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Originally appearing in Volume V25, Page 552 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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KNIGHTS OF SAINT JOHN OF JERUSALEM.) tary orders, belongs the formation of the great monastic military orders of Calatrava, Santiago and Alcantara. They supplied the Crown with a strong force of well-disciplined and well-appointed cavalry. To tighten the bond with Leon, Alphonso of Castile married his daughter Berengaria to its king Alphonso (1188-1230), the son of his uncle Fernando. The marriage was dissolved by the pope as being within the prohibited degrees, but the son born of it was recognized as legitimate. Berengaria, a woman of very noble character and eminent ability, deserved a better husband than her cousin of Leon, who was nicknamed El Baboso—the Slobberer—and who appears to have been epileptic. In 1212 the king of Castile reaped the reward of long years of patience. The Almohades threatened an invasion in force, and he organized a crusade against them. Aragon was represented by its king Peter II., Navarre by its king Sancho, and Portugal by a strong contingent of Templars and other knights. Overthrow At the Navas de Tolosa, just south of the Sierra of the Morena, the Almohades received the final overthrow Alin ohaaes'which laid Mahommedan Spain at the feet of the Christians. Alphonso died in 1214. His son Enrique (Henry) was. killed by the fall of a tile three years later; and Berengaria, to whom the crown came, sent to Leon for her son Fernando, and abdicated in his favour. Fernando (Ferdinand III.) who was in all ways worthy of his mother, took up the crusading duty of a king of Castile, and Ferdinand continued the advance into Andalusia. The Almo-IlL, 1217- hides were in swifter decline than the Almoravides. 1252. One of them, al-Mamun, even sought Fernando's help to regain his throne in Morocco, and ceded a suburb of the city to his Christian allies. In 123o the death of Alphonso of Leon opened the way to a final union of the crowns. The " Baboso " had, indeed, left his kingdom by will to his daughters by Teresa of Portugal, but Fernando was saved from the necessity of enforcing his rights by his mother. She persuaded Teresa and the infantas to resign their claims in Final Union return for pensions and lordships. Castile and of casing Leon were united, never to be divided again. The and Leon. work of the reconquest was now completed with swift steps. In 1236 Cordova was conquered, and Seville fell in 1248 with the help of a fleet from the Basque coast and of the Moorish king of Granada, who was Fernando's vassal, paying tribute and attending Cortes when summoned. Fernando died in May 1252. It will avoid repetition to note here that the Aragonese share of the reconquest was completed by James the Conqueror (1213-1276), the son of that king Peter who fought in the Navas de Tolosa. He conquered the Balearic Islands in 1229 and Valencia in 1238. In 1265 he entered Murcia, which, Reconquest however, he agreed to occupy in the name of Castile. of Spain, Mahommedan Spain was reduced to Granada and except a line of ports round to Cadiz. The Christian Granada. population had disappeared in Granada and Moslem r;fugees had peopled it closely. Its king was a vassal, and of itself it was no longer a danger. The close of the period of the great reconquest, five centuries of struggle, left Spain divided between two states of different Spain after character. On the west of the Iberian range and the Recon- south of the Guadarrama was the kingdom called, quest. for short, Castile and Leon. Tn fact its sovereign was also king of Gallicia, Asttirjas, Estremadura, Jaen, Cordova xxv. 18and Seville. This multiplicity of titles was more than a mere formula of the royal chancery. It was the official recognition of a substantial political fact—namely, that the kingdom of Castile and Leon had been made up Castile and Leon. by the agglutination of separate political entities. The real bond between them lay in the common crown, the common creed. They were one only as subjects of the same lords and members of the same Church. But their territorial patriotism was local. The peoples were not Spaniards, save as a general term, but Gallicians, Asturians, Castilians, Andalusians. The great foreign question for them was the possibility, and from time to time the imminence, of renewed invasion from Africa. That peril did not cease till the defeat of the last formidable African invader at the battle of the Rio Salado in 1340. It is characteristic of the loose construction of the kingdom that the Cortes of Leon and of Castile continued, after the final union, to meet apart on some occasions until 1301. On the eastern slope of the Iberian hills and the great central table-land was the kingdom called, again for short, Aragon. Its king was also a ruler of many titles—king in Aragon. Aragon, in Valencia, and the Balearic Isles (with one interval of separation), count of Barcelona, and in Provence. Marriage and inheritance had given him territorial rights in the south-east of France. Thus he came in contact with the crusaders of Simon de Montfort and the expansion of the French monarchy. Another marriage, that of Peter, the son and successor of James the Conqueror, with Costanza, the daughter of Manfred of Beneventum, gave him claims on the Neapolitan and Sicilian inheritance of the Hohenstaufen. From the date of the Sicilian Vespers (1283) Aragon is found mixed in the politics of Italy. The commercial activity of Barcelona brought it into collision with Genoa and alliance with Venice. The curious double position of the king of Aragon is fully illustrated by the career of that king Peter who was the father of James the Conqueror. He fought as a crusader at the Navas de Tolosa, he went to Rome to be crowned, and did voluntary homage to the pope. Yet his interests as a prince of southern France compelled him to draw the sword in defence of the Albigenses, and, orthodox as he was in creed, he fell fighting for them at Muret in 1213. If the fortunes of Aragon were to be followed in an outline of Spanish history, it would be necessary to wander as far as Athens and Constantinople. The difference of the relations of these two states towards the comity of nations had corresponding internal distinctions. It has been already noted that eastern Spain was feudal. Therefore the distinction of classes was far sharper in Aragon than in non-feudal Castile and Leon. Predial slavery, which had disappeared in Castile and Leon in the 13th century, existed unmodified in Aragon, and in its worst form, down to the Bourbon dynasty. When we are told of the freedom of Aragon, it is well to remember that it was enjoyed only by the small minority who were personally free and also privileged: by the citizens of the towns which had charters—called in Aragon the Universidades—the nobles, the gentry and the Church. The Catalans attained emancipation from feudal subjection by a succession of savage peasant revolts in the 15th and 16th centuries. In Valencia emancipation was finally brought by a measure which in itself was cruel—the expulsion of the Moriscoes in the 17th century. The landlords were compelled to replace them by free tenants. The prevalence of predial slavery in Aragon and Valencia can be largely explained by the number of Mudejares, that is Mahommedans living under Christian rule, and of Moriscoesconverted Mohammedans. If now we look at the internal history of Spain from the conclusion of the period of the reconquest, which may be put in the middle of the 13th century, down to the union of the crowns of Christtan-Castile and of Aragon by the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabel in 1469, it will be found to be occupied r 'in of with two great processes. These two processes are firstly, the christianization of Spain, a very different thing from its reconquest from Moslem masters—and, secondly, not its unification, for that is hardly attained even now, but its progress towards unification. IJ At a later period the two kingdoms defined their respective spheres of influence by a treaty. Aragon was left free to Recognition conquer the Balearic Islands and Valencia, while of the lade- Murcia and Ardalusia were to fall to Castile. The pendence of Almohades took the field against Alphonso in force, Aragon. and as his fellow Christian sovereigns failed him in the hour of need, he was defeated at Alarcos. But this wave of the ebbing Moslem tide had less force than the Almoravide, and fell back both sooner and farther than its predecessor. Alphonso organize- had leisure to punish his brother kings for deserting tion of the him, and to look to the organization of his kingdom. Kingdom. It was a great epoch of the granting of charters, The M111- and of the advance of the towns. To this age also 546 When Fernando (Ferdinand III.), the conqueror of Andalusia, died in 1252, he was indeed the king of the two, or even the three, religions. The Jews and the Mahommedans formed a The Jews very large part of his subjects. We have no means of andMahom''estimating their numbers, but there is much probability medans. that together they formed not much less than a half of the population. The Jews, who had suffered cruelly from the brutal fanaticism of the Almohades, had done a great deal to forward the conquest of Andalusia. They were repaid by the confidence of the king, and the period which includes the reign of Fernando and lasts till the end of the 14th century was the golden age of their history in Spain. In 1391 the preaching of a priest of Seville, Fernando Martinez, led to the first general massacre of the Jews, who were envied for their prosperity and hated because they were the king's tax collectors. But the history of the persecution and expulsion of the Jews is the same every-where except in date. The story of the Mudejares and Moriscoes is peculiarly Spanish. In the Christian advance they were from the beginning first subjected and then incorporated. As far north as Astorga there is still a population known as the Maragatos, and familiar to all Spain as carters and muleteers. This marked type of the Leonese of modern times represents a Berber colony cut off among the Christians, and christianized at an early date, who went on using Arab and Berber names long after their conversion. They are only the most conspicuous example of a process which was common to all the Peninsula. As the Christians worked down to the south they found an existing Mahommedan population. To reduce them to pure slavery would, in the case of Castile at least, have been dangerous, and would also have been offensive to the Christians, who were themselves fighting for emancipation. To expel them would have been to have the soil untilled. Therefore the king, the nobles, the Church and the military orders combined to give them protection. For them, as for the Jews, the 13th and 14th centuries were a golden age. By the end of the 14th the persecutions began. Forced conversion prepared the way for expulsion, which came in the reign of Philip III. (1J98-1621). But Expulsion before the end was reached all had been persuaded or ottee forced into Christianity, had ceased to be Mudejares, Moriscoes. and had become Moriscoes. In the majority of cases the conversion had occurred so long ago that the memory of the time when they were Mahommedans was lost, and multitudes of the children of Mudejares remained. The Mozarabes again—the Christians who had always lived under The Mahommedan rule—were an element of importance Mozarabes. in medieval Spain. They had learnt to write in Arabic, and used Arabic letters even when writing Latin, or the corrupt dialect of Latin which they spoke. The conquest of Toledo by Alphonso Vi. first brought the Christians into contact with a large body of these Arabized Spaniards, and their influence was considerable. By Alphonso they were favoured. He stamped his name on his coins in Arabic letters. It is said with probability that one of the early kings of Aragon, Peter I., could write no other letters than the Arabic. The Mozarabes were treated under the kings of the reconquest as separate bodies with their own judges and law, which they had been allowed to keep by the Moslem rulers. That code was the forum judicial of the Visigoths, the fuero juzgo, as it was called in the " romance " of later times and in Castilian. The Mozarabes brought in the large Arabic element, which is one of the features of the Castilian language. A part of the work of christianizing the Spain of the 13th century, and not the least part, was done by the monks of Cluny introduced by the French wife of Alphonso VI. To them was due the impulse given to the reform of the church, and to education. The foundation of the studium generale of Palencia in 1212 by Alphonso IX. was an outcome of the movement. It fell in the troubles following his death, but Fernando III. revived it by the foundation of the university of Salamanca, which dates from 1245. The church and the university were the great promoters of the effort to secure religious unity which began in the 14th and produced its full effects in the 17th century. How far the character, habits and morality of the Christian Spaniards were affected by Oriental influences is not a question which it is easy to answer. To some extent they no doubt were coloured. Such a social institution as the form of marriage known by the name of barragania shows visible traces of Eastern influence. In so far as it was a mere agreement of a man and woman to live together as husband and wife, it had precedents both Roman and Teutonic. There was also Roman and Teutonic example for recognizing the children of such a union as having rights of inheritance. On the other hand the name is Arabic, and so is the term applied to the children, hijos de ganancia, sons of the strange woman. Moreover the Oriental character of this union, be its origin what it may, is visible from the fact that it was polygamous. The only insuperable barrier to a barragania was the previous marriage " with the blessing," the full religious marriage, of the woman to another man. A married man might be united in barragania to a woman other than his lawful wife, and the children of that connexion, though not fully legitimate, were not bastards. The most signal example among many which could be quoted is that of Peter the Cruel (1350-1367), who, though married to Blanche of Bourbon, was abarraganado to Maria de Padilla. He left his[HISTORY kingdom to the daughters she bore him, and their quasi legitimacy was recognized not only by the Cortes during King Peter's life, but abroad. John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, married the elder of the daughters of Maria de Padilla, and claimed the crown of Castile by right of his wife. The clergy, who were debarred front the religious marriage by the discipline of the church, were commonly abarraganado all through the middle ages. The sumptuary laws, which required the barraganas of priests to wear a red border to their dresses, recognized them as a known and tolerated class. The work of political unification was essentially more difficult than the Christianization of Spain. The great common institution of the church, common enthusiasms, prejudices and Ihroblem of envies, were available for the second. The first had the fJnm of to contend with deeply rooted differences of national ,ion of ica- character and of class. The Galician who spoke, and spaia. still speaks, a language of his own, was profoundly separated from the Andalusian. The Basque, who till much later times practically included the Navarrese, was a man of another nationality and another speech from the Castilian. And what is true of Castile and Leon applies equally to Aragon. Aragonese, Catalans and Valencians were National as different as Galicians, Basques, Castilians and Differences. Andalusians. Aragon spoke a dialect of Castilian. Catalpnia and Valencia, together with the Balearic Islands, spoke, and speak, dialects of the southern French, the so-called Limose, though it was not the language of the Limousin. And the causes of division did not end here. The word " commonwealth " had no meaning either east or west of the Iberian range. Every one of the kingdoms grouped round the two sovereigns who shared modern Spain was itself a loose conglomeration of classes. Mention has already been made of the Jew and the Mudejar. These were more or less forcibly absorbed or brutally expelled. But the distinctions between noble and not noble, between town and country, were in the very fibre of all the Spanish peoples. Expulsion was impossible and combination only attainable by mutual agreement, and that was never secured. High mountain barriers and deep river courses had separated the Spaniards locally. They were more subtly and incurably separated by traditional and legal status. Speaking generally, and with the proviso that though names might differ from region to region, the facts did not; it may be said that Spain could be classified as follows: Under the crown of Castile all the territory was either abadengo, realingo, salariego, behetria, or it belonged to some town, big or little, which had its Carta pueblo or town charter, its own fuero systems of (forum) or law. Abadengo was land of the church, Land realingo domain of the crown, salariego land of the Tenure. nobles. Behetria is less easy to translate. The word is the romance form of benefactoria. Behetrias, called " plebeian lordships," were districts and townships of peasants who were bound to have a lord, and to make him payments in money or in kind, but who had a varying freedom of choice in electing their lord. Some were described as " from sea to sea, and seven times a day," that is to say they could take him anywhere in the king's dominions from the By of Biscay to the Straits of Gibraltar, and change him as often as they pleased. Others were de linage, that is to say, bound to take their lord from certain lineages. Their origin must probably be sought in the action of communities of Mozarabes, Christians living under Moslem rule as rayahs, who put themselves under The Towns. Christian chiefs of the early days of the reconquest for the benefice of their protection. They were mainly in old Castile. By the end of the middle ages they had disappeared. The chartered towns, in Spain east and west, were practically republics living under their own Carta pueblo with their own fuero or law. All charters were not granted by the king. Many of them were given by nobles or ecclesiastics, but required the confirmation of the king. And in this country, where all was local law usage and privilege, where uniformity was unknown, all charters were not held by towns. In many cases the serfs in the course of their struggle for freedom extorted charters and fueros. The greater chartered towns had their surrounding comarcas, answering to the " county " of an Italian city, over which they exercised jurisdiction. In time the villages dependent on a chartered city, as they grew to be towns themselves, fought for, and in many cases won, emancipation, which they then sought to have confirmed by the king and proceeded to symbolize by setting up their own gallows in the market-place. The church had won exemption from the payment of taxes by no general law, but by The clergy particular privilege to this or that chapter, bishopric and the or monastery. The nobles claimed, and were allowed, Nobles. . exemption from taxation. Church and nobles alike were for ever extending their borders by purchase, or trying to do so by force. They conferred their exemptions on the land they acquired, thus throwing the burden of taxation on the towns and the non-nobles with increasing weight. But in this land, where nothing was consistent, there was in reality no sharp division except in the smaller and feudal portion—called Aragon for convenience—and save as between Christian and non-Christian, noble and non-noble. The necessities of the reconquest made it obligatory that all the dwellers Class Distinctions. on the frontier should be garrison. Hence they were not only encouraged but required to possess arms. Those of them who The Cabal/e-could provide themselves with a charger, a mail ros de Fuero. shirt, a spear and sword were ranked as milites- and the miles was a caballero. Alphonso VII. especially authorized all men who could arm themselves, mount themselves, and serve " cavalierly " to live as and count themselves " cavaliers." Hence the formation of the class of caballeros de fuero, non-nobles living " nobly " with a right to wear the sword. The privilege survived the epoch of the reconquest, and was often extended to gilds which the king wished to encourage. Hence came the practice which caused so much surprise and amusement to French and German travellers of the 16th and 17th centuries—the wearing of the gentlemanly sword by the artisans of towns. No general law controlled these local usages and fueros. The fuero juzgo (forum judicum) was accepted by the Moz'arabes, and Local Laws. had authority everywhere in cases not provided for by the charters, or where no privilege had been granted by the king. But it was subject to innumerable exceptions, and particular jurisdictions. There was no common tribunal. Nor was any material change introduced after the epoch of the reconquest. Alphonso X., El Sabio or Learned, made a fuero real, which was formed Ly combining the best parts of existing charters. It was accepted by towns and districts not already The Siete chartered, but by them only. The famous siete partidas Partidas (the seven divisions), drawn up about 1260, 1s often spoken of as a code of laws. It was never so treated till it was promulgated at the Cortes of Alcala in 1338, in the reign of his great grandson, Alphonso XI. Even then it was subject to the restriction that it was not to prevail against any fuero, or the fuero real. The Cortes might have been expected to forward the work of unification. But without going into details on a subject which requires particular treatment, it may be noted that the The Cones. Cortes was no more coherent, or fixed in constitution or working, and was no more national, than any other of the institutions of the country. The crown of Castile and Leon had indeed a common Cortes after 1301. Aragon never advanced so far. It, Catalonia and Valencia had each their Cortes, which never united. When King Philip IV. (1621-1665) wished to secure grants of money from these parts of his dominions he had to summon three separate Cortes, which sat in different frontier towns, and he had to negotiate simultaneously with all three. Then the Spaniards, in their carelessness of form and regularity, never fixed any rule as to the constitution of a Cortes. The third estate secured representation in the Cortes of Leon (1188), and then in Castile and the Common Cortes. In the kingdom of Aragon the right was secured about the same time. It was decided that no new tax could be imposed save with the consent of the commons, and that therefore they must be represented. But no rule was ever made as to whom the king was bound to summon, nor even that the presence of the clergy and the nobles was necessary to constitute a true Cortes. It was never claimed by the Cortes that its consent was necessary to the making of laws. The Roman maxim that what the " prince " wills has the force of law was not disputed—nor did the Spaniard doubt that the king acting by himself was " the prince." The check which the justiza, or chief justice, of Aragon imposed on the king was supported by the force of nobles and cities, but it was an exception in Spain. The representatives of the commons were the personeros and procuradores, i.e. attorneys of the cities. There was no knight of the shire in any Spanish Cortes. The great cities in Castile and Leon succeeded finally in reducing the right of representation to a privilege of eighteen among them, with the good will of the king, who found it easier to coerce or bribe the procurators of eighteen towns than the representatives of a hundred and fifty. The legislative work of such bodies was necessarily small. Their practical power might be great when the king was weak and necessitous, but only then. It ought to have been easy for kings whose authority was confessedly so great to have made themselves effectively despotic amid all this division and weakness. Nor would they have failed so to do if the sovereigns of Castile had not been either incapable or short-lived, and if there had not been an extraordinary succession of long minorities; while the kings of Aragon were tempted to neglect their Spanish possessions because they were in pursuit of their claims and ambitions in Italy. Alphonso X. of Castile (1252–1284) was an admirable writer, and a man of AiphonsoX., keen intelligent interest in science and law. As 1252-1284. a ruler he was at once weak, unstable and obstinate. He wasted much time and great sums of money in endeavouring to secure his election as emperor—not in Spain, but in the Holy Roman Empire. He did indeed add the town of Cadiz to his possessions with the help of his vassal, the Moorish king of Granada, but his reign is filled with quarrels between himself and his nobles. The nobles of Castile and Leon were not feudalvassals, but great landowners claiming and exercising rights co jurisdiction on their estates. Their name of ricos hombres, which first appears in written documents of the 12th The Nobles, century, has been credited with a Teutonic origin, Rrcos but it was in all probability nothing but a "romance" Hombres. or Castilian translation of the seniores and senatores, potentiorer and possessores of the Visigoth councils and code. They represented a nobility of wealth and not of blood. In the earlier times their possessions were divided among their sons. It was only at the end of the 13th century and later that they began to form mayorazgos or entails, to preserve their name and family. It was then that segundones, or younger sons, began to be known in the social life of Spain. But whatever their position may have been legally, they were as grasping as any feudal nobility in Europe, and they were singularly destitute of any capacity for combined political action. In Aragon, indeed, the nobles did extort a promise from the king that they should not be put to death or deprived of their estates by his mere decision. In Castile they never went beyond begging or extorting grants of the crown lands, or pensions charged on the royal revenue. Alphonso X. ended his life in a civil war with his son Sancho, who claimed the succession in preference to the children of his elder brother, Fernando de la Cerda, and in virtue of a doctrine of which much was heard in the middle ages elsewhere than in Spain. He maintained that the younger son, being nearer to the father than the grandson, had a right to succeed in preference to the children of an elder brother who had died before the succession was open. Alphonso, after first accepting Sancho's claim, repudiated it, and made a will by which he not only left the crown of Castile to the eldest son of Fernando de la Cerda, but cut vassal kingdoms out of the southern parts of Spain for Sancho's younger brothers. The reign of sanche Iv., Sancho IV., surnamed El Bravo, or the Fierce (1284– 1284-1296. 1296), was one constant struggle with the very nobles who had helped him against his father, with his younger brothers, and with the sons of Fernando de la Cerda. Ferdinand Murder and massacre were his familiar methods. IV., 1296-He was succeeded by his infant son Fernando (Fer- 1313. dinand IV.), whose long minority was an anarchy, tempered by the courage and the tact of his mother, Maria de Molina. Fernando, ungrateful to his mother and incapable as a king, died in 1312, leaving a son of less than a year old, Alphonso XI. (1312–1350). After another minority of confusion, Alphonso, surnamed " of the Rio Salado," from the great Alphonse victory he won over an invading host from Africa, XI•.1312-ruled with energy and real political capacity. He 1350. was indeed ferocious, but such actions as the murder of his great-uncle, Don Juan El Tuerto—the distorted in body and mind—did not seem to his subjects more than the exercise by " the prince " of that right to act for the good of the state legibus solutus which is inherent in sovereignty. But Alphonso did not use his freedom to act legibus solutus except against such hoary and incorrigible intriguers as Don Juan el 'Puerto or the Caballero Diego Gil, whom he beheaded with seventeen of his men after promising them security for their lives. He did some-thing to found the judicial and administrative unity of the country. His death at the age of thirty-eight, during the great plague, and while he was besieging Gibraltar, was a misfortune to Spain. His successor, Peter, surnamed the Cruel (1350-1368) was destined to show the Castilians exactly peter the what the constant use by " the prince " of the cruel', reserved rights of the sovereign authority could be 1350-1368. made to mean, when they were exercised by a passionate man maddened by suspicion of all about him. Administering the civil side of his government through Jewish tax-gatherers and farmers of the taxes, and surrounded by the Mudejar guard, who were the executors of his justice, his path is marked by one long succession of murders. With all his appearance of energy, he shrank from action at the critical moment of his wars out of utter want of trust in all about him. His expulsion by his brother, Henry of Trastamara, the eldest son of Leonora de Guzman, his restoration by the Black Prince (q.v.), his treachery The Kings of Castile. to him, and his final defeat and murder at Montiel, are famous episodes. Henry of Trastamara, the beginner of the " new Henry of kings " (1368–1379), reigned by election. The Trastamara, nobles and the cities to whom he owed his crown 1368-4379. had proportionate power. In his reign and those of his immediate successors the Cortes flourished, although it failed to establish checks on the absolute power of the king. Henry was on the whole a successful ruler. He forced his neighbours of Portugal to make peace, his fleet defeated an English squadron off Rochelle, and he restored internal order. The civic hermandades, or brotherhoods, enforced respect from the nobles. John I. (1379–1390), Henry's son and successor, had to contend with John of Gaunt, son of Edward III. of England, who had married the eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel, and claimed the crown of Castile in her name. John averted the danger by arranging a marriage between his son Henry and Constance, the eldest daughter of John of Gaunt, an alliance which united the two equally illegitimate lines representing Alphonso XI., and so closed the dispute as to the succession. He was less fortunate in his efforts to vindicate the rights of his wife Beatrix to the throne of Portugal. The defeat of the Castilians at the battle of Aljubarrota (1385) compelled the king to renounce his pre-tensions. The minority of his son, Henry III. (1390–1406) was long, and his effective reign short, but in the brief Henry III" 13904406. space allowed him the king, a weakly man surnamed El Doliente (the sufferer) did something to estab- lish order. He recovered all the immense grants of crown lands and rents, impounded by the nobles during his minority. The first years of the minority of his infant son, John II. (1406– 1454), were by a rare exception peaceful. The young John H., 1406-4454. king's uncle Ferdinand (called " of Antequera " because he was besieging that town, which he took from the Moors, when he heard in 1412 that he had been declared heir to the crown of Aragon by the Cortes of Caspe) acted as regent. Ferdinand was able and honest. His succession to the throne of Aragon is an event of capital importance in the history of the Peninsula. The kings of Aragon from the death of James the Conqueror in 1276 to the death of Martin I. in 1410 were so largely con- cerned in the struggle with the Angevin party in The kings AragOl Naples and Sicily, that their history belongs rather to Italy than to their Peninsular kingdom. They were six in number; Peter III. (1276–1285), Alphonsq III. (1285–1291), James II. (1291–1327), Alphonso IV. (1327–1336), Peter IV. (1336–1387), John I. (1387–1395), and Martin I. (1345–1410). In so far as their influence was felt in the internal affairs of their Spanish kingdoms, they had a double task to perform. The first was to reunite the Balearic Islands and Roussillon, which James the Conqueror had left by will to a younger son, to the crown of Aragon. This was finally achieved, after a hideous story of fratricidal hatred and murder by poison, by Peter IV. Their second task was to reduce their turbulent barons, in Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia alike, to the position of obedient subjects. In this task also it was Peter IV. who achieved success. The barons of Aragon and Valencia had extorted from his weak father the charter known Peter I'/. as the Union, which not only recognized their just and the right not to be punished in life or property, except " Union." by process of law, but explicitly authorized them to elect the justiza or the chief justice, whose decisions were to be independent of royal confirmation, and to take up arms whenever they considered themselves aggrieved. Such an instrument was of course incompatible with the monarchical or any other form of government. The object of the life of Peter IV. was to force the barons to surrender their charter. After years of struggle and preliminary failures, Peter IV. defeated the " Union " utterly at the decisive battle of Epila (1348). He was a typical king of the 15th century, immeasurably false, and unspeakably ferocious, but he .vas not a mere blood-thirsty sultan like his enemy, Peter the Cruel of Castile. When he won he took indeed a brutal vengeance on individuals, andhe extorted the surrender of the charter and destroyed it with his dagger in the presence of the Cortes at Saragossa. He cut his hand in his eagerness, and declared that the blood of a king was well shed in securing the destruction of such an instrument —whence his popular nickname of Peter of the Dagger (dehPunejalet). But his use of the victory was statesmanlike. He fully confirmed the right of the nobles to trial by law and security against arbitrary punishment; he left the franchises of the city untouched, and respected the independence of the justiza. The result of his victory was to give Aragon and his other dominions a measure of internal peace unknown in Castile. The reigns of his sons and successors, John and Martin, were insignificant and tranquil. The death of Martin without children in 1410 left the succession open. The two years of discussion which followed are interesting as a proof that Aragon had The Sun-reached a higher political level than Castile. The cession in Cortes was able to administer in peace, and the Aragon. question of the succession was debated as if it had been in a suit between private persons. The judges finally decided in favour of Ferdinand, on the ground that his mother, Eleanor, was the daughter of Peter IV., and that though a woman could not reign as a " proprietary queen " in Aragon, she could convey the right to her husband or transmit it to her son. On their own principles they ought to have given the crown to John of Castile as the son of Ferdinand's elder brother. But the countries were not ripe for union. Nevertheless the choice of Ferdinand was a step forward towards union. From 1412 to 1479 the separation lasted with a growing approximation of the two states whose interests touched one another so closely. In Castile John II. (1406–1454), a man Castile. of amiable but indolent character and of literary John tastes, was governed by his favourite, Alvaro de 14064464-Luna, and harassed by his nobles. His reign is full of contentions which were not wars for a principle, but were scuffles for the control of the spigot of taxation. At the end of his life he sacrificed his favourite at the instigation of his second wife, an act which, it is said, justly embittered his last days. Of his son, Henry IV. (1454–1474) it is enough to say that he was called " the Impotent, " and that there is every Hen 1454rylt , -1474. reason to believe that he deserved the description in all the senses of the word. His reign was an inferior copy of his father's. As the legitimacy of his alleged daughter Juana was disputed, his sister Isabella claimed the succession, and married her cousin, Ferdinand of Aragon, son of John I., in 1469 in defiance of her brother. In Aragon, Ferdinand I. " of Antequera " (1412–1416) was succeeded by Alphonso V. (1416– Aragon. 1458) the Magnanimous, whose brilliant life belongs to Italy. In Aragon he was represented by his brother John, who administered as lieutenant-general, and who reigned in his own right (1458–1479) when Alphonso V. died without legitimate heirs, leaving Naples by will to a bastard son. John I., a man of indomitable energy and consider-able capacity, spent most of his life in endeavouring to enforce his claims to the kingdom of Navarre as the husband and heir of its queen Blanche. His conflict with his son by his first marriage, Charles, prince of Viana, was settled in his favour by the death of the prince. Then he had to contend with a national revolt in Catalonia, which endeavoured to make itself independent under three successive foreign princes. In the end the pertinacity of John triumphed. At the age of over eighty, blind and unconquerable, he. transmitted his kingdom to Ferdinand, his son by his second marriage, with Juana Enriquez, of the family of the hereditary admirals of Castile. Navarre went to a daughter, and Roussillon was somewhat fraudulently retained by Louis XI. as security for a debt. Ferdinand conquered the Spanish half of Navarre later, and recovered Roussillon from Charles VIII., the successor of Louis XI. With the death of John II. of Aragon in 1479 the history of Spain enters on an entirely new period. Hitherto it has been the story of a national development. The process did not cease, but, during the reign of Isabella the Catholic (1474–1504) until the death of her husband Ferdinand in 1516, was carried, John 1., (379-1390. John II., 1458-1479. not to completion, but to the stopping place at which it was destined to rest for two centuries. The voyage of Columbus Spanish in 1492, and the intervention of Ferdinand in the History great conflict of France, the empire and the papacy after 1479. for predominance in Italy, had, simultaneously, the effect of opening to her the world of conquest and adventure in America, and of committing her to incessant wars in the Italian Peninsula. The death of John, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella, the worst misfortune which ever happened to Spain, opened the succession to all the crowns and coronets worn by the Catholic sovereigns to Charles of Habsburg—the emperor Charles V. From that day Spain became a part—the leader, then the paymaster, then the dupe--of the international monarchical confederation called " the illustrious House of Austria." The Spaniard became the swordsman and executioner of the counter-Reformation, because the power of the House of Austria depended on the imposition of religious unity in Europe. The decision of Charles V., king of Spain and emperor, to leave the Netherlands to his scn Philip II., committed the Spaniards to conflict on the sea with England, and to the insane attempt to secure a safe road for their armies across Europe from the shores of the Mediterranean to the North Sea. Thereby they threatened the very national existence of France. The arrangement was made possible only by the hopeless divisions of Germany, the blind pride of Spain, and the utter political incapacity of both. It forced every patriotic ruler of England to oppose Spain on the sea, and every statesmanlike master of France to ruin her power on the land. Meanwhile the Spaniards were endeavouring to check the advance of the Turks in the Mediterranean, and to exclude all Europe from the waters of the New World. In the intensity of their struggle with the Reformation they subjected education to a censorship which, in order to exclude all risk of heresy, stifled thought and reduced knowledge to the repetition of safe formulas. With their eyes on the ends of the earth, and a ring of enemies from Constantinople to the Antilles, the Spaniards fought, with steadily diminishing material resources, with a character and intellect which shrivelled by swift degrees. When nearly bled to death for the illustrious House of Austria, they were transferred to the House of Bourbon, which in its turn dragged them into conflict with Austria in Italy and England on the sea. At the beginning of the rgth century they had fallen into such a state of weakness that Napoleon could, with some considerable measure of excuse, look upon their country as a species of no-man's-land into which his troops had only to march on police duty to secure immediate obedience. The history of the 19th century is the liquidation of an enormous bankruptcy, and the completion of the circle which confines the Spaniard once more to the soil of the Peninsula. Ferdinand and Isabella were proclaimed king and queen of Castile together, although the crown was hers alone, and although Ferdinand she never consented to part with her sovereign andlsabella. authority. In the purely internal affairs of Castile it was always she who decided on questions of administration. Some opposition was offered by a faction of the nobles who took up the claims of Henry's supposed daughter, commonly called Juana la Beltraneja, because her father was alleged to have been Don Beltran de la Cueva, who, however, fought for Isabella. Juana's party had the support of the king of Portugal, who arranged a marriage between her and his son. The defeat of the Portuguese at Toro made an early end of the war. The new sovereigns immediately began the work of establishing order and obedience in their dominions. The line of policy followed by the Catholic sovereigns' was to keep the old forms, but draw the substance of power to themselves. Thus, for instance, they organized a police to clear the country of brigands, and attached a special jurisdiction to it, but they gave it the old name of Hermandad and the very superficial appearance of a voluntary association of the cities and the gentry. It consisted of a force of well-appointed horsemen, in the pro- ' The name was not formally given to them by the pope till later, but it is convenient to use it at once.portion of one to every hundred families. Its merits as a police have perhaps been exaggerated, and in the war with Granada its bands were employed as soldiers. But an end was at least put to the existence of pefias bravas in the dominions of the crown of Castile. And this was the uniform model of their policy. The masterships of the military orders of Calatrava, St Iago and Alcantara were one by one annexed to the Crown. Their commandaries were used to pay, or pension, the servants of the sovereigns. No attack was made on the charters of the towns, but in Castile and Aragon alike royal officers were appointed to adjudicate on disputes within the corporations themselves, or between corporation and corporation. By them the old councils were rapidly reduced to a state of atrophy. The same course was followed with the Cortes. It continued to be summoned by the Catholic sovereigns and their successors of the Habsburg line, but it was needed only to grant money. The nobles and the clergy, who as exempt from taxation had no vote, became purely ornamental parts of the Cortes. The representatives of the third estate were confined by the indifference of the Castilians to eighteen towns, whose procurators were named by the councils either from among themselves in rotation, or from particular families. Moreover, they received pay from the Crown while the Cortes sat. For the work of legislation the Cortes was not needed, and never had been. It was not even summoned during the whole of the war with Granada. The Catholic sovereigns provided themselves with a revenue by the customary wholesale resumptions of grants Qovernmeat made during the reigns of John II. and Henry IV., of the and by the suppression or reduction of the pensions "catholic they had granted with profusion. The nobles, So"-having been brought to obedience by a frown, were regns." left in possession of their estates, their social rank and the obligation to render military service. They were summoned to the royal council, but only as ornamental members, the real authority and the exclusive right to vote being confined to the leirados, or lawyers, chosen by the Crown from the class of the burghers. Encouragement of industry was not wanting; the state under-took to develop the herds of merino sheep, by issuing prohibitions against inclosures, which proved the ruin of agriculture, and gave premiums for large merchant ships, which ruined the owners of small vessels and reduced the merchant navy of Spain to a handful of galleons. Tasas, fixed prices, were placed on everything. The weaver, the fuller, the armourer, the potter, the shoemaker were told exactly how to do their own work. All this did not bear its full fruit during the reign of the Catholic sovereigns, but by the end of the 16th century it had reduced Spain to a state of Byzantine regulation in which every kind of work had to be done under the eye and subject to the interference of a vast swarm of government officials, all ill paid, and often not paid, all therefore necessitous and corrupt. When the New World was opened, commerce with it was limited to Seville in order that the supervision of the state might be more easily exercised. The great resource of the treasury was the alcabalas or excises—taxes (farmed by contractors) of 5 or 10% on an article every time it was sold—on the ox when sold to the butcher, on the hide when sold to the tanner, on the dressed hide sold to the shoemaker and on his shoes. All this also did not bear its full fruit till later times, but by the 17th century it had made Spain one of the two " most beggarly nations in Europe "—the other being Portugal. The policy of the Catholic sovereigns towards the Church was of essentially the same character as their treatment of the nobles or the cities. They aimed at using it as an instrument of government. One of the first measures adopted by them in Castile, before the union with Aragon, was to stop the nomination of foreigners to Spanish benefices by the pope. But the most characteristic part of their ecclesiastical policy was the establishment of the Spanish Inquisition (q.v.). The spanish By the bull of Sixtus IV. of 1578 they obtained Inquisition. authority to appoint three inquisitors, whom they were empowered to remove or replace, and who were independent of, and superior to, the inquisitorial courts of the bishops. 550 The Spanish Inquisition was a department of the royal government, employed to enforce religious unity and obedience, because they were held to be indispensable in order to obtain national unity and to enforce the authority of the Crown. The Inquisition was at first established (in 1480) in the dominions of Castile only, but it was extended in 1486 to Catalonia and in 1487 to Aragon, in spite of strong protests. The first duties of the Inquisition were to deal with the converted Jews and Mahommedans, respectively known as Marranos and Moriscoes, and with those who still professed their religions. The latter were dealt with by expulsion, which in the case of the Jews was enforced in 1492, and in the case of the subject Mahommedans or Mudejares in 1502. Both were industrious classes, and the loss of their services was disaster to Spain—the first of a long series of similar measures which culminated in the final expulsion of the Moriscoes in 161o. The converted Jews and Mahommedans presented greater difficulties to the Inquisition. Many of the higher ecclesiastics and of the nobility were of Jewish, or partially Jewish, descent. The landlords who found the Moriscoes useful tenants, and the commercial authorities of towns like Barcelona, who knew the value of the converted Jews, endeavoured to moderate the zeal of the inquisitors. But they were supported by the Crown, and there can be no question that the Holy Office was popular with the mass of the nation. It produced a wholesale flight of the converted Jews to France. In social life the religious zeal favoured by the Inquisition led to such things as those public processions of flagellants which went on in Spain till the end of the 18th century. It aimed at preserving orthodoxy and developing sainthood on the medieval model. Of ordinary immorality it took little notice, and the triumph of its cause in the 16th and 17th centuries, while producing such types of ecstatic piety as St Theresa (q.v.), the Sor Mariade Jesus (Maria Agreda), (q.v.) and the Venerable Virgin Luisa de Carvajal (q.v.), was accompanied by an extraordinary development of moral laxity. The Holy Office showed equal zeal in extending its jurisdiction, and by the end of the 17th century had provoked a strong reaction. The most honourable passage in its history is the part it took in forwarding the great, though temporary, reform of the monastic orders, which was a favourite object with Queen Isabella. Between 1481 and 1492 the Catholic sovereigns completed the work of the reconquest by subjugating the one surviving Conquest of Mahommedan state of Granada. Their task was Granada, materially facilitated by dissensions among the 1492. Moors, whose princes intrigued against one another, and were to the last ready to aid the Christians in the hope of obtaining a small fragment of territory for themselves. The surrender of Granada on the and of January 1492 was partly secured by promises of toleration, which were soon violated. A revolt had to be suppressed in 1501. Having secured the unity of their territory in the Peninsula, the Catholic sovereigns were free to begin the work of expansion. In 1492 Columbus (q.v.) sailed on his first voyage to the west. In 1493 Discovery of Ferdinand secured the restoration of Roussillon from America. Charles VIII. of France by the fallacious treaty in which he undertook to remain neutral during the king's expedition to Italy. The voyage of Columbus had unforeseen consequences which led to diplomatic difficulties with Portugal, and the treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, which defined the respective spheres of influence of the two powers in the New World and in Asia. In 1497 Ferdinand, with the support of his wife, Foreign entered on those wars of Italy in which the Spanish Policy of regular soldiers first gained their reputation, and Ferdinand which made Spain for a time the dominant power and Isabella- in the Italian peninsula (see CORDOBA, GONZALO F. DE). They endeavoured to strengthen themselves against France by marriages with the royal family of England (see CATHERINE OF ARAGON) and the Habsburgs. The marriage of Juana, called the Mad, with Philip of Habsburg, son of the emperor Maximilian (q.v.) brought a new dynasty to Spain. On the death of the queen in 1504 her son-in-law claimed the regency, and was supported by the sole Reign of Castilian nobles. His death in 15o6 and the in-Ferdinand. sanity of his widow left the Castilians no choice but to restore Ferdinand as regent. During the next ten years Ferdinand governed with the very able assistance of the archbishop of Toledo, Jimenes de Cisneros (q.v.). He annexed the southern part of Navarre, which was held by the representatives of his half-sister. The archbishop organized and directed the expedition which conquered Oran, Tripoli and other points on the African coast. Here beyond all doubt lay[HISTORY the proper field for the expansion of Spain. She was drawn from it on the death of Ferdinand in 1516. He was :,ucceeded by his grandson Charles of Habsburg, and when Charles was elected to the empire in 1519 Spain was dragged into the wars and politics of central Europe. Only the smaller part of the reign of Charles was spent in Spain. He came to it from Flanders, where he had received his education, unable to speak the language and sur- Charles I. of rounded by Flemish favourites. To him and them Spain, v. as the country was only a source of supply from which Emperor• money was to be obtained in order to bribe the German electors. The disregard which both showed for the interests of Spain and its constitutional rights led to the outbreak of the revolt of the cities—the Comuneros—which plunged Castile into confusion in 1519 and 1520 after the departure Revolt of the of Charles for Flanders. The rising of the comuneros, Comuneros has often been spoken of as a 1519-2°. struggle for freedom. But it has a very dubious right to the name. In many places the movement was simply an excuse for a revival of private wars between wealthy noble families. In others it was a struggle to enforce the claims of particular towns. It hardly extended as a political movement beyond the two Castiles. If its leaders had acted together, in combination with the nobles, the Comuneros could have imposed their own terms, for there was no royal army to oppose them. But they drifted into hostility with the nobles, and were defeated by them at Villalar. The movement then rapidly collapsed. Charles had no part in the suppression of the revolt. Through-out his reign he respected the claim of the Cortes that no new taxation should be raised without its consent, but as he had to deal only with the representatives of eighteen cities, who could generally be bribed, he rarely failed to secure what he demanded. The outbreak of the Comuneros in Castile coincided with the social and agrarian revolt in Valencia known as the Germania or brotherhood, from the name of the directing committee appointed by the insurgents. It was in no sense a movement for political rights, but an attack by Rising of the the sailors, the workmen of the towns, and the Germania in Christian peasants on the landowners and their valencia. Mudejar and Morisco serfs. It was accompanied by murder and massacre and by forced conversions of the Mudejares. After desolating Valencia for some three years it was put down by the help of troops from Castile. The conquest of Mexico by Hernan Cortes (q.v.) and of Peru by Francisco Spain and Pizarro (q.v.) belong to this reign, but were imme- the Eurodiately due to the adventurers in America. These peon Policy conquests and the incessant wars into which Spain ofcharles v. was drawn by the Aragonese claims in Italy, and its connexion with the empire, gave to the nation a great European position and to the Spanish soldiers of the time many opportunities to win renown. The capture of the French king at Pavia and his imprisonment at Madrid gratified the pride of the Spaniards, and did much to reconcile them to the sacrifices which the policy of the emperor imposed on them. Except, however, in the case of the successful attack on Tunis in 1535, and the attempt to take Algiers in 1541, his actions were not inspired by any regard for the interests of his Spanish kingdoms. He treated them simply as instruments to promote the grandeur of his house. His indifference to their good, or his utter inability to see where it lay, was conspicuously shown when, on his abdication in 1556, he left his hereditary Flemish possessions to his son Philip, and not to his brother Ferdinand. The reign of Philip II. (1556–1598) was a prolongation of the reign of his father, both in domestic and in foreign policy. In it the vices of this policy were displayed to the Philip If fullest extent. Philip's marriage with Mary Tudor 15564598. (q.v.) in 1554 having proved barren, and her death in 1558 having placed Elizabeth on the throne of England, he was left without the support against France which this union was meant to secure. At the same time his inheritance of the Netherlands brought him into collision with their inhabitants, who feared his absolutist tendencies, and with the Reformation. The revolt in the Low Countries was inevitably favoured by both France and England. Philip was consequently drawn Spain and into intervention in the religious wars of France the Nether- (q.v.) and into war with England, which culminated lands, in the great Armada (q.v.) of 1588. His relations France and with England were further complicated by the exten-England. sion of English maritime enterprise to the New World (see HAWKINS, JOHN; and DRAKE, FRANCIS). In the Mediterranean he was equally forced by his position to take a part in resisting the Turks (see MALTA: History; and LEPANTO, BATTLE OF). But the key to his whole policy must be sought in his relations to his Flemish subjects. With his absolutist tendencies he was bound to wish to govern them as he did Castile, and the principle of religious toleration, which was not understood by any prince in Europe with the exception of the prince of Orange, William the Silent (q.v.), was peculiarly impossible for him. His reign was therefore one long struggle with forces which he was unable to master. The burden of the struggle fell with crushing effect on his Spanish dominions and peculiarly on Castile. Aragon, which was poor and tenacious of its rights, would give little; Catalonia and Valencia afforded small help. The Flemish revenue was destroyed by the revolt. The Italian states barely paid their expenses. Resources for the incessant wars of the reign had been sought in the taxation of Castile and the revenue from the mines of America. They were wholly inadequate, and the result of the attempt to dominate all western Europe was to Character of Produce bankruptcy and exhaustion. In his internal Philip's government Philip was fully despotic. He made no Governmenl.pretence of consulting the Cortes on legislation, and though he summoned them to vote new taxes he established the rule that the old were to be considered as granted for ever, and as constituting the fixed revenue of the Crown. The nobles were excluded from all share in the administration, which was in the hands of boards (juntas) of lawyers and men of the middle class. All business was conducted by correspondence, and with a final reference to the king, and the result was naturally endless delay. The first years of the reign of Philip II. were occupied in concluding the last of his father's wars with France, to which Foreign was added a very unwelcome quarrel with the pope, Policy of arising out of his position as duke of Milan. He Philip. was unable to avoid sending an army under Alva against Paul IV., and was glad to avail himself of the services of Venice to patch up a peace. On the Flemish frontier, with the help of an English contingent and by the good generalship of Philibert of Savoy he defeated a French army at St Quentin on the loth of August 1557, and again at Gravelines on the 13th of July 1558. But he did not follow up his successes, and the war was ended by the signing of the peace of Cateau Cambresis on the 2nd of April 1559. The exhaustion of his resources made peace necessary to him, and it was no less desirable to the French government. Philip's marriage with Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry II. and of Catherine de Medici, together with their common fear of the Reformation, bound him for a time to the French royal house. In August 1559 he returned to Spain, which he never left for the rest of his life. The outcry of the Cortes, whether of Castile or of the other states, for relief from taxation was loud. In some cases the king went so far as to levy taxes in what he acknowledged was an illegal manner and excused under the plea of necessity. By 1567 the revolt in the Netherlands was flagrant, and the duke of Alva was sent with a picked army, and at the expense of Spain, to put it down. In the following year the tyranny of the Inquisition, encouraged by the king who desired to purge his kingdom of all taint of heterodoxy, led to the revolt of the Moriscoes, which desolated Granada from 1568 to 1J70, and ruined the province completely. The Moriscoes had looked for help from the Turks, who were engaged in conquering Cyprus from Venice. The danger to Spain and to the Spanish possessions in Italy stimulated the king to join in the Holy League formed by the pope and Venice against the Turks; and Spanish ships and soldiers had a great share in the splendid victory at Lepanto. But the penury of the treasury made it impossible to maintain a permanent naval force to protect the coast against the Barbary pirates (q.v.). Andalusia, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia and the Balearic Islands were subject to their raids throughout the whole of the 16th and 17th centuries. In 1581 Philip annexed Portugal, as heir to King Henry, the aged successor of Dom Sebastian. Philip endeavoured to placate the Portuguese by the fullest recognition of their constitutional rights, and in particular by favouring the fidalgos or gentry. The duke of Braganza, whose claims were better than Philip's, was bought off by immense grants. Spain seemed now to have reached a commanding height of power. But she was internally exhausted. Her real weakness, and the incompetence of her government, were shown when open war began with England in 1585. While a vast armament was being slowly collected for the invasion of England, Drake swept the West Indies, and in 1587 burnt a number of Spanish ships in their own harbour of Cadiz. The ruinous failure of the great Armada in 1588 demonstrated the incapacity of Spain to maintain her pretensions. In 1591 the support given by the Aragonese to Antonio Perez (q.v.) led to the invasion of their country by a Castilian army. The constitutional rights of Aragon were not entirely suppressed, but they were diminished, and the kingdom was reduced to a greater measure of submission. In his later years Philip added to all his other burdens a costly intervention in France to support the league and resist the succession of Henry IV. to the throne. He was compelled to acknowledge himself beaten in France before his death on the 13th of September 1598. He left the war with England and with the Netherlands as an inheritance to his son. The period of one hundred and two years covered by the reigns of Philip III. (1598—1621), Philip IV. (1621—1665) and Charles II. (1665—1700), was one of decadence, end- phiiipffi, ing in intellectual, moral and material degradation. 15984621. The dynasty continued to make the maintenance of the rights and interests of the House of Austria its main object. Spain had the misfortune to be saved from timely defeat by the weakness of its neighbours. The policy of James I. of England (q.v.), the civil wars of Charles I. (q.v.), the assassination of Henry IV. of France, the troubles of the minority and reign of Louis XIII. (q.v.) and the Fronde (q.v.), preserved her from concerted and persistent foreign attack. After a futile attempt to injure England by giving support to the earl of Tyrone in Ireland (see TYRONE, EARLS OF) peace was made between the powers in 1604. In 1609 a twelve years' truce was made with the Dutch. But the temporary cessation of foreign wars brought no real peace to Spain. In 1610 fears of the help which the Moriscoes might give to a Mahommedan attack from Africa combined with religious bigotry to cause their expulsion. The measure was thoroughly popular with the nation, but it was industrially more injurious than a foreign invasion need have been. The king was idle and pleasure-loving. He resigned the control of his government to the duke of Lerma (q.v), one of the most worthless of all royal favourites. The expenses of the royal household increased fourfold, and most of the increase was absorbed by the favourite and his agents. The nobles, who had been kept at a distance by Philip II., swarmed round the new king, and began to secure pensions in the old style. The pillage was so shameless that public opinion was stirred to revolt. Some of the lesser sinners were forced to restitution, and in 1618 Lerma fell from power, but only because he was supplanted by his son, the duke of Uceda, a man as worthless as himself. In that year was taken the step which was destined to consummate the ruin of Spain. The Thirty Years' War began in Germany, and Spain was called upon to support the House of Austria. The death of Philip III. on the 21st of March 1621 brought no real change. His son, Philip IV., was an abler man, and even gave indications of a wish to qualify himself to discharge his duties as king. But he was young, pleasure-loving, and wanted the strength of will to make his good intentions effective. Exhaustion of Spain. For twenty years the administration was really directed by his favourite the count of Olivares (q.v.) and duke of San Lucar, known as the " Conde Duque," the counts pump 5 1621-16665. . duke. Olivares was far more able and honest than Lerma. But he could only keep his place by supplying his master with the means of dissipation and by conforming to his dynastic sentiments. The truce concluded in 16o9 with Holland ended in 1621, and was not renewed. The commercial classes, particularly in Portugal, complained that it subjected them to Dutch competition. War was renewed, and the Dutch invaded Brazil. As their fleets made it dangerous to send troops by sea to Flanders, Spain had to secure a safe road overland. Therefore she endeavoured to obtain full control of the Valtel- lina, the valley leading from Lombardy to Tirol, and from thence to the German ecclesiastical states, which allowed a free passage to the Spanish troops. War with France ensued. The failure of the treaty of marriage with England (see CHARLES I. and

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