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SYRIAC
LITERATURE
?
By Syriac is denoted the See also:dialect of Aramaic which, during the See also:early centuries of the See also:Christian era, prevailed in See also:Mesopotamia and the adjoining regions
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The See also:literary use of Syriac by Christians had its first centre in See also:Edessa (Syr
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Urhai, See also:modern Urfa), where, in all See also:probability, the See also:chief Syriac versions of the See also:Bible were made
.
The use of the same dialect appears in the earliest Christian literature connected
' The See also:sketch of the See also:history of Syriac literature here presented is based on See also:Wright's See also:great See also:article in the 9th edition of the Ency
.
Brit., which was afterwards published separately under the See also:title of A See also:Short History of Syriac Literature (See also:London, 1894)
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with such Mesopotamian cities as See also:Nisibis, Amid, See also:Mardin, Taghrith and See also:Seleucia-See also:Ctesiphon, as well as See also:west of the See also:Euphrates at such centres as Mabbogh (See also:Hierapolis) and See also:Aleppo, northwards at Malatiah and Maiperkat and in the districts of See also:Lake See also:Van and Lake See also:Urmia, and to the See also:east and See also:south-east of the See also:Tigris in many places which from the 5th See also:century onwards were centres of Nestorian See also:Christianity within the Sasanian See also:Empire
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In See also:Palestine and western See also:Syria, the See also:home of pre-Christian Aramaic dialects, the See also:vernacular Semitic speech had under See also:Roman dominion been replaced by See also:Greek for See also:official and literary purposes
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Apparently this See also:state of things lasted till after the See also:Mahommedan See also:conquest, for Barhebraeusl tells us that it was the See also:caliph \Valid I
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(A.D
.
705–715) who, out of hatred to Christianity, replaced Greek by Arabic as the See also:language of official documents at See also:Damascus
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Probably (as See also:Duval suggests) the use of Syriac in these regions went See also:hand in hand with the spread of the monophysite See also:doctrine, for the liturgies and formulas of the Jacobite See also:
Similarly the spread of Nestorian doctrines throughout the western and south-western regions of the See also:Persian Empire was accompanied by the ecclesiastical use of a See also:form of Syriac which differed very slightly indeed from that employed farther west by the See also:Jacobites
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So far we have spoken only of the Christian use of Syriac
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Of the See also:pagan Syriac literature which issued mainly from IJarran, a See also:city about one See also:day's See also:journey south of Edessa, not a single example appears to have survived
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From Christian writers we learn that Barran continued to be a seat of pagan See also:worship and culture down to and even later than the Mahommedan era
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A native of the city, Thabit See also:ibn I.urra, in a passage from a Syriac See also:work of his (now lost) quoted by Barhebraeus, 2 speaks of the paganism of Ilarran as distinguished by its steadfast resistance to Christian propaganda
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" When many were subdued to See also:error through persecution, our fathers through See also:God were See also:stead-fast and stood out manfully, and this blessed city has never been defiled by the error of See also:Nazareth
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" He goes on to attribute the See also:world's See also:science and See also:civilization to pagan inventors; but it is not clear whether in this he is alluding specially to the culture of his own city
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Anyhow, it is much to be regretted that no Syriac See also:writing from See also:Harran has survived .3
Syriac literature continued in See also:life from the 3rd to the 14th century A.D., but after the Arab conquest it became an increasingly artificial product, for Arabic gradually killed the vernacular use of Syriac
.
In the literature as it survives many different branches of writing are represented—homilies in See also:prose and See also:verse, See also:hymns, exposition and commentary, See also:liturgy, apocryphal legends, See also:historical See also:romance, hagiography and See also:martyrology, monastic history and See also:biography, See also:general history, dogmatics, See also:philosophy and science, ecclesiastical See also:law, &c
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But the whole is dominated by the theological and ecclesiastical See also:interest
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All chief writers were bishops, inferior See also:clergy or monks, and their readers belonged to the same classes
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When we put aside one or two exceptionally See also:fine pieces, like the hymn of the soul in the apocryphal Acts of See also: Nearly all the best writers are characterized by a certain naive and See also:earnest piety which is attractive, and not infrequently display a force of moral indignation which arrests See also:attention . These 1 Citron. syr., ed . Bruns, p . 120, ed . Bedjan, p . 115; cited by Duval, Litt. syr.', p . 5 . s Chron. syr., ed . Bruns, p . 176, ed . Bedjan, p . 168 . Thabit was the author of about 16 Syriac See also:works, of which the See also:majority survived in the 13th century, but all are now lost . Of his 15o Arabic See also:treatises a few at least survive; see Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, i . 217 seq . 2 On this subject, see especially Chwolsen's Ssabier and Ssabismus.latter qualities are even more apparent in See also:poetry than in prose . There are indeed but few specimens of Syriac verse which exhibit high poetic quality; except for a fairly copious and occasionally skilful use of simile and See also:metaphor, there is little of soaring See also:imagination in Syriac poets . On the other hand there is much effective See also:rhetoric, and much skilful See also:play of language.' As was to be expected, the better qualities of style were more often shown during the early centuries when the language was still a living speech . After it had been supplanted by Arabic in the See also:ordinary intercourse of life its literary use was more and more affected by Arabic words and constructions, and its freedom as a vehicle of thought was much impaired . Nevertheless, so See also:late as the 13th century it was still an effective See also:instrument in the hands of the most many-sided of Syriac authors, the eminent Barhebraeus . For the general history of culture the work of Syriac writers as translators is, perhaps, as important as any of their See also:original contributions to literature . Beginning with the earliest versions of the Bible, which seem to date from the 2nd century A.D., the See also:series comprises a great See also:mass of See also:translations from Greek originals—theological, philosophical, legendary, historical and scientific . In a See also:fair number of cases the Syriac version has preserved to us the substance of a lost original See also:text . Often, moreover, the Syriac See also:translation became in turn the See also:parent of a later Arabic version .
This was notably the See also:case with some of the Aristotelian writings, so that in this See also: 5 Cf . Duval, op. cit. p . 303 seq., 5 Cf . Tixeront, Origines de l'Eglise d'Edesse, p . 93, and Duval, op. cit. p . 99 . The above view is more probable than that taken by F . C . Burkitt (Early Eastern Christianity, p . 14), that Eusebius knew of Christ's promise as See also:part of the See also:letter to Abgar, and purposely suppressed it as inconsistent with historical facts . But whether in its longer or its shorter form, the whole narrative must be pronounced unhistorical . In all probability the first king of Osrhoene to adopt Christianity was Abgar IX., son of Ma'nu, who reigned from A.D . 179 to 214 or 216, and the legend has confounded him with an earlier Abgar, also son of Ma'nu, who reigned first from B.C . 4 to A.D . 7 and again from A.D . 13 to 50.1 A contemporary of Abgar IX. at Edessa was the famous Bardaigan, himself a convert from heathenism, who was of See also:noble See also:birth and a habitue of the Edessene See also:court . It was no doubt partly under his See also:influence—also possibly in part through impressions received by Abgar during his visit to See also:Rome about A.D . 202—that the king's See also:conversion took See also:place . But Christianity must have reached Edessa some See also:thirty to fifty years earlier . Our See also:oldest native historical document in Syriac —the account of a severe See also:flood which visited Edessa in Nov . A.D . 2o12—mentions " the See also:temple of the church of the Christians " as overthrown by the flood . The form of this See also:notice shows, as von See also:Gutschmid and others have remarked, that Christianity was not yet the See also:religion of the state; but it must for some time have had a home in Edessa . The same thing is seen from the fact that the See also:heresy of the Marcionites was already showing itself in this See also:district, for (in Tixeront's words) " heresies, in the first centuries at least, only spread in already constituted Christian communities." And by a skilful piecing together of the date furnished by the oldest Syriac versions of the Bible—such as the derivation of the Old Testament version from the See also:Jews, and the almost exclusive use of See also:Tatian's Diatessaron as the See also:gospel of the Syriac Church down to the beginning of the 5th century—F .
C
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Burkitt has shown it to be probable that the See also:preaching of Christianity at Edessa reaches back to the See also:middle of the 2nd century or even to about the See also:year 135.3
The Syriac versions of the Bible are treated elsewhere (see BIBLE) and may here be dismissed with a brief See also:summary of facts and opinions
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The received Syriac Bible or See also:Vulgate (called the Peshitta or " See also:simple " version from the 9th century onwards') contains all the canonical books of the Old Testament.' In the New Testament, 2 See also:Peter, 2 and 3 See also: 1 . The above dates for the See also:kings' reigns are taken from von Gutschmid . 2 Incorporated in the See also:Chronicle of Edessa (Hallier's edition, P . 145 sqq.) . 3 Early Eastern Christianity, Lecture II . See the explanation in Burkitt, op. cit. p . 41 seq . The MSS. which contain the Syriac Massorah or tradition of the See also:reading of the text pass over See also:Chronicles, See also:Ezra and See also:Nehemiah, and in the case of the See also:Nestorians also See also:Esther . But all these books are quoted by See also:Aphraates . s That of F . C . Burkitt . See especially his S . See also:Ephraim's Quotations from the Gospel (See also:Cambridge, 1901); Evangelion da-mepharreshe (Cambridge, 1904), and the above cited Lecture.masterful See also:Rabbula, who was See also:bishop of Edessa from 411-412 to 435, a new version or recension of the Gospels was made and incorporated in the Peshitta or Vulgate, the use of the Diatessaron being henceforth proscribed . Rabbula's text of the Gospels " represents the Greek text as read in Antioch about A.D . 400." The history of the Peshitta rendering of the Acts and Epistles is less clear; apparently the earliest Syrian writers used a text somewhat different from that which afterwards became the See also:standard' Of the large number of Apocryphal books existing in Syriac' the majority have been translated from Greek, one Or two (such as See also:Bar Sira or See also:Ecclesiasticus) from Hebrew, while some (like the Doctrine of Addai above referred to) are original Syriac documents . See also:Special mention may be made here of the See also:tale of Ahikar—the See also:wise and virtuous secretary of See also:Sennacherib, king of See also:Assyria—and of his wicked See also:nephew Nadhan . This is the Syriac version of a narrative which has had an extraordinary See also:vogue in the world's literature . It is now known to have existed in Aramaic as far back as the 5th century B.C., appearing on Jewish papyri which were lately discovered by the See also:German mission to Elephantine.' It appears to be traceable in its Greek See also:dress in writings of the philosopher See also:Democritus and the dramatist See also:Menander; it was certainly known to the author of See also:Tobit and perhaps to the author of See also:Daniel; some would trace its influence in the New Testament, in the See also:parable of the wicked servant and elsewhere; it was known to See also:Mahomet and is referred to in the See also:Koran; it has been included among the tales in the Arabian Nights; and it survives in a See also:good many versions See also:ancient and modern . The old Syriac version, which is to be found in a number of MSS., was probably made from an early Aramaic version, if not from the original itself (which must surely have been Semitic) . The Syriac has in turn become the parent of the Arabic, Armenian and Ethiopic—possibly also of the Greek and See also:Slavonic versions.1' Another deeply interesting Syriac Apocryphon is the Acts of Judas Thomas (i.e . Judas the Twin), which is included in the collection of Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles . The Acts of Thomas is now generally recognized to be an original Syriac work (or " novel," as Burkitt calls it), although a Greek version also exists . It seems to have arisen in Gnostic circles, and its tendency is wholly in favour of See also:asceticism and See also:celibacy . Among its peculiarities is the fact that Judas Thomas is regarded as the twin See also:brother of Christ . The author has incorporated in it the finest poem to be found in all Syriac literature, the famous Hymn of the Soul . This depicts the journey of the soul from See also:heaven to See also:earth, its life in the See also:body, and its final return to the heavenly home, under the figure of a See also:Parthian See also:prince who is sent from the court of his parents to the See also:land of See also:Egypt to fetch the See also:serpent-guarded See also:pearl; after a time of See also:sloth and forgetfulness he fulfils his quest, and returns triumphant and again puts on the heavenly robe . According to Burkitt, the hymn must have been composed before the fall of the Arsacids and the commencement of the Sasanian Empire in 224 . It is plainly Gnostic and may perhaps have been composed by Bardaisan or his son Harmonius.0 Among See also:recent See also:editions of Apocrypha in Syriac may be mentioned those of the Apocalypse of See also:Baruch, the See also:Epistle of Baruch, 7 For the later Monophysite versions, none of which attained much popularity, see Wright's Syr . Lit. pp . 13-17, and for the single Nestorian See also:attempt at revision, ibid. p . 19 . s See the lists in Wright, op. cit. pp . 5 seq . 25-27, and Duval, Litt . Syr.' ch. viii . See F . Nau, Histoire et sagesse d'Ahikar l'Assyrien (See also:Paris . 1909), p . 288 sqq . 10 See especially The Story of Ahikar from the Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Greek and Slavonic Versions, by F . C . See also:Conybeare, J . R . See also:Harris and A . S . See also:Lewis (Cambridge, 1898); and Nau, op. cit . The latter has a very full bibliography . 11 Of the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles there is the well-known edition and translation by Wright (London, 1871) ; the Acts of Judas were re-edited by Bedjan in the 3rd See also:volume of Acta martyrum et sanctorum (Paris, 1892); of the Hymn of the Soul there is a fresh edition and translation by A . A . Bevan (Cambridge, 1897) . See also Lecture VI. in Burkitt's Early Eastern Christianity . and the Testament of See also:Adam by M . Kmosko (Graffin's Patrologia Syriaca, vol. ii.) . Lives of saints and martyrs form a large See also:group among Syriac books . Among such documents connected with the early history of Edessa we have, besides the Doctrine of Addai, certain martyrdoms, those of Sharbel and Barsamya assigned to the reign of See also:Trajan, and those of Gurya and Sham6na and of the See also:Deacon Habbibh under See also:Diocletian and See also:Licinius . All these documents, like Addai, belong probably to the 2nd See also:half of the 4th century, and are quite unreliable in detail for the historian,' though they may throw some See also:light on the conditions of life at Edessa under Roman See also:government . There are also accounts of martyrdoms at See also:Samosata (See also:Assemani, Acta Mart. ii . 123–147), including that of St Azazail recently published by Macler (Paris, 1902) . But the great bulk of the Syriac martyrdoms have their See also:scene farther east, within the Persian dominions . The life and writings of Bardaisan, " the last of the gnostics," and in some sense the See also:father of Syriac literature and especially of Syriac poetry, have been treated in a separate article . The See also:Book of the See also:Laws of the Countries, which embodies his teaching, was re-edited in 1907 by F . Nau (this also in the 2nd volume of Graffin's Patrologia) . An early Syriac document, probably of the 2nd or 3rd century, is the Letter of Mdrd son of See also:Serapion, which was edited by See also:Cureton in his Spicilegium Syriacum . It is almost the only exception to the See also:rule that all surviving Syriac literature is Christian . The author is in sympathy with Christianity, but is himself an adherent of the stoic philosophy . His home appears to have been at Samosata.2 By the beginning of the 4th century much progress had been made with the organization of the Christian church not only within the Roman district of Mesopotamia, but also to the east and south-east within the Sasanian Empire, See also:round such centres as Seleucia-Ctesiphon on the Tigris (near Baghdad), Karla de-Beth Selokh (modern See also:Kerkuk) and Beth Lapat or Gundeshabher (in the modern See also:province of Luristan) 3 The See also:adoption of Christianity by See also:Constantine as the official religion of the Roman Empire had an unfortunate effect on the position of the Christians in See also:Persia . They were naturally suspected of sympathizing with the Roman enemies rather than with their own Persian rulers . Accordingly when Sapor II . (310—379) declared war on Rome about 337, there ensued almost immediately a somewhat violent persecution of the Persian Christians, which continued in varying degrees for about 40 years . One result of this and later persecutions of the same See also:kind has been to enrich Syriac literature with a See also:long series of Acts of Persian Martyrs, which, although in their existing form intermixed with much legendary See also:matter, nevertheless throw valuable light on the history and See also:geography of western Persia under Sasanian rule.' One of the earlier martyrs was See also:Simeon bar Sabba'e, bishop (? catholicus) of Seleucia from about 326 to 341 in See also:succession to Papa, who in the See also:face of opposition from other bishops had organized the church of Persia under the primacy of Seleucia . The Martyrdom of Simeon exists in two recensions which have been separately edited by M . Kmosko.s Another early See also:martyr was Milles, bishop of See also:Susa, who had distinguished himself in the opposition to Papas Burkitt (op. cit. p . 21 seq.) endeavours to claim a higher value for the narratives about Gurya, Shamona and Habbibh, on the ground that these have left more trace in the later literature; but it is to he feared that all five martyrdoms are turned out in the same legendary See also:mould . 2 Cf . Duval, Litt, Syr.' p . 241 seq . 3 On the origin and early history of Persian Christianity see especially J . Labourt, Le Christianisme clans ''empire Perse (Paris, 1904), chaps. i. and ii . - 8 See many of the texts in Bedjan's Acta martyrum et sanctorum (Paris, 1890–1896) . The valuable See also:geographical results are exhibited in G . See also:Hoffmann's Ausziige aus syrischen Akten persischer dfartyrer (See also:Leipzig, 1880) . 8 Graffin's Patrologia, ii . 661-1o45 .
Of the epistles, hymns, &c., attributed to Simeon nothing appears to survive but one or two hymns (ibid
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1048-1055)
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The Martyrdom had been previously edited by Assemani and by Bedjan
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8 His history is in Assemani, Acta mart. i
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66 sqq., and Bedjan, ii
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26o sqq
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The two most important 4th-century writers—Aphraates and Ephraim—are dealt with in separate articles
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The importance of the former lies in the simple See also:cast of his religious thought, his See also:independence of theological formulas, his See also:constant adherence to the letter of Scripture, his See also:quaint exegesis, and the light he throws on the circumstances of his time, especially (1) the feeling between Jews and Christians, and (2) the position and sympathies of the Christian subjects of Sapor II
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The position and See also:character of Ephraim are very different
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He is the typical exponent in Syriac of unbending See also:Catholic orthodoxy
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He impressed his countrymen more than any other single writer, partly no doubt by his enormous fecundity in writing, but more by the stern piety and uncompromising dogmatism which pervade his works
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In the 2nd half of the 4th century lived the See also: He spent part of his life in See also:Cyprus, and was a friend of See also:Epiphanius, bishop of See also:Salamis . To the information given by Assemani (B.O. i . 17o seq.) we can now add the statements of Ishe'-denal}' that he was a Persian by birth, and after being a See also:merchant was led by a series of visions to take monastic vows . After a training at Edessa, he lived for a long time at Mt Izla in Mesopotamia, whence he proceeded to Cyprus, but returned to Mt Izla shortly before his See also:death . His book on the monastic life mentioned by `Abadish6' is not known to survive; but some discourses and a letter of his are still extant . Before leaving the 4th century we may mention two other writers who probably both lived on into the 5th—Ba1ai and Cyrill6na . The former was the author of a good many poems;' the longest—which is however by some attributed to Ephraim8—is the work in 12 books on the history of See also:Joseph, of which a complete edition was published by Bedjan in 19o1 . Other poems of his were edited by See also:Overbeck in S . Ephraemi Syri, &c., See also:opera selecta, pp . 251–336; and these have since been supplemented by Zettersteen's edition of a large number of his religious poems or metrical prayers (Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der religiosen Dichtung Balais, Leipzig, 1902) . His favourite See also:metre was the pentasyllabic . Cyrillona composed a poem on the invasion of the See also:Huns in 395,9 and is by some regarded as identical with Ephraim's nephew Abhsamya, who in 403–404 " composed hymns and discourses on the invasion of the Roman empire by the Huns." The 5th century was a time of See also:storm and conflict in the churches of Mesopotamia and Persia, as in other parts of the Christian world .
The teaching of Apollinarius that in Christ the Divine Word took the place of the human rational soul, thus seeming to do away with his See also: |