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Originally appearing in Volume V27, Page 641 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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SECTION IN CENTRAL WASHINGTON 250 ft. 4000 ft. . 3500 ft. . C. 3000 ft. . 4000 „ . 0–2000 „ winds also are much affected by the changes of pressure due to the strong continental changes of temperature. The warmed air of summer produces an area of low pressure in the west-central United States, which interrupts the belt of high pressure that planetary conditions alone would form around the earth about latitude 300; hence there is a tendency of the summer winds to blow inward from the northern Pacific over the Cordilleras toward the continental centre, and from the trades of the torrid Atlantic up the Mississippi Valley; conversely in winter time, the cold air over the lands produces a large area of high pressure from which the winds tend to flow outward; thus repelling the westerly winds of the northern Pacific and greatly intensifying the outflow southward to the Gulf of Mexico and eastward to the Atlantic. As a result of these seasonal alternations of temperature and pressure there is something of a monsoon tendency developed in the winds of the Mississippi Valley, southerly inflowing winds prevailing in summer and northerly outflowing winds in winter; but the general tendency to inflow and outflow is greatly modified by the relief of the lands, to which we next turn. The climatic effects of relief are seen directly in the ascent of the higher mountain ranges to altitudes where low temperatures prevail, thus preserving snow patches through the summer on the high summits (over rz,000 ft.) in the south, and maintaining snow-fields and moderate-sized glaciers on the ranges in the north. With this goes a general increase of precipitation with altitude, so that a good rainfall map would have its darker shades very generally along the mountain ranges. Thus the heaviest measured rainfall east of the Mississippi is on the southern Appalachians; while in the west, where observations are as yet few at high level stations, the occurrence of forests and pastures on the higher slopes of mountains which rise from desert plains clearly testifies to the same rule. The mountains also introduce controls over the local winds; diurnal warming in summer suffices to cause local ascending breezes which frequently become cloudy by the expansion of ascent, even to the point of forming local thunder showers which drift away as they grow and soon dissolve after leaving the parent mountain. Conversely, nocturnal cooling produces well-defined descending breezes which issue from the valley mouths, sometimes attaining an unpleasant strength toward midnight. The mountains are of larger importance in obstructing and deflecting the course of the general winds. The Pacific ranges, standing transverse to the course of the prevailing westerlies near the Pacific Ocean, are of the greatest importance in this respect; it is largely by reason of the barrier that they form that the tempering effects of the Pacific winds are felt for so short a distance inland in winter, and that the heat centre is displaced in summer so far towards the western coast. The rainfall from the stromy westerly winds is largely deposited on the western slopes of the mountains near the Pacific coast, and arid or desert interior plains are thus found close to the great ocean. The descending winds on the eastern slopes of the ranges are frequently warm and dry, to the point of resembling the Fohn winds of the Alps; such winds are known in the Cordilleran region as Chinook winds. The ranges of the Rocky Mountains in their turn receive some rainfall from the passing winds, but it is only after the westerlies are reinforced by a moist indraft from the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic—the result of summer or of cyclonic inflow—that rainfall increases to a sufficient measure on the lower lands to support agriculture without irrigation. The region east of the Mississippi is singularly favoured in this way; for it receives a good amount of rainfall, well distributed through the year, and indeed is in this respect one of the largest regions in the temperate zones that are so well watered. The Great Plains are under correspondingly unfavourable conditions, for their scanty rainfall is of very variable amount. Along the transition belt between plains and prairies the climate is peculiarly trying as to rainfall ; one series of five or ten years may have sufficient rainfall to enable the farmers to gather good crops; but the next series following may be so dry that the crops fail year after year. The cyclonic inflows and anticyclonic outflows, so characteristic of the belt of westerly winds the world over, are very irregular in the Cord illeran region; but farther eastward they are typically developed by reason of the great extent of open country. Although of reduced strength in the summer, they still suffice to dominate weather changes; it is during the approach of a low pressure centre that hot southerly winds prevail; they sometimes reach so high a temperature as to wither and blight the grain crops; and it is almost exclusively in connexion with the cloudy areas near and south-east of these cyclonic centres that violent thunderstorms, with their occasional destructive whirling tornadoes, are formed. With the passing of the low pressure centre, the winds shift to west or north-west, the temperature falls, and all nature is relieved. In winter-time, the cyclonic and anticyclonic areas are of increased frequency and intensity; and it is partly for this reason that many meteorologists have been disposed to regard them as chiefly driven by the irregular flow of the westerly winds, rather than as due to convectional instability, which should have a maximum effect in summer. One of the best indications of actual winter weather, as apart from the arrival of winter by the calendar, is the development of cyclonic disturbances of such strength that the change from their warm, sirocco-like southerly inflow hi front of theircentre, to the " cold wave " of their rear produces non-periodic temperature changes strong enough to overcome the weakened diurnal temperature changes of the cold season, a relation which practically never occurs in summer time. A curious feature of the cyclonic storms is that, whether they cross the interior of the country near the northern or southern boundary or along an intermediate path, they converge towards New England as they pass on toward the Atlantic ; and hence that the north-eastern part of the United States is subjected to especially numerous and strong weather changes. (W. M. D.) IV.—FAUNA AND FLORA Fauna.—Differences of temperature have produced in North America seven transcontinental life-zones or areas characterized by relative uniformity of both fauna and flora; they are the Arctic, Hudsonian and Canadian, which are divisions of the Boreal Region; the Transition, Upper Austral and Lower Austral, which are divisions of the Austral Region, and the Tropical. The Arctic, Hudsonian and Canadian enter the United States from the north and the Tropical from the south; but the greater part of the United States is occupied by the Transition, Upper Austral and Lower Austral, and each of these is divided into eastern and western subzones by differences in the amount of moisture. The Arctic or Arctic-Alpine zone covers in the United States only the tops of a few mountains which extend above the limit of trees, such as Mt Katandin in Maine, Mt Washington and neighbouring peaks in the White Mountains of New Hampshire, and the loftier peaks of the Rocky, Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains. The larger animals are rare on these mountain-tops and the areas are too small for a distinct fauna. The Hudsonian zone covers the upper slopes of the higher mountains of New England, New York and North Carolina and larger areas on the elevated slopes of the Rocky and Cascade Mountains; and on the western mountains it is the home of the mountain goat, mountain sheep, Alpine flying-squirrel, nutcracker, evening grosbeak and Townsend's solitaire. The Canadian zone crosses from Canada into northern and north-western Maine, northern and central New Hampshire, northern Michigan, and north-eastern Minnesota and North Dakota, covers the Green Mountains, most of the Adirondacks and Catskills, the higher slopes of the mountains in Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Virginia, western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee, the lower slopes of the northern Rocky and Cascade Mountains, the upper slopes of the southern Rocky and Sierra Nevada Mountains, and a strip along the Pacific coast as far south as Cape Mendocino, interrupted, however, by the Columbia Valley. Among its characteristic mammals and birds are the lynx, marten, porcupine, northern red squirrel, Belding's and Kennicott's ground squirrels, varying and snowshoe rabbits, northern jumping mouse, white-throated sparrow, Blackburnian warbler, Audubon warbler, olive-backed thrush, three-toed woodpecker, spruce grouse, and Canada jay; within this zone in the North-eastern states are a few moose and caribou, but farther north these animals are more characteristic of the Hudsonian zone. The Transition zone, in which the extreme southern limit of several boreal species overlaps the extreme northern limit of numerous austral species, is divided into an eastern humid or Alleghanian area, a western arid area, and a Pacific coast humid area. The Alleghanian area comprises most of the lowlands of New England. New York and Pennsylvania, the north-east corner of Ohio, most of the lower peninsula of Michigan, nearly all of Wisconsin, more than half of Minnesota, eastern North Dakota, north-eastern South Dakota, and the greater part of the Appalachian Mountains from Pennsylvania to Georgia. It has few distinctive species, but within its borders the southern mole and cotton-tail rabbit of the South meet the northern star-nosed and Brewer's moles and the varying hare of the North, and the southern bobwhite, Baltimore oriole, bluebird, catbird, chewink, thrasher and wood thrush are neighbours of the bobolink, solitary vireo and the hermit and Wilson s thrushes. The Arid Transition life-zone comprises the western part of the Dakotas, north-eastern Montana, and irregular areas in Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Wyoming, California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico and western Texas, covering for the most part the eastern base of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains and the higher parts of the Great Basin and the plateaus. Its most characteristic animals and birds are the white-tailed jack-rabbit, pallid vole, sage hen, sharp-tailed grouse and green-tailed towhee; the large Columbia ground-squirrel (Spermophilus columbianus) is common in that part of the zone which is west of the Rocky Mountains, but east of the Rockies it is replaced by another species (Cynomys) which closely resembles a small prairie dog. The Pacific Coast Transition life-zone comprises the region between the Cascade and Coast ranges in Washington and Oregon, parts of northern California, and most of the California coast region from Cape Mendocino to Santa Barbara. It is the home of the Columbia black-tail deer, western raccoon, Oregon spotted skunk, Douglas red squirrel, Townsend's chipmunk, tailless sewellel (Haplodon rufus), peculiar species of pocket gophers and voles, Pacific coast forms of the great-horned, spotted, screech and pigmy owls, sooty grouse, Oregon ruffed grouse, Steller's jay, chestnut-backed chickadee and Pacific winter wren. The Upper Austral 634 zone is divided into an eastern humid (or Carolinian) area and a western arid (or Upper Sonoran) area. The Carolinian area ex-tends from southern Michigan to northern Georgia and from the Atlantic coast to western Kansas, comprising Delaware, all of Maryland except the mountainous western portion, all of Ohio except the north-east corner, nearly the whole of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Missouri, eastern Nebraska and Kansas, south-eastern South Dakota, western central Oklahoma, northern Arkansas, middle and eastern Kentucky, middle Tennessee and the Tennessee valley in eastern Tennessee, middle Virginia and North Carolina, western West Virginia, north-eastern Alabama, northern Georgia, western South Carolina, the Connecticut Valley in Connecticut, the lower Hudson Valley and the Erie basin in New York, and narrow belts along the southern and western borders of the lower peninsula of Michigan. It is the northernmost home of the opossum, grey fox, fox squirrel, cardinal bird, Carolina wren, tufted tit, gnat catcher, summer tanager and yellow-breasted chat. The Upper Sonoran life-zone comprises south-eastern Montana, central, eastern and north-eastern Wyoming, a portion of south-western South Dakota, western Nebraska and Kansas, the western extremity of Oklahoma, north-western Texas, eastern Colorado, south-eastern New Mexico, the Snake plains in Idaho, the Columbia plains in Washington, the Malheur and Harney plains in Oregon, the Great Salt Lake and Sevier deserts in Utah, and narrow belts in California, Nevada and Arizona. Among its characteristic mammals and birds are the sage cotton-tail, black-tailed jack-rabbit, Idaho rabbit, Oregon, Utah and Townsend's ground squirrels, sage chipmunk, five-toed kangaroo rats, pocket mice, grasshopper mice, burrowing owl, Brewer's sparrow, Nevada sage sparrow, lazuli finch, sage thrasher, Nuttall's poor-will, Bullock's oriole and rough-winged swallow. The Lower Austral zone occupies the greater part of the Southern states, and is divided near the 98th meridian into an eastern humid or Austroriparian area and a western arid or Lower Sonoran area. The Austroriparian zone comprises nearly all the Gulf States as far west as the mouth of the Rio Grande, the greater part of Georgia, eastern South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia, and extends up the lowlands of the Mississippi Valley across western Tennessee and Kentucky into southern Illinois and-Indiana and across eastern and southern Arkansas and eastern Oklahoma into south-eastern Missouri and Kansas. It is the home of the southern fox-squirrel, cotton rat, ricefield rat, wood rat, free-tailed bat, mocking bird, painted bunting, prothonotary warbler, red-cockaded woodpecker, chuckwill's-widow, and the swallow-tailed and Mississippi kites. A southern portion of this zone, comprising a narrow strip along the Gulf Coast from Texas to Florida and up the Atlantic coast to South Carolina, is semi-tropical, and is the northernmost habitation of several small mammals, the alligator (Alligator mississippiensis), the ground dove, white-tailed kite, Florida screech owl and Chap-man s night-hawk. The Lower Sonoran zone comprises the most arid parts of the United States: south-western Texas, south-western Arizona and a portion of northern Arizona, southern Nevada and a large part of southern California. Some of its characteristic mammals and birds are the long-eared desert fox, four-toed kangaroo rats, Sonoran pocket mice, big-eared and tiny white-haired bats, road runner, cactus wren, canyon wren, desert thrashers, hooded oriole, black-throated desert sparrow, Texas night-hawk and Gambel's quail. It is the northernmost home of the armadillo, ocelot, jaguar, red and grey cats, and the spiny pocket mouse, and in southern Texas especially it is visited by several species of tropical birds. There is some resemblance to the Tropical life-zone at the south-eastern extremity of Texas, but this zone in the United States is properly restricted to southern Florida and the lower valley of the Colorado along the border of California and Arizona, and the knowledge of the latter is very imperfect. The area in Florida is too small for characteristic tropical mammals, but it has the true crocodile (Crocodilus americanus) and is the home of a few tropical birds. Most of the larger American mammals are not restricted to any one faunal zone. The bison, although now nearly extinct, formerly roamed over nearly the entire region between the Appalachian and the Rocky Mountains. The black bear and beaver were also widely distributed. The Virginia deer still ranges from Maine to the Gulf states and from the Atlantic coast to the Rocky Mountains. The grizzly bear, cougar, coyote, prairie dog and antelope are still found in several of the Western states, and the grey wolf is common in the West and in northern Minnesota, Wisconsin and Michigan. Flora.—The Alpine flora, which is found in the United States only on the tops of those mountains which rise above the limit of trees, consists principally of a variety of plants which bloom as soon as the snow melts and for a short season make a brilliant display of colours. The flora of the Hudsonian and the Canadian zone consists largely of white and black spruce, tamarack, canoe-birch, balsam-poplar, balsam-fir, aspen and grey pine. In the Alleghanian Transition zone the chestnut, walnut, oaks and hickories of the South are interspersed among the beech, birch, hemlock and sugar maple of the North. In the Western Arid Transition zone the flora consists largely of the true sage brush (Artemisia tridentala), but some tracts are covered with forests of yellow or bull pine (Pinus ponderosa). The Pacific coast Transition zone is noted for its forests of giant[POPULATION conifers, principally Douglas fir, Sitka spruce, Pacific cedar and Western hemlock. Here, too, mosses and ferns grow in profusion, and the sadal (Gaultheria shallon), thimble berry (Rubus nootkamus), salmon berry (Rubus spectabilis) and devil's club . (Fatsia horrida) are characteristic shrubs. In the Carolinian zone the tulip tree, sycamore, sweet gum, rose magnolia, short-leaf pine and sassafras find their northernmost limit Sage brush is common to both the western arid Transition zone and the Upper Sonoran zone, but in suitable soils of the latter several greasewoods (Artiplex confertifolia, A. canescens, A. nuttalli, Tetradymia canescens, Sarcobatus vermicuiatus and Grayia spinosa) are characteristic species, and on the mountain slopes are some nut pines (piiion) and junipers. The Austroriparian zone has the long-leaf and loblolly pines, magnolia and live oak on the uplands, and the bald cypress, tupelo and cane in the swamps; and in the semi-tropical Gulf' trip are the cabbage palmetto and Cuban pine; here, too, Sea Island cotton and tropical fruits are successfully cultivated. The Lower Sonoran zone is noted for its cactuses, of which there is a great variety, and some of them grow to the height of trees; the mesquite is also very large, and the creosote bush, acacias, yuccas and agaves are common. The Tropical belt of southern Florida has the royal palm. coco-nut palm, banana, Jamaica dogwood, manchineel and mangrove; the Tropical belt in the lower valley of the Colorado has giant cactuses. desert acacias, palo-verdes and the Washington or fan-leaf palm. Almost all of the United States east of the 98th meridian is naturally a forest region, and forests cover the greater part of the Rocky Mountains, the Cascades, the Sierra Nevadas and the Coast Range, but throughout the belt of plains, basins and deserts west of the Rocky Mountains and on the Great Plains east of the Rocky Mountains there are few trees except along the watercourses, and the prevailing type of vegetation ranges from bunch grass to sage brush and cactuses according to the degree of aridity and the temperature. In the eastern forest region the number of species decreases somewhat from south to north, but the entire region differs from the densely forested region of the Pacific Coast Transition zone in that it is essentially a region of deciduous or hardwood forests, while the latter is essentially one of coniferous trees; it differs from the forested region of the Rocky Mountains in that the latter is not only essentially a region of coniferous trees, but one where the forests do not by any means occupy the whole area, neither do they approach in density or economic importance those of the eastern division of the country. Again, the forests of most of the eastern region embrace a variety of species, which, as a rule, are very much intermingled, and do not, unless quite exceptionally, occupy areas chiefly devoted to one species ; while, on the other hand, the forests of the west—including both Rocky Mountain and Pacific coast divisions—exhibit a small number of species, considering the vast area embraced in the region; and these species, in a number of instances, are extraordinarily limited in their range, although there are cases in which one or two species have almost exclusive possession of extensive areas. V.—POPULATION AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS Geographical Growth of the Nation.—The achievement of independence found the people of the United States owning the entire country between the Gulf and the Great Lakes, excepting only Florida, as far to the west as the Mississippi; but the actual settlements were, with a few minor exceptions, confined to a strip of territory along the Atlantic shore. The depth of settlement, from the coast inland, varied greatly, ranging from what would be involved in the mere occupation of the shore for fishing purposes to a body of agricultural occupation extending back to the base of the great Atlantic chain, and averaged some 250 M .l Westward, beyonc the general line of continuous settlement, i In the Statistical Atlas volume of the census of 1900 the reader will find for each decennial census since 1790 a map showing the distribution of population, w'th indication of the density of settlement, and an elaborate explanatory text. In Orin Grant Libby's Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States on the Federal Constitution, 1787–1788 (University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1894), along ,with a valuable map interesting facts are given regarding the social and economic characteristics of different sections. were four extensions of population through as many gaps in ; Ito years moved more than 500 m westward, almost exactly the Appalachian barrier, constituting the four main paths along the 39th parallel of latitude: 9.5 degrees of longitude, along which migration westward first took place: the Mohawk Valley in New York, the upper Potomac, the Appalachian Valley, and around the southern base of the Appalachian system. Four outlying groups beyond the mountains, with perhaps a twentieth part of the total population of the nation, -one about Pittsburg, one in West Virginia, another in northern Kentucky, and the last in Tennessee: all determined in situation by river highways-bore witness to the qualities of strength and courage of the American pioneer. Finally, there were in 1790 about a score of small trading or military posts, mainly of French origin, scattered over the then almost unbroken wilderness of the upper Mississippi Valley and region of the Great Lakes. Twelve decennial censuses taken since that time (1800-191o) have revealed the extraordinary spread of population over the present area of the country (see CENSUS : United States). The large percentage of the population, particularly Continental United States, exclusive of Alaska. Population enumerated. Areas (excluding water), in square miles. Total population. Total area. Settled area. Census Population Population Number. u . Number of Total. Area Area with Total area covered by Density of population. Y ears. in area within added A foreign acquired in not less than census. of with1790. area. Ty immigrants preceding two persons 0- a entenng in decade. per sq. m. preceding decade. Estimated Total. 8 Of entire census area- area of c 0 isolated H settlements 'g a beyond the N !general 2 frontier. 2 O~a d w w o ,d 0 v v ¢y b C 1790 3,929,625 - 3,929,214 - - 8,9,466 - 239,935 13,850 417,170 16'4 9.4 - 9.6 1800 5,247,355 61,128 5,308,483 35'I - 819,466 - 305,708 33,800 434,670 17.4 12•.6 0.2 12.2 1810 6,779,308 460,573 7,239,881 36.4 - 1,698,107 878,641§ 407,945 25,100 556,010 17.7 16.3 o•8 13.0 1820 8,293,869 1,344,584 9,638,453 33'I 250,000t I,752,347 54,2401! 508,717 4,200 688,67o 18.9 19.9 2.4 r 1830 10,240,232 2,625,788 I2,860,69z* 33.5 143,439 1,752,347 - 632,717 4,700 877,170 5 413 1840 11,781,231 5,288,222 17,063,353* 3 2.2 7'3 '4 820• 32.7 599,125 1,752,347 - 807,292 2,150 1,183,870 2I•I 28.2 7•I 14.4 185o 14,569,584 8,622,292 23,191,876 35.9 1,713,251 2,939,021 1,186,674T 979,249 38,375 1,519,170 23.7 34'9 5.3 15.2 186o 17,326,157 14,117,164 31,443,321 35.6 2,598,214 2,970,038 31,017** 1,194,754 107,375 1,951,520 26.3 41.5 5'7 16.1 187o 19,687,504 18,870,867 38,558,371 22.6 2,314,824 2,970,038 - 1,272,239 131,910 2,126,290 30.3 47.2 7.6 I 4 188o 23,925,639 26,263,570 50,155,783 30.1 2,812,191 2,970,038 - 1,569,565 260,025 2,727,454 32'0 57.4 io•6 18 4 1890 28,188,321 34,791,445 62,947,714 24.9 5,246,613 2,970,038 - 1,947,280 - 2, 80.4 33,533,630 * 974,159 39.5 13.6 19.2 75,994,575* 1900 42, 749+757 20.0 3,844,420 2,970,138 loo 1,925,590 - 2,974,159 39'5 80.4 16'7 2 25'5 1910 - - 91,972,266* 21 7,753,8161 - - - - 2,974,159 - - - 30'9 * Excludes persons of the military and naval service stationed abroad (5318 in 183o; 6,00 in 1840; 91,219 in 1900). t Estimates of total up to 1820. T. Total, 27,604,509, exclusive of at least some hundreds of thousands of Canadians and Mexicans. § Louisiana purchase from France. 1,1 Florida purchase from Spain; population counted first, 183o. sAnnexation of Texas (385,926 sq. m.); peace cession from Mexico (520,068 sq. m.); extinction of British claims to Oregon (280,680 cq. m.). * Gadsden purchase from Mexico. with an extreme variation of less than 19 minutes of latitude. Growth of the Nation in Population.-If the 19th century was remarkable with respect to national and urban growth the world over, it was particularly so in the growth of the United States. Malthus expressed the opinion that only in such a land of unlimited means of living could population freely increase. The total population increased from 1800 to 190o about fourteen fold (1331.6%).1 The rate of growth indicated in 190o was still double the average rate of western Europe? In the whole world Argentina alone (1869-1895) showed equal (and greater) growth. At the opening of the century not only all the great European powers of to-day but also even Spain and Turkey exceeded the United States in numbers; at its close only Russia. At the census of 1910, while the continental United States population (excluding Alaska) was 91,972,266, the total, including Alaska, Hawaii and Porto Rico, but excluding the Philippine Islands, Guam, Samoa and the Canal Zone, was 93,402,151. of the great urban centres, that is established to-day in the river lowlands, reflects the role that water highways have played in the peopling of the country. The dwindlings and growths of Nevada down to the present day, and to not a slight degree the general history of the settlement of the states of the Rocky Mountain region, are a commentary on the fate of mining industries. The initial settlement of the Pacific coast following the discovery of gold in California in 1848, and of the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains after the discovery of gold in 1859, illustrates the same factor. The Mormons settled Utah to insure social isolation, for the security of their theological system. A large part of the Great Plains to the east of the Rockies was taken up as farms in the decade 188o-189o; abandoned afterwards, because of its aridity, to stock grazing; and reconverted from ranches into farms when a system of dry farming had proved its tillage practicable. The negro more or less consciously moves, individually, closer into the areas whose climate and crops most nearly meet his desires and capabilities as a farmer; and his race as whole unconsciously is adjusting its habitat to the boundar es of the Austroriparian life zone. The country's centre of population in In 1790 there were about 600,000 white families in the United States. Speaking broadly, there were few very rich and few very poor. Food was abundant. Both social traditions and the religious beliefs of the people encouraged fecundity. The country enjoyed domestic tranquillity. All this time, too, the land was but partially settled. Mechanical labour was scarce, and even upon the farm it was difficult to command hired service, almost the only farm labourers down to 1850, in the north, being young men who went out to work for a few years to get a little money to marry upon. A change was probably inevitable and came, apparently, between 1840 and 185o. The accessions in that decade from Ireland and Germany were enormous, the total immigration rising to 1,713,251 against 599,125 during the decade preceding, and against only 143,439 from 182o to 183o. These people came in condition to breed with unprecedented rapidity, under the stimulus of an abundance, 1 Unless otherwise explicitly stated, by " United States " is to be understood continental United States exclusive of Alaska. 2 According to Lavasseur and Bodio, 14.5 % from 186o to 188o; 21.2 % from 188o to 1900; from 1886-19oo, II•o%. in regard to food, shelter and clothing, such as the most fortunate of them had never known. Yet in spite of these accessions, the population of the country realized a slightly smaller pro- portion of gain than when the foreign arrivals were almost insignificant. For a time the retardation of the normal rate of increase among the native population was concealed from view by the extraordinary immigration. In the decade 1850-186o it was seen that almost a seventh of the population of the country consisted of persons born abroad. From 1840 to 186o there came more than four million immigrants, of whom probably three and a half million, with probably as many children born in America, were living at the latter date. The ten years from 186o to 187o witnessed the operation of the first great factor which reduced the rate of national increase, namely the Civil War. The superintendent of the Ninth Census, 187o, presented a computation of' the effects of this cause—first, through direct losses, by wounds or disease, either in actual service of the army or navy, or in a brief term following discharge; secondly, through the retardation of the rate of increase in the coloured element, due to the privations, exposures and excesses attendant upon emancipation; thirdly, through the check given to immigration by the existence of war, the fear of conscription, and the apprehension abroad of results prejudicial to the national welfare. The aggregate effect of all these causes was estimated a§ a loss to the population of 1870 of 1,765,000. Finally, the temporary reduction of the birth-rate, consequent upon the withdrawal of perhaps one-fourth of the national militia (males of 18 to 44 years) during two-fifths of the decade, may be estimated at perhaps 750,000. The Tenth Census put it beyond doubt that economic and social forces had been at work, reducing the rate of multiplication. Yet no war had intervened; the industries of the land had flourished; the advance in accumulated wealth had been beyond all precedent; and immigration had increased. It is an interesting question what has been the contribution of the foreign elements of the country's population in the growth of the aggregate. This question is closely connected with a still more important one: namely, what effect, if any, has foreign immigration had upon the birth-rate of the native stock. In 185o the foreign-born whites (2,244,602 in number) were about two-thirds of the coloured element and one-eighth of the native-white element; in 1870 the foreign-born whites (5,567,229) and the native whites of foreign parentage (5,324,786) each exceeded the coloured. In 1900 the two foreign elements constituted one-third of the total population. The absolute numbers of the four elements were: native whites of native parents, 40,949,362; natives of foreign parents, 15,646,017; foreign-born whites, 10,213,817; coloured, 8,833,994. Separating from the total population of the country in 1900 the non-Caucasians (9,185,379), all white persons having both parents foreign (20,803,800), and one-half (2,541,365) of the number of per-sons having only one parent foreign, the remaining 43,555,250 " native " inhabitants comprised the descendants of the Americans of 1790, plus those of the few inhabitants of annexed territories, plus those in the third and higher generations of the foreigners who entered the country after 1790 (or for practical purposes, after 1800). The second element may be disregarded. For the exact determination of the last element the census affords no precise data, but affords material for various approximations, based either upon the elimination of the probable progeny of immigrants since 1790; on the known increase of the whites of the South, where the foreign element has always been relatively insignificant; on the percentage of natives having native grandfathers in Massachusetts in 1905; or upon the assumed continuance through the 19th century of the rate of native growth (one-third decennially) known to have prevailed down at least to 182o. The last is the roughest approximation and would indicate a native mass of 50,000,000 in 1900, or a foreign contribution of approximately half. The results of computations by the first two methods yield estimates of the contribution of foreign stock to the " native " element of 1900 varying among themselves by only 1.8%. The average by the three methods gives 8,539,626 as such contribution, making 31,884,791 the total number of whites of foreign origin in 1900; and this leaves 35,015,624 as the progeny of the original stock of 1790.1 Adding to the true native whites of 1900 (35,015,624) the native negroes (8,813,658), the increase of the native stock, white and black, since 1790 would thus be about 1091 %, and of the whites of 1790 (3,172,006) alone about 1104%. It is evident that had the fecundity of the American stock of 1790 been 1 W. S. Rossiter, A Century of Population Growth (Bureau of the Census, Washington, 1909), pp. 85 seq.equal only to that of Belgium (the most fertile population of western Europe in the 19th century) then the additions of foreign elements to the American people would have been by 1900 in heavy preponderance over the original, mainly British, elements. A study of the family names appearing on the census rolls of two prosperous and typical American counties, one distinctively urban and the other rural, in 1790 and 190o, has confirmed the popular impression that the British element is growing little, and that the fastest reproducers to-day are the foreign elements that have become large in the immigration current in very recent decades. In applying to the total population of 1790 the rate of growth shown since 1790 by the white people of the South, this rate, for the purpose of the above computations, is taken in its entirety only up to 187o, and thereafter—in view of the notorious lesser birth-rate since that year in the North and West—only one half of the rate is used. If, however, application be made of the rate in its entirety from 1790 to 1900, the result would be a theoretical pure native stock in 190o equal to the then actually existing native and foreign stock combined. In 1900 more than half of every Too whites in New England and the Middle states (from New York to Maryland) were of foreign parentage (i.e. had one or both parents foreign), and in both sections the proportion is increasing with great rapidity. The Southern states, on the other hand, have shown a diminishing relative foreign element since 187o, and had in 1900 only 79 of foreign parentage. in i000 whites. Relatively to their share of the country's aggregate population the North Atlantic states, and those upon the Great Lakes—the manufacturing and urbanized states of the Union—hold much the heaviest share of immigrant population. The shares of different nationalities in the aggregate mass of foreigners have varied greatly. The family names on the r isters of the first census show that more than 90 % of the white ulation was then of British stock, and more than 8o'was Englis! The Germans were already near 6 %. The entry of the Irish began on a great scale after 184o, and in 185o they formed nearly half of all the foreign-born. In that year 85.6% of this total was made: up by natives of Great Britain and Germany. The latter took first place in 1880. In 1900 these two countries represented of the total only 52.7 %; add the Dutch, the Danes, Swedes, Norwegians and Swiss to the latter and the share was 65.1 %. A great majority of all of these elements except the British are settled in the states added to the original Union—the Scandinavians. being the most typically agricultural element; while almost all the other nationalities are in excess, most of them heavily so, in the original states of 1790, where they land, and where they are absorbed into the lower grades of the industrial organization. Since 188o Italians, Russians, Poles, Austrians, Bohemians and Hungarians have enormously increased in the immigrant population. Germans, Irish, British, Canadians, Scandinavians, Slays and Italians were the leading elements in 1900. In 1790 the negroes were 19'3% of the country's inhabitants;. in 1900 only 11.6%. While the growth of the country's aggregate population from 1790 to 1900 was 1833.9 %, that of the whites was 2005.9 %, and of the negroes only To66.7 %. Certain generalizations respecting the " South " and the " North," the " East " and the " West " are essential to an understanding of parts of the history of the past, and of social conditions in the present. For the basis of such comparisons the country is divided by the census into five groups of states: (I) the North Atlantic division—down to New Jersey and Pennsylvania; (2) the South Atlantic division—from Delaware to Florida (including West Virginia); (3) the North Central division—including the states within a triangle tipped by Ohio, Kansas and North Dakota; (4) the South Central division --covering a triangle tipped by Kentucky, Alabama and Texas; and (5) the Western division—including the Rocky Mountains and Pacific states. The first and third lead to-day in manufacturing interests; the third in agricultural; the fifth in mining. Groups T and 3 (with the western boundary somewhat indefinite) are colloquially known as the " North " and 2 and 4 as the " South." The two sections started out with population growths in the decade 1790-1800 very nearly equal (36.5 and 33.7 %); . but in every succeeding decade before the Civil War the growth of the North was greater, and that of the South less, than its increment in the initial decade. In the two twenty-year periods after 186o the increases of the North were 61.9 and 48.7 %; of the South, 48.4 and 48.5 %. In 1790 the two sections were of almost equal population; in 189o, 1900 and 1910 the population of the North was practically double that of the South. In the decade 1890-1900 the increase of the South exceeded slightly that of the North for the same period owing to the rapid development in recent years of the Southern states west of the Mississippi, which only the Western group has exceeded since 1870.2 In general the increase of the two sections 2 The number of inhabitants of the North at each census for every moo in the South was as follows from 1790 to 1900: 1004; 1025; 1092; 1181; 1253; 1455; 1562; 1769; 2057; 1930; 2005; 1932- since 1880 has been nearly equal. But while this growth was relatively uniform over the South, in the North there was a low (often a decreasing) rate of rural and a high rate of urban growth. Throughout the 19th century the rates of growth of the North Central division and that of the eastern half of the South Central division steadily decreased. It is notable that that of the South Atlantic group has grown faster since 186o than ever before, despite the Civil War and the conditions of an old settled region: a fact possibly due to the effects of the emancipation of the slaves. Comparing now the population of the regions east and west of the Mississippi, we find that the population of the first had grown from 3,929,214 m 1790 to 55,023,513 in 1900; and that of the second from 97,401 in 1810 to 20,971,062 in 1900. From 1860 to 1890 the one increased its numbers decennially by one half, and the other by under one fifth; but from 1890 to 1910 the difference in growth was slight, owing to a tremendous falling off in the rate of growth of much of the Western and the western states of the North Central divisions. Only an eighth of the country's total population lived in 1900 west of the 96th meridian, which divides the country into two nearly equal parts. Although, as already stated, the population of the original area of 1790 was passed in 188o by that of the added area, the natives of the former were still in excess in 1900. Urban and Rural Population.—The five cities of the country that had 8000 or more inhabitants in 1790 had multiplied to 548 in 1900. Only one of the original six (Charleston) was in the true South, which was distinctly rural. The three leading colonial cities, Philadelphia, 1 i~w York and Boston, grew six-fold in the 18th century, and fifty-folk in the next. The proportion of the population living in cities seems to have been practically constant throughout the 18th century and up to 1820. The great growth of urban centres has been a result of industrial expansion since that time. This growth has been irregular, but was at a maximum about the middle of the century. On an average throughout the no years, the population in cities of 8000 considerably more than doubled every twenty years.' The rate of rural growth, on the other hand, fell very slowly down to 1860,2 and since then (disregarding the figures of the inaccurate census of 187o) has been steady at about half the former rate. In Rhode Island, in 1900, eight out of every ten persons lived in cities of 8000 or more inhabitants; in Massachusetts, seven in ten. In New York, New Jersey and Connecticut the city element also exceeded half of the population. At the other extreme, Mississippi had only 3% of urban citizens. If the limit be drawn at a population of 2500 (a truer division) the urban element of Rhode Island becomes 95.0%; of Massachusetts, 91.5; of Mississippi, 7.7. All the Southern states are still relatively rural, as well to-day as a hundred years ago. Ten states of the Union had a density in 1910 exceeding ioo persons to the square mile: Illinois (100.7), Delaware (103), Ohio (117), Maryland (130.3), Pennsylvania (171.3), New York (191.2), Connecticut (2 1.3), New Jersey (337.3), Massachusetts (418.8) and Rhode Island 508.5). There are abundant statistical indications that the line (be the . 0!!!3uence that draws it economic or social) between urban centres of only 2500 inhabitants and rural districts is much sharper to-day than was that between the country and cities of 800o inhabitants (the largest had five times that number) in 1790. The lower limit is therefore a truer division line to-day. Classifying, then, as urban centres all of above 2500 inhabitants, three-tenths of the total population lived in the latter centres in 188o and four-tenths (30,583,411) in 19o0; their population doubled in these twenty years. If one regards the larger units, they held naturally a little more of the total population of the country—just a third (33.1%; ten times their proportion of the country's total in 1790) ; and they grew a little faster. The same years, however, made apparent a rapid fall, general and marked, yet possibly only temporary, in the rate at which such urban centres, as well as larger ones, had been gaining upon the rural districts; this reaction being most pronounced in the. South and least so in the North Atlantic states, whose manufacturing industries are concentrated in dense centres of population. Interstate migration is an interesting element in American national life. A fifth of the total population of 1900 were living in other states than those of birth; and this does not take account of temporary nor of multiple migration. Every state numbers among its residents natives of nearly every other state. This movement is complicated by that of foreign immigration. In 1900 the percentage of resident natives varied from 92.7% in South Carolina to 15% in Oklahoma; almost all of the Southern states having high percentages. Sexes.—The percentages of males and females, of all ages, in the aggregate population of 1900, were 51.0 and 49.0 respectively. The corresponding figures for the main elements of the population were as follows: for native whites, 50.7 and 49'3; foreign whites, 54.0 and 46.o; negroes, 49.6 and 50.4. The absolute excess of males in the aggregate population has been progressively greater at every successive census since 1820, save that of 187o—which followed the Civil War, and closed a decade of lessened immigration. The relative excess of males in each unit of population has not constantly progressed, but has been continuous. In densely settled regions i Average 62.2 % decennially. 2 Average 31.9% decennially. females generally predominate; and males in thinly settled regions. In every I000 urban inhabitants there were, in 1900, 23 (in 1890 only 19) more females than in moo rural inhabitants. In the rural districts, so far as there is any excess of females, it is almost solely in the Southern cotton belt, where negro women are largely employed as farm hands. Vital Statistics, 1900.—The median age of the aggregate population of 1900—that is, the age that divides the population into halves—was 22.85 years. In 1800 it was 15.97 years. A falling birth-rate, a falling death-rate, and the increase in the number of adult immigrants, are presumably the chief causes of this difference. The median age of the foreign-born in 1900 was 38.42 years. The median age of the population of cities of 25,000 or more inhabitants was 3'55 years greater than that of the inhabitants of smaller urban centres and rural districts, owing probably in the main to the movement of middle-aged native and foreign adults to urban centres, and the higher birth-rate of the rural, districts. The median age of the aggregate population is highest in New England and the Pacific states, lowest in the South, and in the North Central about equal to the country's average. The average age of the country's population in 1900 was 26.2 years. The United States had a larger proportion (59.1%) within the " productive " age limits of 15 and 6o years than most European countries; this being due to the immigration of foreign adults (corresponding figure 80.3%), the productive group among the native whites (55.8%) being smaller than in every country of Europe. The same is true, however, of the population over 6o years of age. The death-rate of the United States, though incapable of exact determination, was probably between 16 and 17 per I000 in 1900; and therefore less than in most foreign countries. Death-rate. The following statement of the leading causes of death during the eleven years 1890–1900 in 83 cities of above 25,000 population, is given by Dr J. S. Billings: Average Annual Death- Pneumonia. Typhoid Diphtheria and rate per xoo,000 Popula- tion for the Cities of the Consumption. Fever. Croup. Sections Indicated. New England . . 244 220 30 77 Middle states . . 259 268 32 101 Lake states . . 156 159 48 79 Southern states 277 189 50 54 West North Central 183 142 38 61 Among the statistics of conjugal condition the most striking facts are that among the foreign-born the married are more than twice as numerous as the single, owing to the predominance of adults among the immigrants; and the native whites of foreign parents marry late and in much smaller proportion Marriage than do the native whites of native parentage—the explanation of which is probably to be found in the reaction of the first American generation caused on one hand by the high American standard of living, and on the other by the relative economic independence of women. In 1900 1.0% of the males and 10.9% of the females from 15 to 19 years of age were married; from 20 to 24 years, 21.6% and 46.5% respectively. Of females above 15 years of age 31.2 % were single, 56.9 married, 11.2 widowed, 0.5 divorced; many of the last class undoubtedly reporting them-selves as of the others. The corresponding figures for males were: 40.2, 54'5, 4.6 and 0.3 %. In 1850 there were 5.6 persons (excluding the slave population) in an average American family; fifty years later there were only 4.7—a decline, which was constant, of 16.1 %. In 1790, 5 persons was also the normal family—i.e. the greatest proportion 4%) of the total were of this size; but in Families. 1900 the model family was that of 3 persons by a more decisive proportion (18%). The minimum state average of 1790, which was 5.4 in Georgia, was greater than the maximum of 1900. Within the area of 1790 there were twice as many families in 1900 as in 1790 consisting of 2 persons, and barely half as many consisting of 7 and upward; New England having shown the greatest and the South the least decrease. In 1790 about a third and in 1900 more than one half of all families had less than 5 members. The data gathered by the Federal census have never made possible a satisfactory and trustworthy calculation of the birth-rate, and state and local agencies possess no such data Blrtb-rate. for any considerable area. But the evidence is on the whole cumulative and convincing that there was a remarkable falling off in the birth-rate during the 19th century. And it may be noted, because of its bearing upon the theory of General Francis A. Walker, that the Old South of 1790, practically unaided by immigration, maintained a rate of increase at least approximating that attained by other sections of the country by native and foreign stock combined. Not a state of the Union as it existed in 185o showed an increase, during the half-century following, in the ratio of white children under 16 to woo white females over 16 years: the ratio declined for the whole country from 1600 to Iioo; and it has fallen for the census area of 1790 from 1900 in that year to 1400 in 1850 and 1000 in 1900. On the other hand, elaborate colonial censuses for New York in 1703 and 1812 show Sections of the Whites under 16 Years per I000 of Total Population. Country.' -- I 790. 1820. 1850. 1880. 1900. Area of 1790 490 483 414 373 344 New England 470 443 358 309 291 Middle states 494 485 405 358 326 Old South 502 508 464 431 402 Added area — 526 463 406 368 ratios of 1900 and 2000, and reinforce the suggestions of various other facts that the social, as well as the economic, conditions in colonial times were practically constant. The decline in the proportion of children since 186o has been decidedly less in the South (Southern Atlantic and South Central states as defined below) than in the North and West, but in the most recent decades the last section has apparently fast followed New England in having a progressively lesser proportion of children. In the North there was little difference in 1900 in the ratios shown by city and country districts, but in the South the ratio in the latter was almost twice that reported for the former. The decades 184o-185o, 188o–1890 and 186o–1870 have shown much the greatest decreases in the percentage of children; and some have attributed this to the alleged heavier immigration of foreigners (largely adults)- in the case of the two former decades, and the effects of the Civil War in the third. So also the three decades immediately succeeding the above showed minimum decreases; and this has been attributed to a supposed greater birth-rate among the immigrants. These uncertainties raise a greater one of much significance, viz. what has been the cause of the reduction in the national birth-rate indicated by the census figures? The question has been very differently judged. In the opinion of General Francis A. Walker, superintendent of the censuses of 187o and 188o, the remarkable fact that such reduction coincided with a cause that was regarded as certain to quicken the increase of population, viz. the introduction of a vast body of fresh peasant blood from Europe, afforded proof that in this matter of population morals are far more potent than physical causes. The change, wrote General Walker, which produced this falling off from the traditional rate of increase of about 3 % per annum, was that from the simplicity of the early times to comparative luxury; involving a rise in the standard of living, the multiplication of artificial necessities, the extension of a paid domestic service, the introduction of women into factory labour.' In his opinion the decline in the birth-rate coincidently with the increase of immigration, and chiefly in those regions where immigration was greatest, was no mere coincidence; nor was such immigrant invasion due to a weakening native increase, or economic defence; but the decline of the natives was the effect of the increase of the foreigners, which was " a shock to the principle of population among the native element." Immigration therefore, according to this theory, had•" amounted not to a reinforcement of our population, but to a replacement of native by foreign stock. That if the foreigners had not come, the native element would long have filled the places the foreigners usurped, I entertain "—says General Walker—" not a doubt." It is evident that the characteristics of the " factory age " to which reference is made above would have acted upon native British as upon any other stock; and that it has universally so acted there is abundant statistical evidence, in Europe and even in a land of such youth and ample opportunities as Australia. The assumption explicitly made by General Walker that among the immigrants no influence was yet excited in restriction of population, is also not only gratuitous, but inherently weak; the European peasant who landed (where the great majority have stayed) in the eastern industrial states was thrown suddenly under the influence of the forces just referred to; forces possibly of stronger influence upon him than upon native classes, which are in general economically and socially more stable. On the whole, the better opinion is probably that of a later authority on the vital statistics of the country, Dr John Shaw Billings,' that though the characteristics of modern life doubtless influence the birth-rate somewhat, by raising the average age of marriage, lessening unions, and increasing divorce and prostitution, their great influence is through the transmutation into necessities of the luxuries of simpler times; not automatically, but in the direction of an increased resort to means for the prevention of child-bearing. Education.—In the article EDUCATION (United States), and in the articles on the -several states, details are given generally of the conditions of American education. Here the statistics of literacy need only be considered. In 1900 illiterates (that is, persons unable to write, the ' Table from Rossiter, op. cit., p. 103. s See his Discussions in Economics and Statistics, ii. 422, " Immigration and Degradation." 3 See the Forum (June, 1893), XV. 467.majority of these being also unable to read) constituted nearly one-ninth (10.7%) of the population of at least ten years of age; but the greatest part of this illiteracy is due to the negroes and the foreign immigrants. Since 188o the proportion of illiteracy has steadily declined for all classes, save the foreign-born between 188o and 1890, owing to the beginning in these years, on a large scale, of immigration from southern Europe. Illiteracy is less among young persons of all classes than in the older age-groups, in which the foreign-born largely fall. This is due to the extension of primary education during the last half of the 19th century. The older negroes (who were slaves) naturally, when compared with the younger, afford the most striking illustration of this truth. On the other hand, a notable exception is afforded by the native whites of native parents, particularly in the South, where child illiteracy (and child labour) is highest; the declining proportion of illiterates shown by the age-groups of this class up to 24 years is apparently due to a will to learn late in life. The classification of the illiterate population (above to years of age) by races shows that the Indians (56.2 %), negroes (44'5 %), Chinese (29.0%), Japanese (18.3%), foreign white (13.0%), native white of native parentage (5.7 %), and native whites of foreign parents (1.6%), are progressively more literate. The advantage of the last as compared with native whites of native parentage is apparently owing to the lesser concentration of these in cities. The percentages of illiterate children for different classes in 1900 were as follows: negroes, 30.1; foreign whites, 5.6; native whites of foreign parentage, o•9; native whites of native parentage, 4'4. There is a greater difference in the North than in the South between the child illiteracy of the Caucasian and non-Caucasian elements; also a ranking of the different sections of the country according to the child illiteracy of one and the other race shows that the negroes of the South stand relatively as high as do its whites. All differences are lessened if the comparison be limited to children, and still further lessened if also limited to cities. Thus, the illiteracy of non-Caucasians was 44'5%, of their children 30.1%, and of such in cities of 25,000 inhabitants, 7.7 %. In the total population of to years of age and, over the female sex is more illiterate than the male, but within the age-group 10 to 24 years the reverse is true. In 1890 females preponderated among illiterates only in the age-group io to 19 years. The excess of female illiteracy in the total population also decreased within the same period, from 20.3 to Io•8 illiterates in a thousand. The tendency is therefore clearly toward an ultimate higher literacy for females; a natural result where the two sexes enjoy equal facilities of schooling, and the females greater leisure. Among the whites attending school there was still in 1900 a slight excess of males; among the negro pupils females were very decidedly in excess. In all races there has been since 189o, throughout the country, a large increase in the proportion of girls among the pupils of each age-group; and this is particularly true of the group of 15 years and upward—that is of the grammar school and high school age, in which girls were in 190o decidedly preponderant. A similar tendency is marked iii college education. Religious Bodies.—According to the national census of religious bodies taken in 1906 there were then in the country 186 denominations represented by 212,230 organizations, 92'2% of which represented 164 bodies which in history and general character are identified more or less closely with the Protestant Reformation or its subsequent development. The Roman Catholic Church contributed 5'9% of the organizations. Among other denominations the Jewish congregations and the Latter Day Saints were the largest. The immigrant movement brings with it many new sects, as, for example, the Eastern Orthodox churches (Russian, Servian, Syrian and Greek), which had practically no existence in 1890, the year of the last preceding census of religious bodies. But the growth of independent churches is most remarkable, having been sixfold since 189o. The statistics of communicants or members are defective, and because of the different organization in this respect of different bcdies, notably of the Protestants and Roman Catholics, comparisons are more or less misleading. Disregarding, however, such incomparability, but excluding 15 % of all Roman Catholics (for children under 9 years of age), the total number of church members was 32,936,445, of whom 61.6% were Protestants, 36.7% Roman Catholics and 1.7 % members of other churches. The corresponding figures in 1890 were 68•o, 30.3 and 1.7%. For the reasons just given these figures do not accurately indicate the religious affiliations of the population of the United States. In this particular they very largely understate the number of Hebrews, whose communicants (0.3 %) are heads of families only, and largely of the Protestants; whereas they represent practically the total Roman Catholic population above 9 years of age. In comparing the figures of 1890 with those of 1906 these cautions are not of force, since both census counts were taken by the same methods. The membership of the Protestant bodies increased in the interval 44.8%, while that of the Roman Catholic Church increased 93.5%. The immigration from Catholic countries could easily account for (though this does not prove that in fact it is the only cause of) this great increase of the Roman Catholic body. Among the Protestants, the Methodists with 17'5% of the total membership, the Baptists with 17.2, the Lutherans with 6.4, the Presbyterians with 5.6 and the Disciples and Christians with 3'5—each of these bodies comprising more than a million members—together include one-half of the total church membership of the country, and four-fifths (81.3 %) of all Protestant members. The Baptists and Methodists are much stronger in the South, relatively to other bodies, than elsewhere; the former constituting in the South Atlantic states 43'9 % of all church members, and in the South Central states 39'5%. Adding in the Methodists these proportions become 76.3 and 65.3%. The Lutherans are relatively strongest in the North Central division of the country (13.2 %) ; the Presbyterians in the North Atlantic and Western divisions (6.o%); and the Disciples in the South Central division (6.1%). The Roman Catholics are strongest in the Western division and the North Atlantic division, with 49.2 % in the former and 56.6% in the latter of all church members; their share in the North Central division is 36.9 °/o. Thus the numerical superiority of the Baptists and Methodists in the two Southern divisions is complementary to that of the Roman Catholics in the other three divisions of the country. New York, Rhode Island, Massachusetts and New Hampshire in the eastern part of the country, Louisiana in the south, and New Mexico, Arizona, California and Montana in the western part are distinctively Roman Catholic states, with not less than 63 % of these in the total church body. Racial elements are for the most part the explanation. So also the immigration of French Canadians and of Irish explains the fact that in every state of one-time Puritan New England the Roman Catholics were a majority over Protestants and all other churches. This was true in 1890 of 12 states, while in one other the Roman Catholics held a plurality; in 1906 the corresponding figures were 16 and 20. The Protestant bodies are more widely and evenly distributed throughout the country than are the Roman Catholics. The total value of church property (almost in its entirety exempt from taxation) reported in 1906 was $1,257,575,867, of which $935,942,578 was reported for Protestant bodies, $292,638,786 for Roman Catholic bodies, and $28,994,502 for all other bodies. Occupations.—29,o73,233 persons Io years or more of' age—nearly two-fifths (38.3%) of the country's total population—were engaged in gainful occupations in 1900. Occupations were reported first for free males in 185o, and since 186o women workers have been separately reported. Five main occupation groups are covered by the census: (I) agriculture, (2) professional service, (3) domestic and personal service, (4) trade and transportation, (5) manufacture and mechanical pursuits. The percentage of all wage-earners engaged in these groups in 'goo was 35'7, 4.3, 19.2, 16.4, and 24.4 respectively. Outside of these are the groups of mining and fishing. Although manufactures have increased tremendously • of recent years—their products representing in 1905 a gross total of $14,802,147,087 as compared with $6,309,000,000 for those of farms (according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture)—agriculture is still the predominant industry of the United States, employing nearly half of the workers, and probably giving subsistence to considerably more than half of the people of the country. Turning to the factor of sex, it may be stated that the t umber of the gainfully employed in 1900 above given' included 8 /° of all the men and boys, and 18.8% of all the women and g1 in the country. The corresponding figures in 188o were 78.7 and 4.7 %. The proportion of women workers is greatest in the North Atlantic group of states (22.1%) where they are engaged in manufacturing, and in the South (23.8) where negro women are engaged in agricultural operations. The percentage of such wage-earners is there-fore increasing much more rapidly in the former region. But in all other parts of the country the increase is faster than in the South ; since aside from agriculture, which has long been in a relatively stable condition, there is not by any means so strong a movement of women into professional services in city districts. The increase is universal. There is not a state that does not show it. The greatest increase for any section between 188o and 1900 was that of the North Central division from 8.8 to 14'3%. Here too both factors—farm-life, as in North Dakota, and manufacturing, as in Illinois—showed their plain influence. Of all agricultural labourers 9.4%were females in 1900 (7.7 in 188o) ; but in the South the proportion was much greater—16.5 in the South Atlantic and 14.9 in the South Central division. In professional service 34.2 % (in i88o, 29.4) were females, the two northern sections showing the highest proportions. In the occupations of musicians and teachers of music, and of school-teachers and professors (which together account for seven-eighths of professional women) women preponderate. The same sex constituted only 37.5 % (34'6 °/o in 1880) of the wage-earners of the third group ; the South also showing here, as is natural in view of its coloured class, much the highest and the Western division of states much the lowest percentage. Women are in excess in the occupations of boarding and lodging house keepers, housekeepers, launderers, nurses and midwives, and servants and waiters. These account for almost all women in this group; servants and waitresses make up two-thirds of the total. Finally, in the fourth and fifth groups the percentage of women was 'o•6 (3.4 in 188o) and 18.5 (16.7 in 1880. In manufactures the South Atlantic states show a higher percentage than the North Central, owing to the element of child-labour already indicated. In the third group women greatly preponderate in the occupation of stenographers and type-writers; and in those of book-keepers and accountants, clerks and copyists, packers and shippers, saleswomen (which is the largest class), and telegraph and telephone operators they have a large representation (13 to 34 %). A great variation exists in the proportion of the sexes employed in different manufacturing industries. Of dress-makers, milliners, seamstresses (which together make up near half of the total in this occupation group) more than 96 % are women. Of the makers of paper boxes, of shirts, collars and cuffs, of hosiery and knitting mill operatives, of glove-makers, silk mill operatives and book-binders they are more than half ; so also of other textile workers, excluding wool and cotton mill operatives (these last the second largest group of women workers in manufactures), in which occupations males are in a slight excess. The distribution of women wage-earners in 1900 among the great occupation groups was as follows: in agriculture, 18.4 %; professional service, 8.1 %; domestic and personal service, 39'4 %; trade and transportation, 9.4 %; manufacturing and mechanical pursuits, 24.7 %. The proportion which children io to 15 years of age engaged in gainful occupations bore to the whole number of such children was in 1880 24.4 °A for males, and 9.0% for females. Twenty years later the corresponding figures were 26.1 and I0•2 %. In the North Atlantic and North Central states, notwithstanding their manufacturing industries, the proportions were much lower (17.1 and 17•o in 1900), and they increased very little in the period mentioned. In the Western group the increase was even less, and the total (10.9 % in 1900) also. But in the South Atlantic and the South Central states—where agriculture, mining and manufacturing have in recent decades become important—although the increase was very slight, the proportions were far above those of the other sections, both in 1880 and in 1900. In the former year the ratios were 40.2 and 41.5, in the latter 41.6 and 42.7 %. In Alabama (70.8 % in 1880), North and South Carolina, and Arkansas the ratio exceeded 50 % in 1900. National Wealth.—Mulhall has estimated the aggregate wealth of the United States in 1790 at $620,000,000, assigning of this value $4i9,000,000 to lands and $141,000,000 to buildings and improvements. It is probable that this estimate is generous according to the values of that time. But even supposing $',000,000,000 to be a juster estimate according to present-day values, it is probable that the increase of this since 1790 has been more than a hundredfold and since 185o (since when such data have been gathered by the census) about fifteenfold. The value of farm property increased from $3,967,343,580 in 185o to $20,439,901,164 in 1900. The gross value of manufactures rose in the same interval from $1,019,106,616 to $13,010,036,514; of farm products, from $2,212,540,927 in i88o to $6,309,000,000 in 1900. The census estimate of the true value of " property " constituting the national wealth was limited in an enumeration of 1850 to taxable realty and privately held personalty; in 1900 it covered also exempt realty, government land, and corporation and public personalty. The estimate of the national wealth of 1850 was $7,135,780,228 1904 (made by the census office), $107,104,192,410. It may be added that the net ordinary revenue of the government was in 1850 $43,592,889, and in 1909 $662,324,445; that the value of imports rose from $7.48 per capita in 1850 to $14.47 in 1909; and of exports from $6.23 to $18.50. The public debt on the 1st of November 1909, less certificates and notes offset by cash in the Treasury, was $1,295,147,432.04. (F. S. P.) VI.—INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE Manuf actures.—In the colonial period there were beginnings in some lines of manufacturing, but the policy of the British government was generally hostile and the increase was insignificant. In the first decades after the establishment of independence the resources and energies of the nation were absorbed in the task of occupying the vacant spaces of a continent, and subduing it to agriculture; and so long as land was so abundant that the spreading population easily sustained itself upon the fruits of the soil, and satisfied the tastes of a simple society with the products of neighbourhood handicrafts, there was no incentive to any real development of a factory economy. This has been, for the most part, a development since the Civil War. No attempt was made in the census enumerations of 1790 and 1800 to obtain statistics of manufactures. In 1810 Congress provided for such a report, but the results were so imperfect that there was never published any summary for the country, nor for any state. Nor were the data secured in 182o and 184o of much value. Since 185o, however, provision has been made on an ample scale for their collection, although the constant modifications of the schedules under which the statistics were arranged makes very difficult comparisons of the latest with the earlier censuses. From 185o to 1900 fairly full industrial statistics were gathered as a part of each decennial census. In 1905 was taken the first of a new series of special decennial censuses of manufactures, in which only true factories—that is, establishments producing standardized products intended for the general market—were included, and mere " neighbourhood " (local) establishments of the hand trades were excluded. Without corrections, therefore, the figures of earlier censuses are not comparable with those of the census of 1905. Thus of 512,254 establishments included in the reports of 1900, six-tenths, employing 11.2 % of the total number of wage-earners and producing 12.3% of the total value of all manufactures, must be omitted as " neighbourhood " establishments in order to make the following comparison of the results of the two enumerations of 1900 and 1905. The magnitude in 1905 of each of the leading items, and its increase since 1900, then appear as follows: number of factories, 216,262, increase 4.'2%; capital invested, $12,686,265,673, increase 41.3 %; salaries, $574,761,231, increase 50.9 %; total wages, $2,009,735,799, increase 29.9%; miscellaneous expenses, $1,455,019,473, increase 60.7 %; cost of materials, $8,503,949,756, increase 29'3%; value of products, including custom work and repairing (in such factories), $14,802,147,087, being an increase of 29.7 %. Of the last item $3,269,757,o67 represented the value of the products of rural factories (that is, those in cities of under 8000 inhabitants). The increase of the different items during the five years was greater in every case in the rural than in the urban factories. There was a very slight decline in the number of child labourers both in city and country, their total number in 1905 being 159,899 and in 1900 161,276. The total wages paid to children under 16 years, however, which was in 1905 $27,988,207, increased both in the city and, especially, in the country, and was 13.9% greater in 1905 than five years earlier. In the same period there was an increase of 16.o% in the number and of 27.5 % in the wages of women workers of 16 years (and upwards) of age. Deducting from the total value of manufactured products in 1905 the cost of partially manufactured materials, including mill supplies; a net or true value of $9,821,205,387 remains. Partially manufactured articles imported for use in manufactures are not included. Deducting from this the cost of raw materials and adding the cost of mill supplies, the result—$6,743,399 718 —is the value added to materials by manufacturing processes. The extent to which manufactures are controlled by large factories is shown by the fact that although in 1905 only 11.2 % of the total number reported products valued at $1oo,000 or over, these establishments controlled 81.5% of the capital, employed 71.6 % of the wage earners, and produced 79.3 % of the value of the products, of all establishments reported. 52.3 % of the total number, employing 66.3 % of all wage-earners, and producing 69•7% of the total product-value, were in urban centres. Only six establishments in a thousand employed as many as 500 workers, and only two in a thousand employed as many as moo workers. Cotton mills are most numerous in the last class of establishments. The manufacture of lumber and timber gave employment to the largest total number of workers; and this industry, together with those of foundry and machine shops (including locomotives, stoves and furnaces), cotton goods (including small wares), railway car and repair shops, and iron and steel, were (in order) the five greatest employers of labour. Measured by the gross value of products, wholesale slaughtering and meat packing was the most important industry in 1905. The products were valued at $801,757,137. In each of four other industries the products exceeded in value five hundred millions of dollars, namely, those of foundry and machine shops, flour and grist mills, iron and steel, and lumber and timber. In one other, cotton goods, the value was little less. These six industries contributed 27'2% of the value of all manufactured products. Both in 1905 and in 1900 the group of industries classed as of food and kindred products ranked first in the cost of materials used and the value of products; the group of iron and steel ranking first in capital and in wages paid; and textiles in the number of wage-earners employed. The close relation of manufactures to agriculture is reflected inthe fact that, of the raw materials used, 79.4% came from the farm. The remainder came from mines and quarries, 15.0%; forests, 5.2 %; the sea, 0.4 %. Four states—New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Massachusetts —each manufactured in 1900 products valued at over $I,000,000,000; New York exceeding and Pennsylvania attaining almost twice that sum. The manufacture of some products is highly localized. Thus, of silk goods, worsteds, the products of blast furnaces, of rolling mills and steel works, glass, boots and shoes, hosiery and knit goods, slaughtering and meat products, agricultural implements, woollens, leather goods, cotton goods and paper and wood pulp, four leading states produced in each case from 88.5 %, in the case of silk goods, to 58.6 % in the case of pulp. M. G. Mulhall (Industry and Weatlh of Nations, 1896) assigned fourth place to the United States in 1880 and first place in 1894 in the value of manufactured products, as compared with other countries. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu (Les £tats- Unis au xx,ne Siecle, Paris, 1904) would assign primacy to the United States as far back as 1885. Since the English board of trade estimated the exports of British manufactured goods at from 17 to 20 % of the industrial output of the United Kingdom in 1902, this would indicate a manufactured product hardly two-thirds as great as that of the true factory establishments of the United States in 1900. But exact data for comparison do not exist for other countries than the United States. In the production of pig iron, the share of the United States seems to have been in 1850 about one-eighth and that of Great Britain one-half of the world's product; while in 1903 the respective shares were 38.8 and 19.3 %; and Germany's also slightly exceeded the British output. In the manufacture of textiles the United States holds the second place, after Great Britain; decidedly second in cottons, a close competitor with Great Britain and France in woollens, and with France in silks. In the manufacture of food products the United States holds a lead that is the natural result of immense advantages in the production of raw materials. No other country produces half so much of leather. In the dependent industry of boots and shoes her position is commanding. These facts give an idea of the rank of the country among the manufacturing countries of the world. The basis of this position is generally considered to be, partly, immense natural resources available as materials, and, partly, an immense home market. For Agriculture, see the article AGRICULTURE; for Fisheries, see FISHERIES; and for Forestry, see FORESTS AND FORESTRY. Minerals.—In 1619 the erection of " works " for smelting the ores of iron was begun at Falling Creek, near Jamestown, Va., and iron appears to have been made in 162o; but the enterprise was stopped by a general massacre of the settlers in that region. In 1643 the business of smelting and manufacturing iron was begun at Lynn, Mass., where it was successfully carried on, at least up to 1671, furnishing most of the iron used in the colony. From the middle of the 17th century the smelting of this metal began to be of importance in Massachusetts Bay and vicinity, and by the close of the century there had been a large number of ironworks established in that colony, which, for a century after its settlement, was the chief seat of the iron manufacture in America, bog ores, taken from the bottom of the ponds, being chiefly used. Early in the 18th century the industry began to extend over New England and into New Jersey, the German bloomery forge being employed for reducing the ore directly to bar iron, and by the middle of that century it had taken a pretty firm hold in the Atlantic colonies. About 1789 there were fourteen furnaces and thirty-four forges in operation in Pennsylvania. Before the separation of the colonies from the mother country, the mahufacture of iron had been extended through all of them, with the possible exception of Georgia. As early as 1718 iron (both pig and bar) began to be sent to Great Britain, the only country to which the export was permitted, the annual amount between 1730 and 1775 varying ordinarily between 2000 and 3000 tons, but in one year (1771) rising to 'between 7000 and 8000 tons. The first metal other than iron mined by whites within the territory of the United States was lead, the discovery of which on the American continent was recorded in 1621. The first English settlers on the Atlantic bartered lead of domestic origin with the Indians in the 17th century, and so did the French in the upper Mississippi Valley. The ore of the metal occurring in the Mississippi basin—galena-is scattered widely and in large quantities, and being easily smelted by the roughest possible methods was much used at an early date. In the second half of the 18th century, during the period of French and Spanish domination in the valley, lead was a common medium of exchange, but no real mining development took place. Copper was the next metal to be mined, so far as is known. The first company began work about 1709, at Simsbury, Conn. The ore obtained there and in New Jersey seems to have been mostly shipped to England. A few years later attempts were made to work mines of lead and cobalt in Connecticut and Massachusetts. The first mining excitement of the United States dates back to the discovery of gold by the whites in the Southern states, along the eastern border of the Appalachian range, in Virginia, and in North and South Carolina. The existence of gold in that region had been long known to the aboriginal inhabitants, but no attention was paid to this by the whites, until about the beginning of the 19th century, when nuggets were found, one of which weighed 28 lb. From 1824 the search for gold continued, and by 1829 the business had become important, and was attended with no little excitement. In 1833 and 1834 the amount annually obtained had risen to fully a million of dollars. A rapid development of the lead mines of the West, both in Missouri and on the Upper Mississippi in the region where Iowa, Wisconsin and Illinois adjoin one another, took place during the first quarter of the 19th century, and as early as 1826 or 1827 the amount of this metal obtained had risen to nearly io,000 tons a year. By this time the making of iron had also become important, the production for 1828 being estimated at 130,000 tons. In 182o the first cargo of anthracite coal was shipped to Philadelphia. From 183o the increase in the production was very rapid, and in 1841 the annual shipments from the Pennsylvania anthracite region had nearly reached i,000,000 tons, the output of iron at that time being estimated at about 300,000 tons. The development of the coal and iron interests, and the increasing importance of the gold product of the Appalachian auriferous belt, and also of the lead product of the Mississippi Valley, led to a more general and decided interest in geology and mining; and about 183o geological surveys of several of the Atlantic states were begun, and more systematic explorations for the ores of the metals, as well as for coal, were carried on over all parts of the country then open to settlement. An important step was taken in 1844, when a cession of the region on the south shore of Lake Superior was obtained from the Chippewa Indians. Here explorations for copper immediately began, and for the first time in the United States the business of mining for the metals began to be developed on an extensive scale, with suitable appliances, and with financial success. An event of still greater importance took place almost immediately after the value of the copper region in question had been fully ascertained. This was the demonstration of the fact that gold existed in large quantities along the western slope of the Sierra Nevada of California. In five years from the discovery of gold at Coloma on the American river, the yield from the auriferous belt of the Sierra Nevada had risen to an amount estimated at between sixty-five and seventy millions of dollars a year, or five times as much as the total production of this metal throughout the world at the beginning of the century. The following details show the development of the mineral re-sources of the country at the middle of the 19th century. In 185o Mining the shipments of anthracite amounted to nearly 3,500,000 Industries tons; those of Cumberland or semi-bituminous coal were about Industries about 200,000 tons. The yearly production of pig iron 1850. had risen to between 500,000 and 600,000 tons. The annual yield of gold in the Appalachian belt had fallen off to about $5oo,000 in value, that of California had risen to $36,000,000, and was rapidly approaching the epoch of its culmination (1851–1853). No silver was obtained in the country, except what was separated from the native gold, that mined in California containing usually from 8 to 10 % of the less valuable metal. The ore of mercury had been discovered in California before the epoch of the gold excitement, and was being extensively worked, the yield in the year 1850—1851 being nearly 2,000,000 lb. At this time the copper mines of Lake Superior were being successfully developed, and nearly 600 tons of metallic copper were produced in 1850. At many points in the Appalachian belt attempts had been made to work mines of copper and lead, but with no considerable success. About the middle of the century extensive works were erected at Newark, New Jersey, for the manufacture of the oxide of zinc for paint; about Imo tons were produced in 1852. The extent and value of the deposits of zinc ore in the Saucon Valley, Pennsylvania, had also just become known in 185o. The lead production of the Missouri mines had for some years been nearly stationary, or had declined slightly from its former importance; while that of the upper Mississippi region, which in the years just previous to 1850 had risen to from 20,000 to 25,000 tons a year, was declining, having in 185o sunk to less than 18,000 tons. At the end of the century, in only fifty years, the United States had secured an easy first place among the mineral-producing countries of the world. It held primacy, with a large margin, in the yield of coal, iron, lead and copper, the minerals most important in manufactures; in gold its output was second only to that of South Africa (though practically equalled by that of Australia) ; and in silver to that of Mexico. Although the data are in general incomplete upon which might be based a comparison of the relative standing of different countries in the production of minerals of lesser importance than those just mentioned, it was estimated by M. G. Mulhall (Industries and Wealth of Nations, edition of 1896, pp. 34–35) that Great Britain then produced approximately one-third, the United States one-third, and all other countries collectively one-third of the minerals of the world in weight. The leading products, as reported by the Geological Survey for 1907, were as follows: coal, $614,798,898 (85,604,312 tons of anthracite coal, 394.759,112 of bituminous); petroleum, $120,106,749; natural gas, $54,222,399; iron ore, $131,996,147 (pig iron, $529,958,000); copper, refined, $173,799,300; gold, coinage value, $90,435,700; bui;~.ing-stone, $71,105,805; silver, commercial value, $37,299,700; lean, refiilf, $0,707,596; and zinc, refined, $26,401,910.
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