily to be forgeries . At this time Lyons was the centre and to a great extent the headquarters of an unusually enlightened society, and indirectly it is clear that Rabelais became intimate with this society . A See also:manuscript distich, which was found in the See also:Toulouse library, deals with the death of an See also:infant named Theodule, whose country was Lyons and his father Rabelais, but we know nothing more about the See also:matter . What makes the Lyons sojourn of the greatest real importance is that at this time probably appeared the beginnings of the work which was to make Rabelais immortal . It is necessary to say " probably," because the See also:strange uncertainty which rests on so much of his life and writings exists here also . There is no doubt that both Gargantua and Pantagruel were popular names of giants in the Middle Ages, though, curiously enough, no mention of the former in French literature much before Rabelais's time has been traced . In 1526, however, See also:Charles de Bordigne, in a satiric work of no great merit, entitled la Legende de Pierre Faifeu, has the name Gargantua with an allusion, and in 1532 (if not earlier) there appeared at Lyons See also:les Grandes et inestimables chroniques du See also:grand et enorme See also:giant Gargantua . This is a short book on the See also:plan of the later burlesques and romances of the See also:Round Table . See also:Arthur and See also:Merlin appear with Grantgosier, as he is here spelt, Galemelle (Gargamelle), Gargantua himself . EI and the terrible See also:mare .

But there is no trace of the See also:

action or other characters of Gargantua that was to be, nor is the manner of the piece in the least worthy of Rabelais . No one supposes that he wrote it, though it has been supposed that he edited it and that in reality it is older than 1J32, and may be the See also:direct subject of Bordigne's allusion six years earlier . What does, however, seem probable is that the first book of Pantagruel (the second of the whole work) was composed with a definite view to this See also:chap book and not to the existing first book of Gargantua, which was written afterwards, when Rabelais discovered the popularity of his work and See also:felt that it ought to have some worthier starting-point than the Grandes chroniques . The earliest known and dated edition of Pantagruel is of 1533, of Gargantua 1535, though this would not be of itself conclusive, especially as we actually possess See also:editions of both which, though undated, seem to be earlier . But the definite description of Gargantua in the See also:title as " Pere de Pantagruel," the omission of the words " second livre " in the title of the first book of Pantagruel while the second and third are duly entitled " tiers " and " quart," the remarkable fact that one of the most important personages, See also:Friar See also:John, is absent from book ii., the first of Pantagruel, though he appears in book i . (Gargantua), and .many other proofs show the order of publication clearly enough . There is also in existence a See also:letter of See also:Calvin, dated 1533, in which he speaks of Pantagruel, but not of Gargantua, as having been condemned as an obscene book . Besides this, 1533 saw the publication of an See also:almanac, the first of a long See also:series which exists only in titles and fragments, and of the amusing Prognostication Pantagrueline (still, be it observed, Pantagrueline, not Gargantuine) . Both this and Pantagruel itself were published under the anagrammatic See also:pseudonym of " Alcofribas Nasier," shortened to the first word only in the See also:case of the Prognostication . This busy and interesting See also:period of Rabelais's life was brought to a See also:close apparently by his introduction or reintroduction to See also:Jean du Bellay, who, in See also:October 1533, passing through Lyons on an See also:embassy to See also:Rome, engaged Rabelais as physician . The visit did not last very long, but it left literary results in an edition of a description of Rome by Marliani, which Rabelais published in September 1534 . It is also thought that the first edition of Gargantua may have appeared this year .

In the See also:

spring of 1535 the authorities of the Lyons See also:hospital, considering that Rabelais had twice absented himself without leave, elected Pierre de See also:Castel in his See also:room; but the documents which exist do not seem to infer that any blame was thought due to him, and the See also:appointment of his successor was once definitely postponed in case he should return . At the end of 1535 Rabelais once more accompanied Jean du Bellay, now a See also:cardinal, to Rome and stayed there till April in the next year . This stay furnishes some See also:biographical documents of importance in the shape of letters to Geoffroy d'Estissac, of the already-mentioned Supplicatio pro Apostasia, and of the See also:bull of See also:absolution which was the reply to it . This bull not only freed Rabelais from ecclesiastical censure, but gave him the right to return to the order of St See also:Benedict when he See also:chose, and to practise medicine . He took See also:advantage of this bull and became a See also:canon of St Maur . In 1537 he took his See also:doctor's degree at Montpellier, lectured on the Greek See also:text of Hippocrates, and next year made a public anatomical demonstration . During these two years he seems to have resided either at Montpellier or at Lyons . But in 1539 he entered the service of See also:Guillaume du Bellay-Langey, See also:elder See also:brother of Jean, and would appear to have been with him (he was See also:governor of See also:Piedmont) till his death on 9th See also:January 1543 . Rabelais wrote a panegyrical memoir of Guillaume, which is lost, and the year before saw the publication of an edition of Gargantua and Pantagruel, book i., together (both had been repeatedly reprinted separately), in which some dangerous expressions were cut away . Nothing at all is known of his life, whereabouts, or occupations till the publication of the third book, which appeared in 1546, " avec See also:privilege du roi," which had been given in September 1545 . Up to this time Rabelais, despite the condemnation of the See also:Sorbonne referred to above, had experienced nothing like persecution or difficulty . Even the spiteful or treacherous See also:act of Dolet, who in 1542 reprinted the earlier See also:form of the books which Rabelais had just slightly modified, seems to have done him no harm .

But the See also:

storm of persecution which towards the end of the reign of See also:Francis I. was fatal to Dolet himself and to See also:Des Periers, while it exiled and virtually killed See also:Marot, threatened him . There is no positive evidence of any See also:measures taken or threatened against him; but it is certain that he passed nearly the whole of 1546 and See also:part of 1547 at See also:Metz in See also:Lorraine as physician to the town at the salary of 120 livres, and See also:Sturm speaks of him as having been " See also:cast out of See also:France by the times " (with the exclamation See also:feu -riav xpovwv) in a contemporary letter, and says that he himself in another letter gives a doleful See also:account of, his pecuniary affairs and asks for assistance . At Francis's death on 31st See also:March 1547 Du Bellay went to Rome, and at some time not certain Rabelais joined him . He was certainly there in See also:February 1549, when he dates from Du Bellay's See also:palace a little account of the festivals given at Rome to celebrate the birth of the second son of See also:Henry II. and See also:Catherine de' See also:Medici . This account, the Sciomachie as it is called, is extant . In the same year a monk of See also:Fontevrault, See also:Gabriel du Puits-Herbault, made in a book called Theotimus the first of the many attacks on Rabelais . It is, however, as vague as it is violent, and it does not seem to have had any effect . Rabelais had indeed again made for himself protectors whom no clerical or Sorbonist See also:jealousy could See also:touch . The Sciomachie was written to the cardinal of See also:Guise, whose See also:family were all-powerful at court, and Rabelais dedicated his next book to Odet de See also:Chatillon, afterwards cardinal, a man of great See also:influence . Thus Rabelais was able to return to France, t.nd in 1550 was presented to the livings of See also:Meudon and St Christophe de Jambet . It may, however, surprise those who have been accustomed to hear him spoken of as " cure de Meudon," and who have read lives of him founded on See also:legend, to find that there is very little ground for believing that he ever officiated or resided there . He certainly held the living but two years, resigning it in January 1552 along with his other See also:benefice, and it is noteworthy that at the episcopal visitation of 1551 he was not See also:present .

To this supposed See also:

residence at Meudon and to the previous stay at Rome, however, are attached two of the most mischievous items of the legend, though fortunately two of the most easily refutable . It is said that Rabelais met and quarrelled with See also:Joachim du Bellay the poet at Rome, and with See also:Ronsard at Meudon and elsewhere, that this caused a See also:breach between him and the Pleiade, that he satirized its classicizing tendencies in the See also:episode of the See also:Limousin scholar, and that Ronsard after his death avenged himself by a libellous See also:epitaph . The facts are these . Nothing is heard of the See also:quarrel with Du Bellay or of any See also:meeting with him, nothing of the meetings and bickerings with Ronsard, till 1697, when Bernier tells the See also:story without any authority . The supposed allusions to the Pleiade date from a time when Ronsard was a small boy, and are mainly borrowed from an earlier writer still, Geoffroy Tory . Lastly, the epitaph, read impartially, is not libellous at all, but simply takes up the vein of the opening scenes of Gargantua in reference to Gargantua's author . There is indeed no See also:reason to suppose that either Ronsard or Du Bellay was a fervent admirer of Rabelais, for they belonged to a very different. literary school; but there is absolutely no evidence of any enmity between them, and Du Bellay actually refers to Rabelais with admiration . Some chapters of Rabelais's See also:fourth book had been published in 1548, but the whole did not appear till 1552 . The Sorbonne censured it and the See also:parliament suspended the See also:sale, taking advantage of the king's See also:absence from See also:Paris . But it was soon relieved of the suspension . He died, it is said, on the 9th of April 1553, but actual history is quite silent See also:save on the point that he was not alive in May of the next year, and the legends about his deathbed utterances—" La See also:farce est jouee," " Je vais chercher un grand peut-etre," &c.— are altogether ages—with its subsequent and reformed stage, in the account of which all the best and noblest ideas of the humanist Renaissance in reference to pedagogy are put with exceptional force . Gargantua is recalled from Paris, whither he had been sent to finish his education, owing to a See also:war between his father, Grandgosier, and the neighbouring king, Picrochole .

This war is described at great length, the See also:

chief See also:hero of it being the monk, Friar John, a very unclerical cleric, in whom Rabelais greatly delights . Picrochole defeated and See also:peace made, Gargantua establishes the See also:abbey of Thelema in another of Rabelais's most elaborate literary passages, where all the points most See also:obnoxious to him in monastic life are indicated by the See also:assignment of their exact opposites to this See also:model convent . The second book, which introduces the See also:principal hero of the whole,, Pantagruel, Gargantua's son, is, on any other hypothesis but that already suggested of its See also:prior composition, very difficult to explain, but in itself it is intelligible enough . Pantagruel goes through something like a second edition (really a first) of the educational experiences of his father . Like him, he goes to Paris, and there meets with Panurge, the principal See also:triumph of Rabelaisian See also:character-See also:drawing, and the most See also:original as well as puzzling figure of the book . Panurge has almost all intellectual accomplishments, but is totally devoid of morality: he is a See also:coward, a drunkard, a lecher, a spiteful trickster, a spendthrift, but all the while infinitely amusing . This book, like the other, has a war in its latter part; Gargantua scarcely appears in it and Friar John not at all . It is not till the opening of the third book that the most important action begins . This arises from Panurge's determination to marry—a determination, however, which is very half-hearted, and which leads him to consult a vast number of authorities, each giving occasion for See also:satire of a more or less complicated See also:kind . At last it is determined that Pantagruel and his followers (Friar John has reappeared in the See also:suite of the See also:prince) shall set See also:sail to consult the See also:Oracle of the Dive Bouteille . The book ends with the obscurest passage of the whole, an elaborate eulogy of the " See also:herb pantagruelion," which appears to be, if it is anything, See also:hemp . Only two probable explanations of this have been offered, the one seeing in it an anticipation of See also:Joseph de See also:Maistre's glorification of the executioner, the other a eulogy of work, hemp being on the whole the most serviceable of See also:vegetable products for that purpose .

The fourth and fifth books are entirely taken up with a description of the voyage . Many strange places with stranger names are visited, some of them offering obvious satire on human institutions, others, except by the most far-fetched explanations, resolvable into nothing but sheer extravaganza . At last the See also:

Land of Lanterns, borrowed from See also:Lucian, is reached, and the Oracle of the See also:Bottle is consulted . This yields the single word " Trinq," which the attendant priestess declares to be the most gracious and intelligible she has ever heard from it . Panurge takes this as a See also:sanction of his See also:marriage, and the book ends abruptly . This singular See also:romance is diversified by, or, to speak more properly, it is the vehicle of the most bewildering abundance of digression, See also:burlesque amplification, covert satire on things See also:political, social and religious, See also:miscellaneous erudition of the literary and scientific kind . Everywhere the author See also:lays stress on the excellence of " Pantagruelism," and the reader who is himself a Pantagruelist (it is perfectly idle for any other to attempt the book) soon discovers what this means . It is, in See also:plain See also:English, See also:humour . The See also:definition of humour is a generally acknowledged crux, and till it is defined the definition of Pantagruelism will be in the same position . But that it consists in the See also:extension of a wide sympathy to all human affairs, together with a comprehension of their vanity, may be said as safely as anything else . Moroseness and dogmatism are as far from the Pantagruelism of Rabelais as maudlin sentimentality or dilettantism . Perhaps the chief things lacking in his attitude are, in the first See also:place, reverence, of which, however, from a few passages, it is clear he was by no means totally devoid, and secondly, an appreciation of See also:passion and See also:poetry .

Phoenix-squares

Here and there there are touches of the latter, as in the portrait of Quint-essence, but passion is everywhere absent—an absence for which the comic structure and plan of the book do not by any means See also:

supply a See also:complete explanation . For a See also:general estimate of Rabelais's literary character and influence the reader may be referred to the See also:article FRENCH LITERATURE . But some detailed remarks must be given here . There are three questions without the discussion of which this See also:notice of one of the foremost writers of the See also:world would not be worthy of its present place . These are—What is the general See also:drift and purpose of Gargantua and Pantagruel, supposing there to be any ? What See also:defence can be offered, if any defence is needed, for the extra-See also:ordinary See also:licence of See also:language and imagery which the author has permitted himself ? What was his attitude towards the great questions of See also:religion, See also:philosophy and politics ? These questions succeed each other in the order of reason, and the See also:answer to each assists the See also:resolution of the next . There have been few more remarkable instances of the lues commentatoria than the work of the editors of Rabelais . Almost every one appears to have started with a Rabelais ready made in his See also:head, and to have, so to speak, read that Rabelais into the book . Those who have not done this, like Le Duchat, Motteux apocryphal . The same may be said of the numerous See also:silly education of his hero—a satire on the degraded See also:schools of the middle stories told of his life, such as that of his procuring a See also:free passage to Paris by inscribing packets " See also:Poison for the king," and so forth .

Ten years after the publication of the fourth book and nine after the supposed date of the author's death there appeared at Lyons sixteen chapters entitled 1p'le sonnante See also:

par maistre Francois Rabelais, and two years later the entire fifth book was printed as such . In 1567 it took place with the others, and has ever since appeared with them . But from the beginning of the 17th century there have never been wanting disbelievers in its authenticity . The controversy is one of some intricacy, but as it is also one of capital importance in literary history the heads of it at least must be given here . The opponents of the book rely (r) on the testimony of a certain See also:Louis See also:Guyon, who in 1604 declared that the fifth book was made long after Rabelais's death by an author whom he knew, and who was not a doctor, and on the assertion of the bibliographer Du Verdier, about the same time, that it was written by an " ecolier de See also:Valence "; (2) on the fact that the See also:anti-monastic and even anti-See also:Catholic polemic is much more accentuated in it; (3) on the arguments that parts are apparently replicas or rough drafts of passages already appearing in the four earlier books; and (4) that some allusions are manifestly posterior to even the furthest date which can be assigned for the reputed author's decease . On the other See also:hand, it is urged that, though Guyon and Du Verdier were in a sense contemporaries, they wrote long after the events, and that the testimony of the former is vitiated, not merely by its extreme vagueness, but by the fact that it occurs in a plaidoycr, tending to exculpate physicians from the See also:charge of unorthodoxy; that Du Verdier in another place assigns the Pantagrueline Prognostication to this same unknown student of Valence, and had therefore probably confused and hearsay notions on the subject; that the rasher and fiercer See also:tone, as well as the apparent repetitions, are sufficiently accounted for on the supposition that Rabelais never finally revised the book, which indeed dates show that he could not have done, as the fourth was not finally settled till just before his death; and that it is perfectly probable, and indeed almost certain, that it was prepared from his papers by another hand, which is responsible for the anachronous allusions above referred to . But the strongest See also:argument, and one which has never been attacked by authorities really competent to See also:judge, is that the " See also:grille de 1'aigle " is on the book, and that no known author of the time except Rabelais was capable of See also:writing the passage about the Chats fourres, the better part of the history of See also:Queen Whims (La Quinte) and her court, and the conclusion giving the Oracle of the Bottle . To this argument we believe that the more competent a critic is, both by general faculty of appreciation and by acquaintance with contemporary French literature, the more positive will be the assent that he yields . The reader must, however, be on his guard against confusing the authenticity of the fifth book generally with that of supposed early copies of it . Quite recently it was announced that an edition of 1549 had turned up in See also:Germany; but the investigations of M . R . See also:Stein, un Rabelais apocryphe (1901), repeated and confirmed by M .

A . Lefranc in the Revue des etudes Rabelaisiennes (1905), disposed of the matter . The substance of the apocryphal document is quite different from our fifth book . Gargantua and Pantagruel, notwithstanding their high literary See also:

standing and the frequency with which certain passages from them are cited, are, owing partly to their archaism of language and partly to the extreme licence which their author has allowed himself, so little read that no notice of them or of him could be complete without some See also:sketch of their contents . The first book, Gargantua, describes the birth of that hero (a giant and the son of gigantic parents), whose nativity is ushered in by the account of a tremendous feast . In this the burlesque exaggeration of the pleasures of eating and drinking, which is one of the chief exterior notes of the whole work, is pushed to an extreme—an extreme which has attracted natural but perhaps undue See also:attention . Very early, however, the author becomes serious in contrasting the early and Esmangart, have generally committed the See also:error of tormenting themselves and their author to find individual explanations of personages