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See also:TABOO (also written tapu and tabu) , the Polynesian name given to prohibitions enforced by religious or magical sanctions . As a verb it means to " prohibit," as an See also:adjective " prohibited, sacred, dangerous, unclean." 1 . The word " See also:taboo " or its dialectical forms are found throughout See also:Polynesia; in See also:Melanesia the See also:term is tambu; in various parts of Malaysia and the See also:East Indies pantang, bobosso, pamalli, &c.; in See also:Madagascar fadi includes taboo; in See also:North See also:America the Dakota term wakan bears a similar meaning . Taboo is perhaps derived from ta, to See also:mark, and pu, an adverb of intensity . 2 . Fundamental Ideas.—In taboo proper are combined two notions which with the progress of See also:civilization have become differentiated—(i) sacred and (ii.) impure, or unclean; it must be See also:borne in mind that the impurity is sacred, and is not derived from contact with See also:common things . It does not imply any moral quality; it has been defined as an indication of a connexion with the gods, or a separation from See also:ordinary purposes and exclusive See also:appropriation to persons or things considered sacred; sometimes it means devoted by a See also:vow." This See also:definition does not See also:cover the whole See also:connotation of taboo as it is employed at the See also:present See also:day, but it indicates clearly the non-moral See also:character of the See also:idea . The ordinary usage is perhaps best defined—the statement that taboo is " negative magic," i.e. See also:abstinence from certain acts, in See also:order that undesired magical results may not follow; in this sense a taboo is simply a See also:ritual See also:prohibition . Properly speaking taboo includes only (a) the sacred (or unclean) character of persons or things, (b) the See also:kind of prohibition which results from this character, and (c) the sanctity (or uncleanness) which results from a violation of the prohibition . The converse of taboo in Polynesia is noa and allied forms, which mean " See also:general " or " common " ; by a curious coincidence noa is the term used in Central See also:Australia to See also:express the relation of persons of opposite sexes on whose intercourse there is no restriction . 3 . See also:Classification.—Various classes of taboo in the wider sense may be distinguished: (i) natural or See also:direct, the result of mana (mysterious See also:power) inherent in a See also:person or thing; (ii.) communicated or indirect, equally the result of mana, but (a) acquired or (b) imposed by a See also:priest, See also:chief or other person; (iii.) intermediate, where both factors are present, as in the appropriation of a wife to her See also:husband . These three classes are those of taboo proper . The term taboo is also applied to ritual prohibitions of a different nature; but its use in these senses is better avoided . It might be argued that the term should be extended to embrace cases in which the See also:sanction of the prohibition is the creation of a See also:god or spirit, i.e. to religious interdictions as distinguished from magical, but there is neither automatic See also:action nor contagion in such a See also:case, and a better term for it is Religious See also:interdiction . 4 . See also:Objects.—The objects of taboo are many: (i.) direct taboos aim at (a) the See also:protection of important persons—chiefs, priests, &c.—and things against harm; (b) the safeguarding of the weak—See also:women, See also:children and common See also:people generally—from the powerful mana (magical See also:influence) of chiefs and priests ; (c) the See also:provision against the dangers incurred by handling or coming in contact with corpses, by eating certain foods, &c.; (d) the guarding the chief acts of See also:life—See also:birth, See also:initiation, See also:marriage and sexual functions, &c., against interference; (e) the securing of human beings against the wrath or power of gods and See also:spirits; (f) the securing of unborn infants and See also:young children, who stand in a specially sympathetic relation with one or both parents, from the consequences of certain actions, and more especially from the communication of qualities sup-posed to be derived from certain foods . (ii.) Taboos are imposed in order to secure against thieves the See also:property of an individual, his See also:fields, tools, &c . 5 . Sanctions.—The sanctions of taboo may be (i.) natural or direct; social or indirect . Natural sanctions are (a) automatic, where the See also:punishment of the offender results from the operation of natural See also:laws without any See also:element of volition, just as some kinds of magic are held to bring about their results without the intervention of a spirit; (b) animistic, where the See also:penalty results from the wrath of a god, deceased human being, or other spirit . The See also:motive of the social sanction is ultimately religious or magical, but the penalties incurred by the violator of a taboo are social; they are inflicted by other members of the community, firstly, as a means of averting the supernatural sanctions, which, not having fallen on the actual offender, may visit his See also:innocent See also:fellows; and secondly, as a means of discouraging other offenders; in these cases the criminal is not himself taboo, but, thanks to his mana, braves the supernatural consequences; the social penalty is also inflicted on those who, like mourners, are themselves taboo and refuse to take steps to seclude themselves, in See also:defence of the community; in the first class the social penalty is at once repressive and prophylactic, saving the innocent by punishing the guilty, and thus averting by a piaculum the vengeance which would otherwise fall somewhere; in the second the penalty is purely repressive . The violation of a taboo makes the offender himself taboo; other penalties are not unkown: thus a See also:man who partakes of a forbidden See also:animal will break out in sores or the animal will reproduce itself within him and devour his vitals . Sometimes it is thought that the penalty falls on the kinswomen of the offender and that they produce, instead of children, animals of the taboo See also:species .
In Melanesia See also:burial-grounds are taboo, and if the See also:shadow of a passer-by falls on one, this entails upon him the loss of his soul; sometimes misfortune is held to See also:dog the footsteps of the offender in this life and the next
.
But in some of these cases the observer who reports them has probably confused taboos proper with negative magic
.
The social sanctions range from the See also:death penalty down to the infliction of a See also:fine or exaction of See also:money See also:compensation; the Polynesian See also:custom of despoiling a man who breaks a taboo is perhaps a See also:special case of this penalty, but the practice of ceremonial plundering cannot always be so explained, and may perhaps in this case too be capable of an entirely different explanation
.
Possibly the See also:savage is more susceptible to See also:suggestion than civilized man; at any See also:rate, cases are not unknown in which the violation of a taboo has been followed by illness or even death, when the offender discovers his See also:error
.
Not unnaturally See also:rites of See also:purification See also:act as See also:counter suggestions and See also:save the offender from the effects of his erroneous beliefs
.
6
.
Mana.—In the case of automatic taboos, and to some extent of other ritual prohibitions, the penalties for violation are unequal; they may be regarded as varying with the relation between the mana of the person or See also:object and the mana of the offender against the prohibition
.
In the words of Dr R
.
H
.
See also:Codrington, mana " is a power or influence, not See also:physical and in a way supernatural; but it shows itself in physical force or in any kind of power or excellence which a man possesses
.
This mana is not fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost anything; but spirits, whether disembodied souls or supernatural (i.e. non-human) beings, have it and can impartit; and it essentially belongs to See also:personal beings to originate it, though it may act through the See also:medium of See also:water, or a See also: Thus, See also:kings and chiefs are possessed of See also:great power, and it is death for their subjects to address them directly; but a See also:minister or other person of greater mana than common can approach them unharmed, and can in turn be approached by their inferiors without See also:risk . The burial-See also:place is often taboo for the common people, save when they are actually engaged in funeral rites; but the sorcerer, thanks to his indwelling power, can resist the deadly influences which would destroy • the common folk, and may enter a See also:cemetery for ritual or other purposes . So too indirect taboos depend for their strength on the mana of him who imposes them; if it is a chief or a priest, they are more powerful than those imposed by a common person . The mana of the priest, or chief, does not depend on his position; on the contrary, it is thanks to his mana that he has risen above the common See also:herd . 7 . Transmissibility.—It is characteristic of taboo proper that it is transmissible; as a logical corollary of this idea, acquired taboo may be thrown off by suitable magical or purificatory ceremonies; the mourner, or he who takes See also:part in funeral ceremonies; was perhaps at the outset regarded as a person charged with death-dealing power, and fear of the spirit of the dead may well have been secondary; however this may be, we can distinguish taboos, the violation of which charges with supernatural power the human being who violates them, thus rendering him directly dangerous to the community, from ritual prohibitions the violation of which makes him an outcast, not as himself dangerous, but as a person See also:obnoxious to the gods . The ritual prohibitions of pregnancy, and the restrictions imposed on the parents during the See also:early childhood of their offspring, are not taboos proper; though they are transmissible, they do not depend on the transmission of an undifferentiated mana; what the parents seek to avoid is often the transmission of specific qualities, conceived as inherent in certain animals, e.g. cowardice in the See also:hare, slowness in the See also:tortoise; the animal is not necessarily in any sense sacred, nor are the parents, if they disregard the prohibition, liable to any penalty, direct or indirect; neither they nor the See also:child are rendered taboo by any violation; finally, save that the child acquires its qualities by a sympathetic See also:process, the abstinence of the parents is correlative to the converse operation of eating an animal or otherwise acquiring by a magical process the See also:good qualities inherent in anything . 8 . Duration of Taboos, See also:Imposition, and See also:Abrogation.—Taboo is properly sanctity and the kind of See also:interdict which it entrains; by a transference of meaning it is sometimes used of a See also:period of See also:time during which ritual prohibitions of a religious nature are enforced; these periods were proclaimed in Polynesia on important occasions and sometimes lasted for many years; they may be termed interdicts . Many persons and things are permanently taboo; among them may be mentioned kings and chiefs, the property of dead persons and, a fortiori, their bodies or anything in contact with them . Other taboos are temporary . Temporary direct taboos, whether natural or acquired, may be removed by a process of desacralization or of purification .
Thus, new crops are frequently taboo till the chief has partaken of them; his mana enables him to run risks which would be fatal to ordinary people, and the crops thus desacralized become See also:free to all; perhaps, however, we may regard the practice as a case of sacralization, in which the !chief, like a sacrificing priest, acquires special sanctity, and in so doing fortifies his people by a sympathetic process against supernatural dangers
.
A
new-See also:born child may also make the crops noa, just as it may remove the taboo from a temporarily affected person
.
In the See also:Tonga Islands a person who became taboo by touching a chief or his property had to put away his sacred character, before he was allowed to make use of his lands, by touching the soles of a higher chief's feet and washing in water
.
Strangers before penetrating into a See also:village, priests after a See also:sacrifice, warriors, women after child-birth, at See also:puberty, the menstrual period, &c., must submit to See also:lustration
.
Sometimes the purification was effected by inhaling the sacred contagion; in New See also:Zealand a chief who touched his own See also:head had to apply his fingers to his See also:nose and See also:snuff up the sanctity abstracted from his head
.
In other cases See also:mere See also:lapse of time suffices to cause the removal of a taboo; in Melanesia, where taboos are largely animistic, mourners go away for some months ;end on their return are free from taboo, the explanation given being that the spirit has got tired of waiting for them
.
Indirect taboos are imposed in various ways, and unless they are removed may be as permanent as direct taboos, save that the death of the persons by whom they are imposed must result in their abrogation
.
In Polynesia a general taboo was imposed by See also:proclamation; a chief might also taboo particular objects to his own use by naming them after a part of his person; more permanent was the taboo imposed by touching an object, but this too could be removed by proper ceremonies
.
In Melanesia, corresponding to the animistic character of tambu, a method of imposing taboo is to mention the name of some spirit
.
Taboo objects were marked in various ways: a piece of See also:
Taboo and the See also:Evolution of Punishment.—Penal codes may be largely, if not wholly, traced to religious See also:sources of which taboo is certainly one; the violation of any taboo may imperil the life or See also:health of other members of the community besides the offender; it calls for See also:measures intended to discourage others, as well as for steps to avert the immediate evil; if a taboo imposed by a chief is disregarded, not only has his authority been set at nought, but he, and in the second place, other members of the community may suffer if the real offender gets off See also:scot free, thanks to the mana which enables him to defy supernatural sanctions
.
The importance of this in the evolution of See also:law and order is See also:manifest; for whereas a chief would not intervene to protect the property of an individual simply to punish what we regard as a transgression, he is bound to do so when a taboo is broken
.
That the taboo may be of his own imposition does not affect the question, for he is bound to observe it himself, and conversely may suffer supernatural penalties when it is violated by another
.
Just as See also:blood-guiltiness may be wiped out by See also:composition, the violation of a taboo may be atoned for by a money See also:payment or similar See also:consideration for the revocation of the taboo; this compensation seems to have a retrospective effect, and thereby removes the dangers brought into existence by the violation
.
io
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Taboo and Moral See also:Obligation.—In proportion as a taboo becomes a custom and its sanctions fall into the background and are forgotten, its obligations thus transformed are one source of the categorical imperative, the distinguishing feature of which is that it is non-rational and instinctive
.
We are ignorant of the origin of See also:exogamy and the prohibition of See also:incest, the sanctions of which in Australia and among other peoples of See also:low culture seem to be purely! social, for as a See also:rule irregular marriages seem to be regarded simply as offences against tribal morality; if the rules were originally of the nature of taboos, the transformation into customs must have been very early, and the same may be said of the rules by which the relations of members of the same See also:kin are regulated
.
rr
.
Royal and Priestly Taboos.—Among people of low culture the chief, and in higher cultures the See also: At a further See also:stage of evolution these taboos degenerate into mere rules of See also:etiquette, the violation of which involves the punishment of the offender, but the punishment is justified on formal grounds only . In early society the king and the priest often stand very near together; just as we find a See also:war chief and a See also:peace chief, so we meet with See also:political and religious sovereigns . Sometimes the political king is also the priest and therefore sacred; the See also:web of ritual prohibition See also:woven See also:round him may result in the creation of a See also:secular authority like the Tycoon in See also:Japan, who can rule the See also:state without reference to the ceremonial observances prescribed for the nominal See also:sovereign . Sometimes, on the other hand, the priest bears the See also:title of king, but has lost even the shadow of political power and is free to perform his priestly functions . In these, however, as we see by the example of the See also:flamen dialis at See also:Rome, or the kings of See also:fire and water in See also:Cambodia, he is still hedged round by manifold restrictions as a person who must be protected from doing harm to others or suffering harm himself . In the exercise of his priestly functions he is called upon to offer sacrifice; before fulfilling his See also:office he is often required to submit to additional ritual prohibitions; his personal sanctity, already great, is augmented, and his approach to the See also:sanctuary facilitated . Conversely, the sacrifice over, he performs lustral rites, in part to free himself from the taint of errors of ritual, but also to desacralize himself . 12 . Funerary and Allied Taboos.—Taboos of mourners, widows, and of the dead are common all the See also:world over, but they are especially prominent in Melanesia . These are explained on an animistic See also:hypothesis as due to the fear of the dead man's spirit, but we seem to see traces, e.g. in Madagascar, of the idea that the contagion of death and not the wrath of the dead is the underlying motive; for it is not clear why the soul of a dead kinsman should necessarily be hostile . With funerary taboos may be compared taboos of warriors both on and after an expedition, taboos of hunters during the See also:chase and especially after killing a dangerous animal, taboos of cannibals, and on participants in all other ceremonies which involve contact with death or the dead . Temporary seclusion and lustration before return to ordinary life are commonly prescribed for all in this See also:category, even though their connexion with the dead be no closer than is implied in See also:consanguinity . The property of the dead man is commonly burnt or deposited with him in the See also:grave, in part as a protective measure, in part under the influence of belief in the continuity of this and the future life, and the need of supplying him with necessaries . Burial grounds are avoided, animals or See also:plants from the neighbourhood are not used as food . Finally the name of the dead is not used, partly for fear of summoning him by the power of the word, but partly also from a conviction that, like the name of a king or chief, it is too See also:holy or too dangerous for common use . 13 . Taboos of the Sick.—Both disease and death are unnatural in the eyes of the savage; they are often the result of the magic of some enemy; but they may also be the result of an infraction of a taboo . Some part of the funerary taboos may perhaps be referred to this belief; whatever be the case with taboos of the dead, there can be no question that the sick are secluded or even abandoned, subjected to rites of purification and to restrictions of various sorts, not because their malady is contagious in our sense, but because they are temporarily taboo and dangerous to the health of the community . The sick have imposed on them curative as well as prophylactic taboos; in Madagascar the See also:sun is said to " die " when it sets; therefore it is forbidden to a sick man to look upon it as it goes down . 14 . Taboos of Women, Sexual Taboos, Avoidance.—The See also:age of puberty is especially dangerous for both sexes; in the case of a woman the danger is not so much for herself as for others, and results from her physiological state; this danger is renewed with each successive menstrual period, and the frequently See also:long seclusion at puberty finds a parallel in the universal practice in See also:lower stages of culture of separating adult See also:females, not only from See also:males, but from the whole of the community at such periods . At puberty girls are confined for months or even years; they may not see the sun nor touch the See also:earth; many foods are for-bidden them, and special costumes are prescribed for them, as for mourners . The expectant See also:mother is taboo for months before the birth of her child, and her disabilities are not removed for a long period after delivery . Women may not look upon the performance of rites of initiation nor of See also:secret See also:societies; they may not eat new crops in New See also:Caledonia till long after the men have partaken of them; they may often not approach the men's See also:club-See also:house .
Both parents, but especially the mother, are subjected to restrictions, having for their object the preservation of the health of the unborn or newly born child
.
Women are often forbidden to eat with their husbands; nor may they See also:share his labours, especially at sea
.
The relations of the sexes are regulated by complicated rules, but they are not necessarily taboos
.
In the first place, laws of exogamy and similar regulations limit the See also: But taboo and its survivals are not confined to the uncivilized . 17 . Developments of Taboo.—It would be remarkable if a feature which has taken such deep See also:root in the custom and belief of savage and barbarous peoples did not leave a marked impress on the faiths of higher cultures . Just as the gods have become moral pari passu with mankind, so the ceremonially clean has become the physically and morally clean, the pure has become the moral, and taboo has changed its name to holiness . At a certain point in evolution the notion of unclean, sometimes See also:positive and implying the See also:possession of dangerous properties, sometimes negative and connoting no more than mere See also:absence of holiness, which is in this case indistinguishable from See also:mina, becomes a prominent element in See also:religion . At a later stage and as a result of the greater See also:weight attached to morality, the positive uncleanness falls into the background, leaving only the negatively unclean, the unholy, which is not in itself death-dealing, but may, like its savage analogue, See also:call down on the community, innocent and guilty alike, the wrathof higher See also:powers, the remedy being, not so much the punishment of the offender, still less mere physical purification, but their moralized analogues, See also:prayer, See also:fasting and repentance . 18 . Among the Greeks.—The general word for taboo among the Greeks in &yos, which may See also:bear the sense of " sacredness " or " pollution "; derivatives occur in the same meanings . Usually, however, the notions of sacred and unclean are distinguished by the use of different terms from this root, ayvbs for sacred, ivayi7s for unclean or accursed . The rules of the See also:Greek &yveta (See also:season of taboo) do not differ markedly from those of the Polynesian . Corresponding to the war-taboo of Oceania we find in See also:Homer that the See also:army (Od. See also:xxiv . 81) and the See also:sentinel (Il. x . 56, xxiv . 681) are sacred; and we learn from See also:Plato that warriors never eat See also:fish, from which indeed there was a general custom of abstinence except under the pressure of See also:famine . The epithets iepos, Nos, &c., which may point to beliefs similar to those of Polynesia, are applied to chiefs and kings, and further to the swineherd, thus suggesting that the See also:pig, which See also:bore a mixed reputation for holiness and uncleanness (ceremonial) both in See also:Egypt and west Asia, was similarly regarded in See also:Greece . 19 . Among the See also:Romans.—The term for taboo is sacer; any one who removed a landmark became sacer and was outlawed, any See also:citizen having the right to kill him . Consecratio capitis et bonorum was the term for devotion to the nether gods . The flamen dialis and his wife were hedged in by a perfect network of ritual prohibitions; he might not ride upon nor even touch a See also:horse; his eyes might not fall on an army under arms; he might not walk under a See also:vine; he might not name a See also:goat, raw See also:meat, beans, See also:ivy, a dog, and so on; his See also:hair might be cut only by a See also:freeman; he might not touch a See also:corpse . The flaminica might not See also:comb her hair at certain festivals; she was taboo (feriata) after See also:hearing See also:thunder till she had purified herself by a sacrifice . The See also:Roman feriae were periods of taboo . 20 . Among the See also:Jews.—The See also:Hebrew for holy is m7'i' which means " separated, cut off," while its correlative $; means " open for common use "; another sense of sacer is conveyed by ^la " accursed, devoted to destruction." Holiness is transmissible by contact (Ezek. xliv . 19, xlvi . 2o; Ex. See also:xxix . 37; Lev. vi . 27) . It is distinct from purity in the moral sense; the names of the hieroduli ^'q'7p and hierodula nielp are connected with ' the word rip . Taboo among the Jews are: (1) things connected with See also:Jehovah, his name is holy and terrible; his See also:arm is holy; holy places are taboo (see SANCTUARY); the See also:ark is actively dangerous, and Uzzah, no less than the men of Bethshemesh, pays the penalty for too nearly approaching it; (2) the See also:Nazarite might not partake of certain foods, nor touch a dead See also:body nor shave his head, which was specially sacred; (3) in fact any one who touched a dead body was unclean and could communicate his uncleanness to others; (4) the birth of a child made the mother taboo; she was required to purify herself; (5) leprosy, menstruation, and sexual functions generally occasioned longer or shorter periods of uncleanness; and warriors, who were taboo on a See also:campaign, were required to observe continence; (6) certain foods were taboo, and the uncleanness might be communicated to an earthen See also:vessel, which, under certain circumstances, would be broken, like a pot in Polynesia; (7) the use of See also:iron was forbidden in the construction of the See also:temple; (8) a field sown with different kinds of herbs " becomes holy "; and (9) bystanders are warned not to approach a See also:heathen rite, lest they be " sanctified "; (so) to the Polynesian interdicts, often termed taboos, corresponded certain periods of time, such as the See also:Sabbath and the See also:Jubilee See also:year, but these are not connected with taboo proper . do., Samoa, p . 185 sq.; Old New Zealand, by a Pakeha See also:Maori, vii.–xii.; See also:Cook, Voyages (1809), V . 427 sq.,_ vii . 146 sq., &e; On Melanesia see Marillier in Bibliotheque de l'Ecole See also:des Hautes Etudes Religieuses, vii . 35–74; Codrington, The Melanesians, passim . On See also:Micronesia see See also:Waitz-Gerland, op. cit. v., ii . 147 sq .
On the Malaya
see See also:Skeat, See also:Malay Magic, pp
.
33-42, 57–59, 191–193, 225-228, 254, 259, z63—265, 344—351, &c
.
On Madagascar see v
.
Gennep, Tabou et totimisme; for the Jews see See also:Hastings, See also:Dictionary of the See also:Bible, ii
.
38, 394; iv
.
825
.
For the Semites see See also:Robertson See also: 116, 219, 430 . For taboos of commensality see Crawley in See also:Folklore, vi . 130 . See also See also:Hubert and Mauss in Annee Sociologique, ii . 29—138 on sacrifice; and vii . Io8, on mana; See also:Durkheim, ib. i . 38—70 on incest and exogamy; Mauss in Revue de l'histoire des religions, See also:xxxv . 49—60 on taboo and penal law; J . G . Frazer, See also:Golden Bough, i . 297—464 on royal and priestly taboos, also iii . 1—134, 201—236, 463—467; J . Tuchmann, articles on " La See also:Fascination " in Melusine, 1881, &c . ; J . G . Frazer, on burial rites, in Journ . Anth . Inst., xv . 64 sq . For purity and holiness in the Old Testament see Baudissin, Studien, ii . 3—142; for mana see Internationales Archiv See also:fur Ethnographie, vii . 232 . (N . W .
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