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STOUPS . Only in these See also:southern dialects do we find, and that under forms substantially identical, the important innovation known as the " broken plurals," consisting in the employment of certain forms, denoting abstracts, for the expression of plurals . They agree, moreover, in employing a See also:peculiar development of the verbal See also:root, formed by inserting an a between the first and second radicals (gatala, tagatala), in using the vowel a before the third See also:radical in all active perfects—for example, (h)aqtala, gattala, instead of the haqtil, gattil of the See also:northern dialects—and in many other grammatical phenomena . This is not at all contradicted by the fact that certain aspirated dentals of Arabic (th, dh, z) are replaced in Ethiopic, as in See also:Hebrew and See also:Assyrian, by pure sibilants—that is, s (Hebrew and Assyrian sh), z whereas in Aramaic they are replaced by See also:simple dentals (t, d, t), which seem to come closer to the Arabic sounds . Still, after the separation of the northern and the southern See also:groups, we suppose, the Semitic See also:languages possessed all these sounds, as the Arabic does, but afterwards simplified them, for the most See also:part, in one direction or the other . Hence there resulted, as it were by See also:chance, occasional similarities . Even in many See also:modern Arabic dialects th, dh become t, d.' Ethiopic, moreover, has kept d, the most peculiar of Arabic sounds, distinct from s, whereas Aramaic has confounded it with the guttural 'See also:ain, and Hebrew and Assyrian with s . It is therefore evident that all these languages once possessed the consonant in question as a distinct one . One See also:sound, See also:sin, appears only in Hebrew, in Phoenician, and in the older Aramaic . It must originally have been pronounced very like sh, since it is represented in See also:writing by the same See also:character; in later times it was changed into an See also:ordinary s . Assyrian does not distinguish it from sh .2 The See also:division of the Semitic languages into the northern See also:group and the southern is- therefore justified by facts . Even if we were to discover really important grammatical phenomena in which one of the southern dialects agreed with the northern, or See also:vice versa, and that in cases where such phenomena could not be regarded either as remnants of See also:primitive Semitic usage or as instances of parallel but See also:independent development, we ought to remember that the division of the two groups was not necessarily a sudden and instantaneous occurrence, that even after the separation intercourse may have been carried on between the various tribes who spoke kindred dialects and were therefore still able to understand one another, and that intermediate dialects may once have existed, perhaps such as were in use ' In words borrowed from the See also:literary See also:language, s, z, habitually appear in See also:place of th, dh . 2 It is not quite certain whether all the Semitic languages originally had the hardest of the gutturals gh and kh in exactly the same places that they occupy in Arabic . In the See also:case of kh we may assume so; since not only Arabic here agrees with Ethiopic, but Assyrian, also, has a particular guttural in roots which in Arabic have kh . But it would appear that in Hebrew and Aramaic the distinction between gh and 'ayin, between kh and h was often different from what it is in Arabic.amongst tribes who came into contact sometimes with the agricultural See also:population of the See also:north and sometimes with the nomads of the See also:south (see below) . All this is purely hypothetical, whereas the division between the northern and the southern Semitic languages is a recognized fact . It is perfectly certain, moreover, that Hebraeo-Phoenician and Aramaic are closely related with each other, and See also:form a group of their own, distinct even from Assyrian . In fact, Assyrian seems to be so completely sui generis that we should be well advised to See also:separate it from all the cognate languages, as an independent See also:scion of proto-Semitic . We should classify these languages consequently in the following See also:order: (I) Assyrian; (2) the remaining Semitic languages, viz.: A . Hebraeo-Phoenician and Aramaic, B. the southern Semitic See also:tongues . Although we cannot deny that there may formerly have existed Semitic languages quite distinct from those with which we are acquainted, yet that such was actually the case cannot be proved . Nor is there any See also:reason to think that the domain of the Semitic languages ever extended very far beyond its See also:present limits . Some See also:time ago many scholars believed that they were once spoken in See also:Asia See also:Minor and even in See also:Europe, but, except in the Phoenician colonies, this notion rested upon no solid See also:proof . It cannot be argued with any See also:great degree of plausibility that even the Cilicians, who from a very See also:early See also:period held See also:constant intercourse with the Syrians and the Phoenicians, spoke a Semitic language . Assyrian . See also:Long before there existed any other Semitic culture, there flourished on the See also:Lower See also:Euphrates a See also:sister language which has been preserved to us in the See also:cuneiform See also:inscriptions . It is usually called the Assyrian, after the name of the See also:country where the first and most important excavations were made; but the See also:term " Babylonian " would be more correct, as See also:Babylon was the birthplace of this language and of the See also:civilization to which it belonged . Certain Babylonian inscriptions go back to the See also:fourth See also:millennium before our era; but the great See also:mass of these cuneiform inscriptions date from between Iwo and 500 B.C . Assyrian differs in many respects from all the cognate languages . The See also:ancient perfect has wholly disappeared, or See also:left but few traces, and the gutturals, with the exception of the hard kh, Assyrian. have been smoothed down to a degree which is only paralleled in modern Aramaic dialects . So at least it would appear from the writing, or rather from the manner in which Assyriologists transcribe it . The Babylonian form See also:bel (occurring in Isa . )lvi . I ; See also:Jet . I . 2 and li . 44—passages all belonging to the 6th See also:century B.C., and in many other ancient monuments), the name of the See also:god who was originally called ba'l, is a See also:confirmation of this; but, on the other See also:hand, the name of the country where Babylon was situated, viz . Shin'ar, and that of a Babylonian god, 'Anammelek (2 See also:Kings xvii . 31), as well as those of the tribes Sho'a and Qo'a (Ezek. See also:xxiii . 23) who inhabited the Assyrio-Babylonian territory, seem to militate against this theory, as they are spelt in the Old Testament with `ain . So, too, is the biblico-Aramaic word te'em, ta'am, " order," " See also:decree," which is derived from the Assyrian; and we may also compare some Babylonian See also:local names, e.g . 'Anat . H is found in the name of the See also:town See also:Hit, and in the name of a See also:man, written in Aramaic characters but formed quite in the Babylonian manner, Hadadnadinakh . Thus the Babylonians may have pronounced some gutturals, though they did not write them, precisely as the See also:Persian cuneiform inscriptions omit many h's, which, no doubt, were audible . The Assyrian See also:system of writing is so complicated, and, in spite of its vast apparatus, is so imperfect an See also:instrument for the accurate See also:representation of sounds, that we are hardly yet See also:bound to regard the transcriptions of contemporary Assyriologists as being in all points of detail the final dictum of See also:science . However this may be, the present writer does not feel able to speak at greater length upon Assyrian . See also:Attention may, however, be called to the fact, that, as might have been expected from the important role played by the Babylonians and Assyrians in the See also:history of civilization and of peoples, many words passed over from their language into Hebrew and, more especially, into Aramaic, some of which attained a still wider See also:vogue.3 (Compare the See also:article CUNEIFORM.) Hebrew . Hebrew and Phoenician are but dialects of one and the same language . It is only as the language of the See also:people of See also:Israel that Hebrew can be known with any precision . Since in the Old 2 So the Assyrian mashkenu was adopted into Hebrew and Aramaic as misken; from the Aramaic it was borrowed by Arabic and Ethiopic (misken), and from Arabic it found its way into the See also:Romance languages (mesquinho, mezquino, meschind, mesquin) . Lost Semitic languages . Testament a few of the neighbouring peoples are represented as being descended from See also:Eber, the eponym of the See also:Hebrews, that is, are regarded as nearly related to the latter, it was natural to suppose that they likewise spoke Hebrew—a supposition which, at least in the case of the See also:Moa'bites, has been fully confirmed by the See also:discovery of the Mesha inscription (date, soon after 900 B.C.) . The language of this inscription scarcely differs from that of the Old Testament; the only important distinction is the occurrence of a reflexive form (with t after the first radical), which appears also in Arabic and Assyrian . We may remark in passing that the See also:style of this inscription is quite that of the Old Testament, and enables us to maintain with certainty that a similar See also:historical literature existed amongst the Moabites . But it must be remembered that ancient Semitic inscriptions exhibit, in a sense, nothing but the See also:skeleton of the language, since they do not See also:express the vowels at all, or do so only in certain cases; still less do they indicate other phonetic modifications, such as the doubling of consonants, &c . It is therefore very possible that to the See also:ear the language of See also:Moab seemed to differ considerably from that of the Judaeans . The Mesha inscription is the only non-Israelite source from which any knowledge of ancient Hebrew can be obtained . Still several Ancient Hebrew words occur even in the Tellel-Amarna letters, dis-Hebrew. covered in See also:Egypt, and written in the Babylonian language by princes of See also:Palestine during the second millennium B.C . They clearly show that the " Hebrew " language existed in Palestine even before the See also:migration of the Israelites into See also:Canaan . Some fragments in the Old Testament belong to the last centuries of the second millennium before our era—particularly the See also:song of See also:Deborah (See also:Judges v.), a document which, in spite of its many obscurities in matters of detail, throws much See also:light on the See also:condition of the Israelites at the time when the Canaanites were still contending with them for the See also:possession of the country . The first rise of an historical literature may very probably date from before the See also:establishment of the See also:monarchy . Various portions of the Old Testament belong to the time of the earlier kings; but it was under the later kings that a great part of extant Hebrew literature came into shape . To this See also:age also belong the See also:Gezer and the Siloam inscriptions and a daily increasing number of See also:seals and gems bearing the names of Israelites . The Hebrew language is thus known to us from a very ancient period . But we are far from being acquainted with its real phonetic Pronun- condition in the time of See also:David or See also:Isaiah . For, much as ciation. we owe to the labours of the later Jewish See also:schools, which with See also:infinite care fixed the See also:pronunciation of the sacred See also:text by adding vowels and other signs, it is evident that even at the best they could only represent the pronunciation of the language in its latest See also:stage, not that of very early ages . Besides, their See also:object was not to exhibit Hebrew simply as it was, but to show how it should be read in the See also:solemn See also:chant of the See also:synagogue . Accordingly, the pronunciation of the older period may have differed considerably from that represented by the See also:punctuation . Such See also:differences are now and then indicated by the customary spelling of the ancient texts,I and sometimes the See also:orthography is directly at variance with the punctuation.' In a few rare cases we may derive help from the somewhat older tradition contained in the representation of Hebrew words and proper names by See also:Greek letters, especially in the ancient Alexandrine See also:translation of the See also:Bible (the so-called See also:Septuagint) . It is of particular importance to remark that this older tradition still retains an See also:original a in many cases where the punctuation has the later i or e . We have examined this point somewhat in detail, in order to contradict the false but ever-recurring notion that the ordinary text of the Bible represents without any essential modification the pronunciation of ancient Hebrew, whereas in reality it expresses (in a very instructive and careful manner, it is true) only its latest development, and that for the purpose of solemn public recitation . A clear trace of dialectal differences within Israel is found in Judges xii .
6, which shows that the ancient Ephraimites pronounced samek instead of shin
.
The destruction of the Judaean See also:kingdom dealt a heavy See also:blow to the Hebrew language
.
But it is going too far to suppose that it Period of was altogether banished from ordinary See also:life at the time See also:exile is of the exile, and that Aramaic came into use among all Babyloa. the See also:Jews
.
In the See also:East even small communities, especially
if they form a religious See also:body, often cling persistently to their See also:mother-See also:tongue, though they may be surrounded by a population of See also:alien speech; and such was probably the case with the Jews in Babylonia
.
See HEBREW LANGUAGE
.
Even so See also:late as the time of See also:Ezra, Hebrew was in all See also:probability the ordinary language of the new community
.
In Neh. xiii
.
24 we find a complaint that the See also:children of Jews by wives from Ashdod and other places spoke See also:half in the " Jewish " language and half in the language of Ashdod, or whatever else may have been the tongue of their mothers
.
No one
I For example, we may conclude with tolerable certainty, from the presence and See also:absence of the vowel-letters y and w, that in older times the accented e and o were not pronounced long, and that, on the other hand, the diphthongs au and ai were used for the later o and e
.
2 The very first word of the Bible contains an Aleph (spiritus lenis), which is required by See also:etymology and was once audible, but which the pronunciation represented by the point-system ignores.can suppose that See also:Nehemiah would have been particularly zealous that the children of Jews should speak an Aramaic See also:dialect with correctness
.
He no doubt refers to Hebrew as it was then spoken—a stage in its development of which .Nehemiah's own See also:work gives a very See also:fair See also:idea
.
After the time of See also: Meanwhile the See also:principal language Hebrew of See also:Syria and the neighbouring countries, Aramaic, which supplanted had already become the language of the older Jewish colonies in Egypt (see below), and the See also:influence of which Aramaic. may be perceived even in some pre-exilic writings, began to spread more and more among the Jews of Palestine . Hebrew gradually ceased to be the language of the people and became that of See also:religion and the schools . The See also:book of See also:Daniel, written in 167 or 166 B.C., begins in Hebrew, then suddenly passes into Aramaic, and ends again in Hebrew . Similarly the redactor of Ezra (or more correctly of the See also:Chronicles, of which Ezra and Nehemiah form the conclusion) borrows large portions from an Aramaic work, in most cases without translating them into Hebrew . No reason can be assigned for the use of Aramaic in Jewish See also:works intended primarily for See also:Jerusalem, unless it were already the dominant speech, whilst, on the other hand, it was very natural for a pious See also:Jew to write in the ancient " See also:holy " language even after it had ceased to be spoken . See also:Esther, See also:Ecclesiastes, and a few See also:Psalms, which belong to the 3rd and 2nd centuries before our era, are indeed written in Hebrew, but are so strongly tinctured by the Aramaic influence as to prove that the writers usually spoke Aramaic . It is certain, of course, that there were still many Jews capable both of writing and speaking Hebrew . So the Book of Sirach, composed shortly after 200 B.C., was written in an almost absolutely pure Hebrew, as is proved by the portions of the original, amounting to about two-thirds of the whole, which have come to light in our See also:day . But we are not likely to be far wrong in saying that in the Maccabean age Hebrew had died out among the Jews as a current popular language, and there is nothing to show that it survived longer among any of the neighbouring peoples . But in the last period of the history of Jerusalem, and still more after the destruction of the See also:city by See also:Titus, the Jewish schools played so important a part that the life of the Hebrew language was in a manner prolonged, The lectures and discussions of the learned were carried on in that tongue . We have very extensive specimens of this more modern Hebrew in the Mishnah and other works, and scattered pieces throughout both Talmuds . But, just as the " classical See also:Sanskrit, which has been spoken and written by the Brahmans during the last twenty-five centuries, differs considerably from the language which was once in use among the people, so this " language of the learned " diverges in many respects from the " holy language "; and this distinction is one of which the rabbis were perfectly conscious . The " language of the learned " borrows a great part of its vocabulary from Aramaic,3 and this exercises a strong influence upon the grammatical forms . The See also:grammar is perceptibly modified by the peculiar style of these writings, which for the most part treat of legal and See also:ritual questions in a strangely laconic and pointed manner . But, large as is the proportion of See also:foreign words and artificial as this language is, it contains a considerable number of purely Hebrew elements which by chance do not appear in the Old Testament . Although we may generally assume, in the case of a word occurring in the Mishnah but not found in the Old Testament, that it is borrowed from Aramaic, there are several words of this class which, by their radical consonant,, prove themselves to be genuine Hebrew . And' even some grammatical phenomena of this language are to be regarded as a genuine development of Hebrew, though they are unknown to earlier Hebrew speech . From the beginning of the See also:middle ages down to our own times the Jews have produced an enormous mass of writings in Hebrew, sometimes closely following the language of the Bible, See also:medieval sometimes that of the Mishnah, sometimes introducing aad in a perfectly inorganic manner a great quantity of Modern Aramaic forms, and occasionally imitating the Arabic Hebrew. style . The study of these See also:variations has but little See also:interest for the linguist, since they are nothing but a purely artificial See also:imitation, dependent upon the greater or less skill of the individual . The language of the Mishnah stands in much closer connexion with real life, and has a definite raison d'etre; all later Hebrew is to be classed with medieval and modern Latin . The See also:dream of some Zionists, that Hebrew—a would-be Hebrew, that is to say—will again become a living, popular language in Palestine, has still less prospect of realization than their See also:vision of a restored Jewish See also:empire in the Holy See also:Land . Much Hebrew also was written in the middle ages by the hostile brethren of the Jews, the See also:Samaritans; but for the student of language these productions have, at the most, the See also:charm attaching to curiosities . 3 It is a characteristic feature that " my See also:father" and " my mother " are here expressed by purely Aramaic forms . Even the learned did not wish to See also:call their " papas " and " mammas " by any other names than those to which they had been accustomed in See also:infancy . The ancient Hebrew language, especially in the See also:matter of syntax, has an essentially primitive character . Parataxis of sentences Character prevails over hypotaxis to a greater extent than in any Ch ancient other literary Semitic language with which we are well Henw. acquainted . The favourite method is to See also:link sentences together by means of a simple "and." There is a great lack of particles to express with clearness the more subtle connexion of ideas . The use of the verbal tenses is in a great measure deter-See also:mined by the See also:imagination, which regards things unaccomplished as accomplished, and the past as still present . There are but few words or inflexions to indicate slight modifications of meaning, though in ancient times the language may perhaps have distinguished certain moods of the verb somewhat more plainly than the present punctuation does . But in any case this language was far less suited for the definite expression of studied thought, and less suited still for the treatment of abstract subjects, than for See also:poetry . We must remember, however, that as long as Hebrew was a living language it never had to be used for the expression of the abstract . Had it lived somewhat longer it might very possibly have learnt to adapt itself better to the formulating of systematic conceptions . The only book in the Old Testament which attempts to grapple with an abstract subject in See also:plain See also:prose—namely, Ecclesiastes—See also:dates from a time when Hebrew was dying out or was already dead . That the gifted author does not always succeed in giving clear expression to his ideas is partly due to the fact that the language had never been employed for any scientific purposes whatsoever . With regard to grammatical forms, Hebrew has lost much that is still preserved in Arabic; but the greater richness of Arabic is in part the result of later development . The vocabulary of the Hebrew language is, as we have said, known but imperfectly . The Old Testament is no very large work; vit contains, moreover, many repetitions, and a great Vocabu- oc number of pieces which are of little use to the lexicolary . grapher . On the other hand, much may be derived from certain poetical books, such as See also:Job.' The numerous Sirat; X€yoseva are a sufficient proof that many more words existed than appear in the Old Testament, the writers of which never had occasion to use them . Were we in possession of the,whole Hebrew vocabulary in the time of See also:Jeremiah, for example, we should be far better able to determine the relation in which Hebrew stands to the other Semitic languages, the Old Testament would be far more intelligible to us, and it would be very much easier to detect the numerous corrupt passages in our text . Phoenician . The Phoenician dialect closely resembles Hebrew, and is known to us from only one See also:authentic source, namely, inscriptions, some of Phoeec- which date from about 600 B.C. or earlier; but the great See also:clan. mass of them begin with the end of the 5th century before our era . These inscriptions"-- we owe to the Phoenicians of the mother-country and the neighbouring regions (See also:Cyprus, Egypt and See also:Greece), as well as to the Phoenicians of See also:Africa, especially See also:Carthage . Inscriptions are, however, a very insufficient means for obtaining the knowledge of a language . The number of subjects treated in them is not large; many of the most important grammatical forms and many of the words most used in ordinary life do not occur . Moreover, the " See also:lapidary style " is often very hard to understand . The repetition of obscure phrases, in the same connexion, in several inscriptions does not help to make them more intelligible . Of what use is it to us that, for instance, thousands of Carthaginian inscriptions begin with the very same incomprehensible See also:dedication to two divinities ? The difficulty of See also:interpretation is greatly increased by the fact that single words are very seldom separated from one another, and that vowel-letters are used extremely sparingly . We therefore come but too often upon very ambiguous groups of letters . In spite of this, our knowledge of Phoenician has made considerable progress of late . Some assistance is also got from Greek and Latin writers, who cite not only many Phoenician proper names, but single Phoenician words: See also:Plautus in particular inserts in the Poenulus whole passages in Punic, some of which are accompanied by a Latin translation . This source of in-formation must, however, be used with great caution . It was not the object of Plautus to exhibit the Punic language with precision, a task for which the Latin See also:alphabet is but See also:ill adapted, but only to make the populace laugh at the See also:jargon of the hated Carthaginians . Moreover, he had to force the Punic words into Latin senarii; and finally the text, being unintelligible to copyists, is terribly corrupt . Much ingenuity has been wasted on the Punic of Plautus; but the passage yields valuable results to cautious investigation which does not try to explain too much.' In its grammar Phoenician closely resembles Hebrew . In both dialects the consonants are the same, often in contrast to Aramaic i The Siloam inscription affords us one new word, the original of Sirach some others . In the Gezer inscription there seem to be some new words of dubious interpretation . z The scattered materials are being collected in the Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum of the See also:Paris See also:Academy . ' See Gildemeister, in See also:Ritschl's Plautus (vol. ii. fasc. v., See also:Leipzig, 1884).and other cognate languages.' As to vowels, Phoenician seems to diverge rather more from Hebrew . The connecting of clauses is scarcely carried farther in the former language than in the latter . A slight See also:attempt to define the tenses more sharply appears once at least in the joining of kan (fuit) with a perfect, to express See also:complete accomplishment (or the pluperfect)." One important difference is that the use of wd,w conversive with the imperfect—so See also:common in Hebrew and in the inscription of Mesha—is wanting in Phoenician . The vocabulary of the language is very like that of Hebrew, but words rare in Hebrew are often common in Phoenician . For instance, " to do " is in Phoenician not 'as a but pa`al (the Arabic fa`See also:ala), which in Hebrew occurs only in poetry and elevated language . " See also:Gold " is not (zahab as in most Semitic languages), but harts (Assyrian huras), which is used occasionally in Hebrew poetry . Traces of dialectical distinctions have been found in the great inscription of Byblus, the inhabitants of which seem to be distinguished from the See also:rest of the Phoenicians in Josh. xiii . 5 (and i Kings v . 32 ? [A.V. v. i8]) . It is probable that various differences between the language of the mother-country and that of the See also:African colonies arose at an early date, but our materials do not enable us to come to any definite conclusion on this point . It is tolerably certain that the language of Carthage possessed many dull vowels which were See also:strange to Greek and Latin, so that the manner in which they are reproduced in proper names by the Greeks and See also:Romans shows great diversity . In the later African inscriptions there appear certain phonetic changes, especially in consequence of the softening of the gutturals—changes which show themselves yet more plainly in the so-called Neo-Punic inscriptions (beginning with the 1st, if not the 2nd, century before our era) .
In these the gutturals, which had lost their real sound, are frequently interchanged in writing: and other modifications may also be perceived
.
Unfortunately the Neo-Punic inscriptions are written in such a debased indistinct character that it is often impossible to discover with certainty the real form of the words
.
This dialect was still spoken about 400, and perhaps long afterwards, in those districts of North Africa which had once belonged to Carthage
.
It would seem that in the mother-country the Phoenician language withstood the encroachment of Greek on the one hand and of Aramaic on the other somewhat longer than Hebrew did
.
Aramaic
.
Aramaic is nearly related to Hebraeo-Phoenician; but there is nevertheless a See also:sharp See also:line of demarcation between the two groups
.
Of its original See also:home nothing certain is known
.
In the Old Geo-Testament " See also:Aram " appears at an early period as a l designation of certain districts in Syria (" Aram of gxtehiraphicaof See also:Damascus," &c.) and in See also:Mesopotamia (" Aram of the Two exte t See also:Rivers ")
.
The language of the Aramaeans gradually spread far and wide, and occupied all Syria, both those regions which were before in the possession of the Kheta, probably a non-Semitic people, and those which were most likely inhabited by Canaanite tribes; last of all, Palestine became Aramaized
.
Towards the east this language was spoken on the Euphrates, and throughout' the districts of the See also:Tigris south and See also:west of the Armenian and Kurdish mountains; the See also:province in which the capitals of the Arsacids and the Sassanids were situated was called " the country of the Aramaeans." In Babylonia and See also:Assyria a large, or perhaps the larger, portion of the population were most probably Aramaeans, even at a very early date, whilst Assyrian was the language of the See also:government
.
The See also:oldest extant Aramaic documents consist of inscriptions on monuments and on seals, weights and gems
.
Latterly, a very remarkable inscription of a See also: The language of all these inscriptions is Aramaic, though in certain places it agrees with Hebrew . It is especially surprising that in the case of the Arabic sounds th, dh, z, they have not t, d, t,—as Aramaic generally has,—but sh, z, s, as is the See also:rule in Hebrew and Assyrian . It is extremely strange, however, that, in place of the Arabic d, 'See also:air does not appear, as elsewhere in Aramaic, nor yet s as in Hebrew and Assyrian,—and, in isolated cases, even in Aramaic,—but q . These phenomena may be observed on several smaller monuments . We have no entirely satisfactory explanation at our disposal: perhaps Assyrian influence has been at work . Individual monuments prove, however, that the phonetic system of See also:general Aramaic was already in existence ' At an early period the Phoenician pronunciation may have distinguished a greater number of original consonants than are distinguished in writing . It is at least remarkable that the Greeks render the name of the city of Sur (Hebrew $or), which must origin-ally have been pronounced Thurr, with a r (Tfpos), and the name of See also:Sidon (where the radicals runs through all the Semitic languages, with a o (1i5mv) . Distinctions of this See also:kind, justified by etymology, have perhaps been obscured in Hebrew by the imperfection of the alphabet . In the case of sin and shin this can be positively proved . "Kate nadar, " had vowed," Idal . 5 (C.I.S . Phoen . No . 93) . ' The consonants of his name are ZKR; the pronunciation, perhaps, was Zakkiir . in the period of our inscriptions: it would seem, therefore, that we must assume a dialectical cleavage, perhaps originated by the influence of Hebrew or Canaanean . Particularly remarkable is the use of the waw consecutivum in the inscriptions of the king of Hamath hitherto only known from Hebrew . Traces of the divergent phonetic treatment are found in the Hellenistic era, and—here and there—even later . Still, at the most, these can scarcely be more than conscious archaisms,—a view which is particularly corroborated by the fact, that, in certain Aramaic documents of the Persian period, both forms are used interchangeably, e.g. argil, " See also:earth," and ar'a . The latter orthography doubtless represents the actual pronunciation of the writer . It is to be observed, however, that zi for di, held its ground with especial tenacity as a form of the relative pronoun and in other capacities . In the Persian period Aramaic was the See also:official language of the provinces west of the Euphrates; and this explains the fact that coins which were struck by See also:governors and See also:vassal princes in Asia Minor, and of which the See also:stamp was in some cases the work of skilled Greek artists, See also:bear Aramaic inscriptions, whilst those of other coins are Greek . This, of course, does not prove that Aramaic was ever spoken in Asia Minor and as far north as See also:Sinope and the See also:Hellespont . In Egypt some Aramaic inscriptions have been found of the Persian period, one bearing the date of the fourth See also:year of See also:Xerxes (482 B.C.) . We possessed, even before this, a few official documents and other written pieces in Aramaic, inscribed upon See also:papyrus, and dating from this period, but unfortunately in a very dilapidated condition . Latterly, however, we have had a whole See also:series of similar documents of the 5th century B.C., in a very See also:good See also:state of preservation, bearing upon the affairs of Jewish colonists in the far south of Egypt . In that country, where the native writing was so formidable to the learner, the Aramaic language and script may well have appeared peculiarly serviceable . Thus they were employed, and frequently, even by indigenous Egyptians . But we need not doubt that, in Egypt, Aramaic was also spoken by many who had migrated from Syria; and this must be assumed to have been the case with the Jewish colonists mentioned . The fact is now established that these Jews who had come to Egypt before the Persian period were military colonists, and were often referred to in documents as " Aramaeans." According to Deut. xvii . 16, the kings of See also:Judah sold their subjects to the kings of Egypt, who at that time obtained n6mbers of warriors from foreign countries, instead of employing their own unwarlike subjects . The Syrian kings also sent soldiers to Egypt, from whom the Jews learned Aramaic . That this was used not only as an official language, but also as a See also:vernacular, is shown by the fact that fragments of ordinary speech are found in Judaeo-Aramaic papyri . That the See also:Egyptian-Aramaic documents exhibit traces of Hebrew and Phoenician influence is a matter for no surprise . Probably the preference shown by the Persians for Aramaic originated under the Assyrian empire, in which a very large proportion of the population spoke Aramaic, and in which this language would naturally occupy a more important position than it did under the Persians . We therefore understand why it was taken for granted that a great Assyrian official could speak Aramaic (2 Kings xviii .
26; Isa. See also:xxxvi
.
II), and for the same reason the dignitaries of Judah appear to have learned the language (ibid.), namely, in order to communicate with the Assyrians
.
The See also:short dominion of the Chaldacans very probably strengthened this preponderance of Aramaic
.
A few ancient Aramaic inscriptions have been discovered far within the limits of See also:Arabia, in the See also:palm See also:oasis of Teima (in the north of the Ilijaz); the oldest and by far the most important of these was very likely made before the Persian period
.
We may presume that Aramaic was introduced into the district by a See also:mercantile See also:colony, which settled in this ancient seat of See also:commerce, and in consequence of which Aramaic may have remained for some time the literary language of the neighbouring See also:Arabs
.
The Aramaic portions of the Old Testament show us the form of the language which was in use among the Jews of Palestine
.
Isolated Biblical passages in Ezra perhaps belong to the Persian period, but Aramaic. have certainly been remodelled by a later writer.' Yet in
Ezra we find a few See also:antique forms which do not occur in Daniel
.
The Aramaic pieces contained in the Bible have the great See also:advantage of being furnished with vowels and other orthographical signs, though these were not inserted until long after the See also:composition of the books, and are sometimes at variance with the text itself
.
But, since Aramaic was still a living language when the punctuation came into existence, and since the See also:lapse of time was not so very great, the tradition ran less See also:risk of corruption than in the case of Hebrew
.
Its general correctness is further attested by the innumerable points of resemblance between this language and See also:Syriac, with which we are accurately acquainted
.
The Aramaic of the Bible still exhibits various antique features, found in the Egyptian papyri too, which afterwards disappeared,—for example, the formation of the passive by means of See also:internal vowel-See also:change, and the causative with ha instead of with a,—phenomena which have been falsely explained as Hebraisms
.
Biblical Aramaic agrees in all essential points with the language used in the numerous inscriptions of See also:Palmyra (beginning soon before the See also:Christian era and extending to about the end of the 3rd century), and on the Nabataean coins and See also: I2 sqq.) Is in its present form a comparatively late See also:production.(concluding about the year too) . Aramaic was the language of Palmyra, the See also:aristocracy of which were to a great extent of Arabian extraction . In the northern portion of the Nabataean kingdom (not far from Damascus) there was probably a large Aramaic population, but farther south Arabic was spoken . At that time, however, Aramaic was highly esteemed as a cultivated language, for which reason the Arabs in question made use of it, as their own language was not reduced to writing, just as in those ages Greek inscriptions were set up in many districts where no one spoke Greek . That the See also:Nabataeans were Arabs is sufficiently proved by the fact that, with the exception of a few Greek names, almost all the numerous names which occur in the Nabataean inscriptions are Arabic, in many cases with distinctly Arabic terminations . A further proof of this is that in the great inscriptions over the tombs of Ilejr (not far from Teima) the native Arabic continually shows through the foreign disguise,—for instance, in the use of Arabic words whenever the writer does not happen to remember the corresponding Aramaic terms, in the use of the Arabic ghair, " other than," and in several syntactic features . The great inscriptions cease with the overthrow of the Nabataean kingdom by See also:Trajan (105) ; but the Arabian nomads in those countries, especially in the Sinaitic See also:peninsula, often scratched their names on the rocks down to a later period, adding some benedictory See also:formula in Aramaic . We know hundreds of these Sinaitic inscriptions.' In any case Aramaic then exercised an immense influence . This is also proved by the place which it occupies in the strange See also:Pahlavi writing, various branches of which date from the time of the See also:Parthian empire (see PAHLAVI) . Biblical |