TOTEMISM  . The word " totem " is used in too many varying senses by students of See also:

• EARLY
• EARLY, JUBAL ANDERSON (1816-1894)

early society and See also:

• RELIGION
• RELIGION, FOLKLORE, CUSTOM

religion . The See also:

• TERM

term came into the See also:

• ENGLISH

English See also:

• LANGUAGE (adapted from the Fr. langage, from langue, tongue, Lat. lingua)

language in the See also:

• FORM (Lat. forma)

form of " totam," through a See also:

• WORK

work of 1791, by J . See also:

• LONG, GEORGE (1800-1879)
• LONG, JOHN DAVIS (1838– )

Long, an interpreter between the whites and the Red See also:

• INDIANS, NORTH AMERICAN

Indians of See also:

• NORTH
• NORTH, BARONS
• NORTH, MARIANNE (1830—1890)
• NORTH, ROGER (1653-1734)
• NORTH, SIR THOMAS (1535?-16o1?)

North See also:

• AMERICA

America.' Long himself seems to have used the word to denote the protective See also:

• FAMILIAR (through the Fr. familier, from Lat. familiaris, of or belonging to the familia, family)

familiar, usually an See also:

• ANIMAL
• ANIMAL (Lat. animalis, from anima, breath, soul)

animal, which each See also:

• INDIAN

Indian selected for himself, generally through the See also:

• MONITION, or ADMONITION (Lat. monere, to admonish)

monition of a See also:

• DREAM (from a root dreug, connected with Germ. trugen, to deceive)

dream during the long fast of lads at their See also:

• INITIATION (Lat. inilium, beginning, entrance, from mire, to go in)

initiation . Such selected (or, when bestowed by See also:

• MEDICINE

medicine-men or See also:

• FRIENDS, SOCIETY
• FRIENDS, SOCIETY OF

friends, " given ") totems are styled " See also:

• PERSONAL

personal totems " and have no effect in See also:

• SAVAGE
• SAVAGE, MINOT JUDSON (1841– )
• SAVAGE, RICHARD (d. 1743)

savage See also:

• LAW
• LAW (0. Eng. lagu, M. Eng. lawe; from an old Teutonic root lag, " lie," what lies fixed or evenly; cf. Lat. lex, Fr. loi)
• LAW, JOHN (1671—1729)
• LAW, WILLIAM (1686-1761)

law, nor are they hereditary, with any legal consequences . In stricter terminology " totem " denotes the See also:

• OBJECT

object, gene-rally of a natural See also:

• SPECIES

species, animal or See also:

• VEGETABLE

vegetable, but occasionally See also:

• RAIN (O.E. regn; the word is common to Teutonic languages, cf. Ger. Regen, Swed. and Dan. regn; it has been connected with Lat. rigare, to wet, Gr. 13pixeav)

rain, See also:

• CLOUD (from the same root, if not the same word, as " clod," a word common in various forms to Teutonic languages for a mass or lump; it is first applied in the usual sense in the late 13th century; the Anglo-Saxon chid is only used in the sense of " a ma

cloud, See also:

• STAR

star, See also:

• WIND
• WIND (a common Teut. word, cognate with Skt. vats, Lat. ventus, cf. " weather," to be of course distinguished from to " wind," to coil or twist, O.Eng. windan, cf. "wander," "wend," &c.)

wind, which gives its name to a kindred actual or supposed, among many savages and barbaric races in America, See also:

• AFRICA
• AFRICA, ROMAN

Africa, See also:

• AUSTRALIA

Australia and See also:

• ASIA

Asia and the isles . Each See also:

• CHILD
• CHILD, FRANCIS JAMES (1825-1896)
• CHILD, L
• CHILD, LYDIA MARIA (1802-1880)
• CHILD, SIR FRANCIS (1642-1713)
• CHILD, SIR JOHN (d. 1690)
• CHILD, SIR JOSIAH (163o - 1699)

child, male or See also:

• FEMALE

female, inherits this name, either from its See also:

• MOTHER

mother (" female descent ") or from its See also:

• FATHER

father (" male descent ") . Between each See also:

• PERSON, OFFENCES AGAINST THE

person and his or her name-giving object, a certain mystic rapport is supposed to exist . Where descent wavers, persons occasionally have, in varying degrees, the totems of both parents . Religious Aspect of the Totem.—As a See also:

• RULE

rule, by no means in-variable, the individual may not kill or eat the name-giving object of his See also:

• KIN (0. E. cyn, a word represented in nearly all Teutonic languages, cf. Du. kunne, Dan. and Swed. kon, Goth kuni, tribe; the Teutonic base is kunya; the equivalent Aryan root gan- to beget, produce, is seen in Gr. 'yEvos, Lat. genus, cf. "kind")

kin, except under dire See also:

• NECESSITY (Lat. necessitas)

necessity; while less usually it is supposed to protect him and to send him monitory dreams . This is the " religious " or semi-religious aspect of the totem, or this aspect is, by some students, called " religious." We also hear of customs of burying and lamenting dead animals which are regarded with reverence by this or that " See also:

• FAMILY

family," or " See also:

• CLAN (Gaelic clann, O. Ir. cland, connected with Lat. planta, shoot or scion, the ancient Gaelic or Goidelic substituting k for p)

clan." This See also:

• CUSTOM (from O. Fr. costume, costume or coustume; Low Lat. costuma, a shortened form of consuetudo)

custom is reported among the Samoans, and one " clan " was said to offer first-fruits to its sacred animal, the See also:

• EEL

eel; while the " clan " that revered the See also:

• PIGEON

pigeon kept and fed a tame specimen.' But in See also:

• SAMOA

Samoa, though the sacred animals of "clans " or " families " are, in all See also:

• PROBABILITY (Lat. probabilis, probable or credible)

probability, survivals of totemism, they are now regarded by the See also:

• PEOPLE

people as the vehicles ' Long, Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter (1791), p . 86 .

' See also:

• TURNER, CHARLES (1773–1857)
• TURNER, JOSEPH MALLORD WILLIAM (1775–1851)
• TURNER, NAT (1800-1831)
• TURNER, SHARON (1768-1847)
• TURNER, SIR JAMES (1615–1686)
• TURNER, WILLIAM (d. 1568)

Turner, Samoa, p . 71 . of " clan " or " family " gods, and therefore receive honours not paid to the hereditary totems of Australia and North America, which have nothing godlike . It is to be presumed that " totem dances " in which some Australian tribes exhibit, in ballets d'See also:

• ACTION

action, the incidents of a myth concerning the totem, are, in a certain sense, " religious "; when they are not magical, and intended to See also:

• FOSTER, GEORGE EULAS (1847– )
• FOSTER, JOHN (177o-1843)
• FOSTER, MYLES BIRKET (1825-1899)
• FOSTER, SIR CLEMENT LE NEVE (1841-1904)
• FOSTER, SIR MICHAEL (1836-r9o7)
• FOSTER, STEPHEN COLLINS (1826-1864)

foster and fertilize the species, animal or vegetable or other to which the totem belongs . The magical performances for the behoof of the totem creatures may be studied in the chapters on " Intichiuma " in Messrs See also:

• SPENCER
• SPENCER, HERBERT (1820-1903)
• SPENCER, JOHN CHARLES SPENCER, 3RD EARL (1782-1845)
• SPENCER, JOHNPOYNTZ SPENCER
• SPENCER, WILLIAM ROBERT (1769-1834)

Spencer and Gillen's Native Tribes of Central Australia, and Native Tribes of See also:

• NORTHERN

Northern Australia . Among the many guesses at the See also:

• ORIGINAL

original purpose of totemism, one has been that the primal intention of totem sets of human beings was to See also:

• ACT (Lat. actus, actum)

act as magical co-operative stores for supplying increased quantities of See also:

• FOOD
• FOOD (like the verb " to feed," from a Teutonic root, whence O. Eng. foda; cf. " fodder "; connected with Gr. lrareicOae, to feed)

food to the tribe . But this See also:

• OPINION (Lat. opinio, from opinari, to think)

opinion has gone the way of other conjectures . The " religious " status of the totem is lowest among peoples where its See also:

• INFLUENCE (Late Lat. influentia, from influere, to flow in)

influence on social regulations is greatest, and See also:

• VICE

vice versa, a topic to which we recur . There are also various See also:

• RITES

rites, in various tribes, connecting the dead See also:

• MAN
• MAN, ISLE OF (anc. Mona)

man with his totem at his funeral; perhaps at his initiation, when a boy, into the See also:

• ESOTERIC

esoteric knowledge and rules of his tribe . Men may identify themselves with their totems, or, See also:

• MARK
• MARK, CARL (1858– )
• MARK, GOSPEL OF ST
• MARK, ST

mark themselves as of this or that totem by wearing the hide or the plumage of the See also:

• BIRD

bird or beast, or by putting on a See also:

• MASK (Fr. masque, apparently from med. Lat. mascus, masca, spectre, through Ital. maschera, Span. mascara)

mask resembling its See also:

• FACE (from Lat. fades, derived either from facere, to make, or from a root fa-, meaning " appear "; cf. Gr. cbatvstv)

face . The degree of " religious " regard for the revered object increases in proportion as it is taken to contain the spirit of an ancestor or to be the embodiment of a See also:

• GOD

god: ideas not found among the most backward savages . The supreme or See also:

• SUPERIOR

superior being of See also:

• LOW, SETH (1850- )
• LOW, WILL HICOK (1853- )

low savage religion or See also:

• MYTHOLOGY

mythology is .never a totem .

He may be able, like See also:

• ZEUS

Zeus in See also:

• GREEK
• GREEK, ETRUSCAN AND

Greek mythology, to assume any shape he pleases; and in the myths of some Australian tribes he ordained the institution of totemism . Byamee, among the Euahlayi tribe of north-See also:

• WEST
• WEST, BENJAMIN (1738-1820)
• WEST, NICHOLAS (1461-1533)

west New See also:

• SOUTH
• SOUTH, ROBERT (1634–1716)

South See also:

• WALES (Cymru, Gwalia, Cambria)

Wales, had all the totems in him, and when he went to his See also:

• PARADISE (Gr. lrap6BEwos)

paradise, Bullimah, he distributed them, with the See also:

• MARRIAGE

marriage rules, among his people.' In other legends, especially those of central and northern Australia, the original totem creatures, animal in form, with bestial aspect, were See also:

• DEVELOPED

developed in a marine or lacustrine environment, and from them were evolved the human beings of each totem kin . The rule of non-intermarriage within the totem was, in some myths, of divine institution; in others, was invented by the See also:

• PRIMITIVE

primitive wandering totemic beings; or was laid down by the See also:

• WISDOM, BOOK OF, or WISDOM OF SOLOMON (Sept. Io4ia IaXwµwvos; Lat. Vulg. Liber sapientiae)

wisdom of See also:

• MERE
• MERE, ADALBERT (1838-1909)

mere men who saw some unknown evil in consanguine unions . The strict regard paid to the rule may be called " religious "; in so far as totemists are aware of no See also:

• SECULAR (Lat. saecularis, of or belonging to an age or generation, saeculum)

secular and social raison d'elre of the rule it has a mysterious See also:

• CHARACTER (Gr. xapareri7p, from xap&crew, to scratch)

character . But whereas to eat the totem is sometimes thought to be automatically punished by sickness or See also:

• DEATH

death, this danger does not attach to marriage within the totem See also:

• SAVE, or SAVA (Ger. Sau; Hungarian Szdva; Lat. Savus)

save in a single known See also:

• CASE
• CASE, JOHN (d. 1600)

case . The secular See also:

• PENALTY (Lat. poena, punishment)

penalty alone is dreaded; so there seems to be no religious fear of offending a superior being, or the totem himself: no tabu of a mystic sort . Social Aspect of the Totem.—The totem has almost always a strong influence on or is associated with marriage law, and except in the centre of Australia, and perhaps in the little-known West, men and See also:

• WOMEN

women of the same totem may not intermarry, " however far apart their See also:

• HUNTING (the verbal substantive from " hunt "; O. Eng. huntian, hunta; apparently connected with O. Eng. hentan, Gothic hinpan, to capture, O.H.G. hunda,booty)

hunting grounds," and though there is no objection on the See also:

• SCORE (O.E. scor, from sceran, to cut, notch, cf. " shear ")

score of See also:

• CONSANGUINITY, or KINDRED

consanguinity . This is the result, in Australia, of the custom, there almost universal, which causes each individual to belong, by See also:

• BIRTH (a word common in various forms to Teutonic languages from the root of the verb " to bear ")

birth, to one or other of the two See also:

• MAIN (from the Aryan root which appears in " may " and " might," and Lat. magnus, great)
• MAIN (Lat. Moenus)

main exogamous and intermarrying divisions of the tribe (usually called " phratries ") . The phratries (often known by names of animals, as See also:

• EAGLE (Fr. aigle, from the Lat. aquila)

Eagle See also:

• HAWK (O. Eng. hafoc or heafoc, a common Teutonic word, cf. Dutch havik, Ger. Habicht; the root is hab-, haf-, to hold, cf. Lat. accipiter, from capere)

Hawk and See also:

• CROW (Dutch, kraal, Ger. Krdhe, Fr. corbeau, Lat. corvus)

Crow, Crow and See also:

• WHITE
• WHITE, ANDREW DICKSON (1832– )
• WHITE, GILBERT (1720–1793)
• WHITE, HENRY KIRKE (1785-1806)
• WHITE, HUGH LAWSON (1773-1840)
• WHITE, JOSEPH BLANCO (1775-1841)
• WHITE, RICHARD GRANT (1822-1885)
• WHITE, ROBERT (1645-1704)
• WHITE, SIR GEORGE STUART (1835– )
• WHITE, SIR THOMAS (1492-1567)
• WHITE, SIR WILLIAM ARTHUR (1824--1891)
• WHITE, SIR WILLIAM HENRY (1845– )
• WHITE, THOMAS (1628-1698)
• WHITE, THOMAS (c. 1550-1624)

White See also:

• COCKATOO (Cacatuidae)

Cockatoo) contain each a number of totem kins, as See also:

• DOG

Dog, See also:

• WILD, JONATHAN (c. 1682-1725)

Wild See also:

• CHERRY

Cherry, See also:

• WOMBAT
• WOMBAT, KOALA

Wombat, See also:

• FROG

Frog, See also:

• OWL (O. Eng. Ule, Swed. Uggla, Ger. Eule—all allied to Lat. Ulula, and evidently of imitative origin)

Owl, Emu, See also:

• KANGAROO

Kangaroo, and so on, and (except among the Arunta " nation " of five tribes in Central Australia) the same totem kin never occurs in both phratries . Thus as all persons except in the Arunta nation, marry out of their own phratry, none can marry into his or her totem kin . ' Mrs Langloh See also:

• PARKER, JOHN HENRY (1806-1884)
• PARKER, JOSEPH (183o-1902)
• PARKER, MARTIN (c. 1600-c. 1656)
• PARKER, MATTHEW (1504-1575)
• PARKER, SAMUEL (164o-1688)
• PARKER, SIR GILBERT (1862— )
• PARKER, SIR HYDE, BART
• PARKER, THEODORE (1810-186o)

Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe . In some parts of North America the same rule prevails, with this peculiarity that the phratries, or main exogamous divisions, are not always two, as in Australia, but, for example, among the Mohegans three—See also:

• WOLF
• WOLF (Canis lupus)
• WOLF, FRIEDRICH AUGUST (1759-1824)
• WOLF, HUGO (1860-1903)
• WOLF, JOSEPH (1820-1899)

Wolf, Turtle, and See also:

• TURKEY

Turkey ?

In Wolf all the totems are quadrupeds; under Turtle they are various species of turtles and the yellow eel; and under Turkey all the totems are birds . Clearly this ranking of the totems in the phratries is the result of purposeful See also:

• DESIGN (Fr. desiin, drawing; Lat. designare, to mark out)

design, not of See also:

• ACCIDENT
• ACCIDENT (from Lat. accidere, to happen)

accident . Design may also be observed in such phratries of Australian tribes as are named after animals of contrasted See also:

• COLOURS, MILITARY

colours, such as White Cockatoo and Crow, See also:

• LIGHT

Light Eagle Hawk and Crow . It has been supposed by Mr J . See also:

• MATHEW, THEOBALD (1790-1856)

Mathew, Pere See also:

• SCHMIDT, H
• SCHMIDT, HEINRICH JULIAN (1818-1886)
• SCHMIDT, KARL VON (1817-1875)
• SCHMIDT, WILHELM ADOLF (1812-1887)

Schmidt and others that these Australian phratries arose in an See also:

• ALLIANCE

alliance with connubium between a darker and a lighter See also:

• RACE

race ? But another See also:

• HYPOTHESIS (from Gr. inrorcOivat, to put under; cf. Lat. suppositio, from sub-ponere)

hypothesis is not less probable; and as we can translate only about a third of Australian phratry names, conjecture on this subject is premature . Both in Australia and America the animals, as Eagle Hawk and Crow, which give their names to the phratries, are almost always totem kins within their own phratries.4 The Moquis of See also:

• ARIZONA (from the Spanish-Indian Arizonac, of unknown meaning,—possibly " few springs,"-the name of an 18th-century mining camp in the Santa Cruz valley, just S. of the present border of Arizona)

Arizona are said to have ten phratries, by See also:

• CAPTAIN (derived from Lat. ca put, head, through the Low Lat. capitanus)

Captain Ulick See also:

• BOURKE

Bourke in his Snake See also:

• DANCE
• DANCE (Fr. danse; of obscure origin, connected with Old High Ger. danson, to stretch)

Dance of the Moquis, but possibly he did not use the term " phratry " in the sense which we attach to it . Among the Urabunna of See also:

• SOUTHERN

Southern Central Australia, and among the tribes towards the See also:

• DARLING
• DARLING, GRACE HORSLEY (1815-1842)

Darling See also:

• RIVER

River, a very See also:

• PECULIAR

peculiar rule is said to prevail . There are two phratries, and in each are many totem kins, but each totem kin may intermarry with only one totem kin which must be in the opposite phratry.' Thus there are as many exogamous divisions as there are totems in the tribes, which reckon descent in the female See also:

• LINE

line; See also:

• CHILDREN, LAW RELATING TO

children inheriting the mother's totem only . Corroboration of these statements is desirable, as the tribes implicated are peculiarly " primitive," and theirs may be the See also:

• OLDEST

oldest. extant set of marriage rules . The existence of two or more main exogamous divisions, named or unnamed, is found among peoples where there are either no totem kins, or where they have fallen into the back- ground, as in parts of See also:

• MELANESIA

Melanesia, among the See also:

• TODAS

Todas and Meitchis of See also:

• INDIA
• INDIA, FRENCH

India and the Wanika in See also:

• EAST
• EAST, ALFRED (1849- )

East Africa .6 An extraordinary case is reported from South Australia where people must marry in their own phratry, while their children belong to the opposite phratry ? This awaits corroboration .

We now see some of the numerous varieties which prevail in the marriage rules connected with the totems . Even among a tribe whose members, it is reported, may marry into their own phratries, it appears that they must not marry within their own totem kins . This is, indeed, the rule wherever totemic See also:

• SOCIETIES, LEARNED

societies are found in anything approaching to what we deem their most archaic constitution as in south-east Australia and some tribes of North America . See also:

• EXOGAMY (Gr. few, outside; and yaµor, marriage)

Exogamy: The Arunta Abnormality.—Meanwhile, in Central Australia, in the Arunta " nation," the rule forbidding marriage within the totem kin does not exist . Totems here are not, as everywhere else, inherited from either See also:

• PARENT, SIMON NAPOLEON (1855– )

parent, but a child is of what we may See also:

• CALL (from Anglo-Saxon ceallian, a common Teutonic word, cf. Dutch kallen, to talk or chatter)

call " the See also:

• LOCAL

local totem " of the See also:

• PLACE (through Fr. from Lat. platea, street; Gr. IrAar6s, wide)

place where its mother first became conscious of its See also:

• LIFE

life within her . The See also:

• IDEA (Gr. Ibia, connected with i&eiv, to see; cf. Lat. species from specere, to look at)

idea is that the See also:

• SPIRITS

spirits of a primal race, in See also:

• GROUPS
• GROUPS, THEORY

groups each of one totem only (" Alcheringa folk "), haunt various localities; or spirits (ratapa) emanating from these primal beings do so; they enter into passing married women, and are incarnated and See also:

• BORN, IGNAZ, EDLER VON (1742–1791)

born again.8 See also:

• MORGAN
• MORGAN, DANIEL (1736-1802)
• MORGAN, EDWIN DENNISON (1811-1883)
• MORGAN, JOHN HUNT (1825-1864)
• MORGAN, JOHN PIERPONT (1837–1913)
• MORGAN, LEWIS HENRY (1818-1881)
• MORGAN, SYDNEY, LADY (c. 1783-1859)
• MORGAN, THOMAS (d. 1743)

Morgan, See also:

• ANCIENT
• ANCIENT (also spelt ANTIENT; derived, through the Fr. ancien, old, from the late Lat. antianum, from ante, before)

Ancient Society, p . 174 . 8 Mathew, Eagle Hawk and Crow; Schmidt, Anthropos (1909) . 4 See See also:

• LANG, ANDREW (1844— )
• LANG, KARL HEINRICH, RITTER VON (1764-1835)

Lang, The See also:

• SECRET (Lat. secretum, hidden, concealed)

Secret of the Totem, pp . 154, 170; and N . W . See also:

• THOMAS
• THOMAS (c. 1654-1720)
• THOMAS (d. 110o)
• THOMAS, ARTHUR GORING (1850-1892)
• THOMAS, CHARLES LOUIS AMBROISE (1811-1896)
• THOMAS, GEORGE (c. 1756-1802)
• THOMAS, GEORGE HENRY (1816-187o)
• THOMAS, ISAIAH (1749-1831)
• THOMAS, PIERRE (1634-1698)
• THOMAS, SIDNEY GILCHRIST (1850-1885)
• THOMAS, ST
• THOMAS, THEODORE (1835-1905)
• THOMAS, WILLIAM (d. 1554)

Thomas, Kinship and Marriage in Australia, pp .

9, 31 . Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp . 93, 181, 188'; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 'pp . 6o, 6r, Northern Tribes, p . 71; Lang, Anthropological Essays; See also:

• TYLOR, EDWARD BURNETT (1832- )

Tylor's Festschrift, pp . 203-210 . 6 Thomas, ut supra, p. to . See, for numerous examples, T . G . Frazer, Totemism (1910) . ' MS. of Mrs See also:

• BATES, HARRY (1850-1899)
• BATES, HENRY WALTER (1825-1892)
• BATES, JOHN
• BATES, JOSHUA (1788-1864)
• BATES, WILLIAM (1625-1699)

Bates . 8It is necessary to See also:

• STATE
• STATE, GREAT OFFICERS OF

state here the See also:

• SOURCES

sources of our See also:

• INFORMATION (from Lat. informare, to give shape or form to, to represent, describe)

information about the central, north, north-western and south-eastern forms of Thus if a woman, whatever her own totem, and whatever her See also:

• HUSBAND

husband's may be, becomes conscious of her child's life in a known centre of Wild See also:

• CAT
• CAT, CIVET
• CAT, HOUSE

Cat spirits, her child's totem is Wild Cat, and so with all the See also:

• REST (O. Eng. rest, reste, bed, cognate with other Teutonic forms, e.g. Ger. Rast, Riiste, rest, and probably Gothic Rasta, league, i.e. resting or stopping place)

rest .

As a consequence, a totem sometimes here appears in what the people call the " wrong " (i.e. not the original) exogamous See also:

• DIVISION (from Lat. dividere, to break up into parts, separate)

division; and persons may marry within their own totem name, if that totem be in the " right " exogamous division, which is not theirs . Each totem spirit is among the Arunta associated with an See also:

• AMULET (Late Lat. amuletum, origin unknown; falsely connected with the Arab. himdlah, a cord used to suspend a small Koran from the neck)

amulet or churinga of See also:

• STONE
• STONE (0. Eng. shin; the word is common to Teutonic languages, cf. Ger. Stein, Du. steen, Dan. and Swed. sten; the root is also seen in Gr. aria, pebble)
• STONE, CHARLES POMEROY (1824-1887)
• STONE, EDWARD JAMES (1831-1897)
• STONE, FRANK (1800-1859)
• STONE, GEORGE (1708—1764)
• STONE, LUCY [BLACKWELL] (1818-1893)
• STONE, MARCUS (184o— )
• STONE, NICHOLAS (1586-1647)

stone; these are of various shapes, and are decorated with concentric circles, spirals, cupules, and other archaic patterns . These amulets are only used in this sense by the Arunta nation and their neighbours the Kaitish, " and it is this idea of spirit individuals associated with churinga and See also:

• RESIDENT

resident in certain definite spots that lies at the See also:

• ROOT (late O.E. rot, adopted from Scand., cf. Norw. and Swed. rot, Dan. rod; the true O.E. word was wyrt, plant, represented in Ger. Wurz or Wurzel; the ultimate root is the same in both words, and is seen in Lat. radix)
• ROOT, ELIHU (1845– )

root of the See also:

• PRESENT

present totemism . About the central Arunta tribe with its neighbours, the Urabunna, we have the See also:

• EVIDENCE (Lat. evidentia, evideri, to appear clearly)

evidence very carefully collected by Mr Gillen, a See also:

• PROTECTOR

protector of the See also:

• ABORIGINES

aborigines, and See also:

• PROFESSOR (the Latin noun formed from the verb profiteri, to declare publicly, to acknowledge, profess)

Professor See also:

• BALDWIN, JAMES MARK (1861– )
• BALDWIN, ROBERT (1804–1858)

Baldwin Spencer (Native Tribes of Central Australia) . Concerning the peoples north from the centre to the Gulf of See also:

• CARPENTARIA, GULF OF

Carpentaria, the same scholars furnish a copious See also:

• ACCOUNT
• ACCOUNT (through O. Fr. acont, Late Lat. comptum, cornputare, to calculate)

account in their Northern Tribes . These two explorers had the confidence of the blacks; witnessed their most secret ceremonies, magical and initiatory; and collected their legends . Their books, however, contain no philological information as to the structure and interrelation of the dialects, information which is rarely to be found in the See also:

• WORKS

works of English observers in Australia . As far as appears, the observers conversed with the tribes only in " See also:

• PIDGIN

pidgin English." If this be the case that lingua franca is current among some eighteen central-northern tribes speaking various native dialects . We are told nothing about the See also:

• LANGUAGES

languages used in each case; perhaps the Arunta men who accompanied the expedition arranged a See also:

• SYSTEM

system of interpreters . For the Dieri tribe, neighbours of the Urabunna, we have copious evidence in Native Tribes of South-East Australia by the See also:

• LATE

late Mr A . W . Howitt, who studied' the peoples for See also:

• FORTY

forty years; was made See also:

• FREE

free of their initiatory ceremonies; and obtained intelligence from settlers in regions which he did not visit .

We have also legends with Dieri texts and See also:

• TRANSLATIONS

translations from the Rev . Mr Siebert, a missionary among the Dieri . That tribe appears now to exist in a very dwindled See also:

• CONDITION (Lat. condicio, from condicere, to agree upon, arrange; not connected with conditio, from condere, conditum, to put together)

condition under missionary supervision . The accounts of tribes from the centre to the south-east by Mr R . E . Mathew, are scattered in many English, Australian and See also:

• AMERICAN

American learned See also:

• PERIODICALS

periodicals . Mr Mathew has given a See also:

• GOOD, JOHN MASON (1764-1827)

good See also:

• DEAL

deal of information about some of the dialects . His statements as to the line of descent and on other points among certain tribes are at variance with those of Messrs Spencer and Gillen (see an See also:

• ARTICLE (from Lat. articulus, a joint)

article by Mr A . R . See also:

• BROWN
• BROWN, CHARLES BROCKDEN (1771-181o)
• BROWN, FORD MADOX (1821-1893)
• BROWN, FRANCIS (1849- )
• BROWN, GEORGE (1818-188o)
• BROWN, HENRY KIRKE (1814-1886)
• BROWN, JACOB (1775–1828)
• BROWN, JOHN (1715–1766)
• BROWN, JOHN (1722-1787)
• BROWN, JOHN (1735–1788)
• BROWN, JOHN (1784–1858)
• BROWN, JOHN (1800-1859)
• BROWN, JOHN (1810—1882)
• BROWN, JOHN GEORGE (1831— )
• BROWN, ROBERT (1773-1858)
• BROWN, SAMUEL MORISON (1817—1856)
• BROWN, SIR GEORGE (1790-1865)
• BROWN, SIR JOHN (1816-1896)
• BROWN, SIR WILLIAM, BART
• BROWN, THOMAS (1663-1704)
• BROWN, THOMAS (1778-1820)
• BROWN, THOMAS EDWARD (1830-1897)
• BROWN, WILLIAM LAURENCE (1755–1830)

Brown in Man, See also:

• MARCH
• MARCH (1) (from Fr. marcher, to walk; the earliest sense in French appears to be " to trample," and the origin has usually been found in the Lat. marcus, hammer; Low Lat. marcare, to hammer; hence to beat the road with the regular tread of a soldier: cf.
• MARCH, AUZIAS (c. "1395-1458)
• MARCH, EARLS OF
• MARCH, FRANCIS ANDREW (1825– )

March 1910) . Mr Mathew, however, does not enable us to test the accuracy of his informants among the northern tribes, which is unfortunate . For the See also:

• ARANDA, PEDRO PABLO ABARCA DE BOLEA, COUNT

Aranda (or Arunta) of a region apparently not explored by Messrs Spencer and Gillen, and for the neighbouring Loritja tribe, we have See also:

• DIE
• DIE (Fr. de, from Lat. datum, given)

Die Aranda and Loritja Stamme, two volumes by the Rev .

C . Strehlow (See also:

• BAER, KARL ERNST VON (1792-1876)
• BAER, WILLIAM JACOB (186o– )

Baer, Frankfurt am Main, 1907, 1908) . Mr Strehlow is a See also:

• GERMAN
• GERMAN, DUTCH AND SCANDINAVIAN

German missionary who, after working among the Dieri and acquiring their language, served for many years among a See also:

• BRANCH (from the Fr. branche, late Lat. branca, an animal's paw)

branch of the Arunta (the Aranda), differing considerably in See also:

• DIALECT (from Gr. Sia stcror, conversation, manner of speaking, &aXeyec6at, to converse)

dialect, myths and usages from the Arunta of Messrs Spencer and Gillen . In some points, for example as to the primal ancestors and the spirits diffused by them for incarnation in human bodies, the Aranda and Loritja are more akin to the northern tribes than to Mr Spencer's Arunta . In other myths they resemble some south-eastern tribes reported on by Mr Howitt . Unlike the Arunta of Messrs Spencer and Gillen, but like the Arunta described by Mr Gillen earlier in The See also:

• HORN
• HORN (a common Teutonic word, cognate with Lat. cornu; cf. Gr. Kipas)
• HORN (Lat. cornu; corresponding terms being Fr. cor, trompe; Ger. Horn; Ital. corno)
• HORN, ARVID BERNHARD, COUNT (1664-1742)
• HORN, PHILIP DE MONTMORENCY, COUNT

Horn Expedition, they believe in " a magnified non-natural man," Altjira, with a See also:

• GOOSE (a common Teut. word, O. Eng. gOs, pl. ges, Ger. Gans, O. Norse gas, from Aryan root, ghans, whence Sans. hansa, Lat. anser (for hanser)
• GOOSE (GAME OF)

goose-See also:

• FOOT

foot, dwelling in the heavens . Unlike the self-created Atnatu of the Kaitish of Messrs Spencer and Gillen, he is not said to have created things, or to take any concern about human beings, as Atnatu does in matters of ceremonial . Mr Strehlow gives Aranda and Lortija texts in the original, with translations and philological remarks . Mr Frazer, in his Totemism, makes no use of Mr Strehlow's information (save in a single instance) . To us it seems worthy of study . His See also:

• REASON (Lat. ratio, through French raison)

reason for this abstention is that, in a See also:

• LETTER (through Fr. lettre from Lat. littera or litera, letter of the alphabet; the origin of the Latin word is obscure; it has probably no connexion with the root of linere, to smear, i.e. with wax, for an inscription with a stilus)

letter to him (See also:

• MELBOURNE
• MELBOURNE, WILLIAM LAMB, 2ND VISCOUNT (1779-1848)

Melbourne, March 10, 1908), Mr Spencer says that for at least twenty years the Lutheran See also:

• MISSIONS (Lat. missio, a sending)

Missions have taught the natives " that altjira means ' god ' ; have taught that their sacred ceremonies and secular dances are ' wicked '; have prohibited them, and have never seen them . See also:

• FLOUR

Flour and See also:

• TOBACCO

tobacco, &c., are only given to natives who attend See also:

• CHURCH
• CHURCH (according to most authorities derived from the Gr. Kvpcaxov [&wµa], " the Lord's [house]," and common to many Teutonic, Slavonic and other languages under various forms—Scottish kirk, Ger. Kirche, Swed. kirka, Dan. kirke, Russ. tserkov, Buig. cerk
• CHURCH, FREDERICK EDWIN (1826-1900)
• CHURCH, GEORGE EARL (1835–1910)
• CHURCH, RICHARD WILLIAM (1815–189o)
• CHURCH, SIR RICHARD (1784–1873)

church and school .

Natives have been married who, according to native customary law, belong to groups to which marriage is forbidden . For these reasons Mr Frazer cannot See also:

• ATTEMPT (Lat. adtemptare, attentare, to try)

attempt " to See also:

• FILTER (a word common in various forms to most European languages, adapted from the medieval Lat. fi-ltrum, felt, a material used as a filtering agent)

filter the native liquor clear of its See also:

• ALIEN (Lat. alienus)

alien sediment," (Totemism, i, 186, See also:

• NOTE
• NOTE (Lat. nota, mark, sign, from noscere, to know)

note 2) . Against this we may urge that, as regards the goose-footed See also:

• SKY (M. Eng. skie, cloud; O. Eng. skua, shade; connected with an Indo-European root sku, cover, whence " scum," Lat. obscurus, dark, &c.)

sky-dweller, Mr Strehlow reports less of his active See also:

• INTEREST

interest in human affairs than Mr Gillen does concerning his " See also:

• GREAT

Great Ulthaana of thetotemic system of the Arunta," says Messrs Spencer and Gillen.t Every Arunta born incarnates a pre-existent primal spirit attached to one of the stone churinga dropped by primal totemic beings, all of one totem in each case, at a place called an oknanikilla . Each child belongs to the totem of the primal beings of the place, where the mother became aware of the child's life . Thus the peculiar causes which have produced the unique Arunta See also:

• LICENCE (through the French from Lat. licentia, licere, to be lawful)

licence of marrying within the totem are conspicuously obvious . Contradictory Theories about the Arunta Abnormal Totemism.—At this point theories concerning the origin of totemism begin to differ irreconcilably . Mr Frazer, Mr Spencer, and, apparently Dr See also:

• RIVERS
• RIVERS, ANTHONY WOODVILLE, or WYDEVILLE, 2ND EARL (c. 1442—1483)
• RIVERS, EARL
• RIVERS, RICHARD SAVAGE, 4TH EARL (c. 1660—1712)

Rivers, hold that, in Australia at least, totemism was originally " conceptional." It began in the belief by the women that pregnancy was caused by the entrance into them of some spirit associated with a visible object, usually animal or vegetable; while the child born, in each case, was that object . Hence that class of See also:

• OBJECTS

objects was tabued to the child; was its totem, but such totems were not hereditary . Next, for some unknown reason, the tribes were divided into two bodies or segments . The members of segment A may not intermarry; they must marry persons of segment B, and vice versa . Thus were evolved the primal forms of totemism and exogamy now represented in the law of the Arunta nation alone . Here, and here alone, marriage within the totem is permitted .

The theory is, apparently, that, in all other exogamous and totemic peoples, totems had been, for various reasons, made hereditary, before exogamy was enforced by the legislator in his wisdom . Thus, all over the totemic See also:

• WORLD

world, except in the Arunta nation, the method of the legislator was simply to place one set of totem kins in tribal segment A, and the other in segment B, and make the segments exogamous and intermarrying . Thus it was impossible for any person to marry another of the same totem . This is the theory of Mr Frazer . Upholders of the contradictory system maintain that the Arunta nation has passed through and out of the universal and normal system of hereditary and exogamous totemism into its present condition, by reason of the belief that children are incarnations of pre-existing animal or vegetable spirits, plus the unique Arunta idea of the connexion of such spirits with their stone churinga . Where this See also:

• COMBINATION (Lat. combinare, to combine)

combination of the two beliefs does not occur, there the Arunta non-hereditary and non-exogamous totemism does not occur . It would necessarily arise in any normal tribe which adopted the two Arunta beliefs, which are not " primitive." Arguments against Mr Frazer's Theory.—There was obviously a See also:

• TIME (0. Eng. Lima, cf. Icel. timi, Swed. timme, hour, Dan. time; from the root also seen in " tide," properly the time of between the flow and ebb of the sea, cf. O. Eng. getidan, to happen, " even-tide," &c.; it is not directly related to Lat. tempus)
• TIME, MEASUREMENT OF
• TIME, STANDARD

time, it is urged, when all totems were, as everywhere else, heavens " among the Arunta . Mr Strehlow's being, Altjira, has a name apparently meaning " mystic " or sacred, which is applied to other things, for example to the inherited maternal totem of each native . His names for Altjira (god) and for the totemic ancestors (totem gods), are inappropriate, but may be discounted . Many other tribes who are discussed by Mr Frazer have been long under missionary influence as well as the Aranda . According to Mr Frazer the Dieri tribe had enjoyed a German Lutheran See also:

• MISSION

mission station (since 1866) for forty-four years up to 1910 . About 150 Dieri were alive in 1909 (Totemism, iii .

344) . Nevertheless the Dieri myths published by Mr Siebert in the decadence of . the tribe, and when the remnant was under missionaries, show no " alien sediment." Nor do the traditions of Mr Strehlow's Aranda . Their traditions are closely akin, now to those of the Arunta, now to those of the northern tribes, now to those of the Euahlayi of Mrs Langloh Parker (The Euahlayi Tribe) in New South Wales, and once more to those of Mr Howitt's south-eastern tribes . There is no trace of See also:

• CHRISTIAN
• CHRISTIAN, WILLIAM (1608-1663)

Christian influence in the Aranda and Loritja See also:

• MATTER

matter, no vestige of " alien " (that is, of See also:

• EUROPEAN

European) " sediment," but the account of Atrfatu among the Kaitish reported on by Messrs Spencer and Gillen reads like a savage version of See also:

• MILTON
• MILTON, JOHN (1608–1674)

Milton's " Fall of the Angels " in Paradise Lost . For these reasons we do not reject the information of Mr Strehlow, who is See also:

• MASTER (Lat. magister, related to tnagis, more, as the corresponding minister is to minus, less; the English form is due partly to the O. Eng. maegister, and partly to O. Fr. maistre, mod. maitre; cf. Du. meester, Ger. Meister, Ital. maestro)

master of several tribal languages, and, of course, does not encourage wicked native rites by providing supplies of flour, tobacco, &c., during the performances, as Mr Howitt and others say that they found it necessary to do . Sceptical colonists have been heard to aver that natives will go on performing rites as long as white men will provide supplies . Native Tribes of Central Australia, p . 123 . in what the Arunta call "the right" divisions; Arunta, that is, would not be fairly equally present in each of the two sets of four were so arrayed that no totem existed in more than one division. exogamous divisions . But determination by accident has only Obliged, as now, to marry out of their own exogamous division existed long enough to affect " as a See also:

• GENERAL
• GENERAL (Lat. generalis, of or relating to a genus, kind or class)

general rule " a small minority (one of four sub-classes among the Arunta) into one of the four of cases . " The great See also:

• MAJORITY (Fr. majorite; Med. Lat. majoritas; Lat. major, greater)

majority " of totems remain in what is sub-classes of the opposite See also:

• SIDE
• SIDE (mod. Eski Adalia)

side, no man could then find in it a woman of his own totem to marry . But when Arunta ceased to be hereditary, and came to be acquired, as now, by the local accident of the totem spirits—all, in each case, of one totem name, which haunt the supposed place of a child's conception—some totems inevitably would often get out of their original sub-class into another, and thus the same totems are in several divisions .

But granting that a man of division A may legally marry a woman of division B, he is not now prevented from doing so because his totem (say Wild Cat) is also hers . His or hers has strayed, by accident of supposed place of conception, out of its " right " into its " wrong " division . The words " right " and " wrong " as here used by the Arunta make it certain that they still perceive the distinction, and that, before the Arunta evolved the spiritual view of conception, they had, like other people, their totems in each case confined to a single main exogamous division of their tribe, and therefore no persons could then marry into their own totems . But when the theory of spiritual conception arose, and was combined, in the Arunta set of tribes alone (it is See also:

• COMMON

common enough elsewhere in northern and western Australia), with the churinga See also:

• DOCTRINE

doctrine, which gave totems by accident, these two factors, as Messrs Spencer and Gillen say, became the causes—" See also:

• LIE, JONAS LAURITZ EDEMIL (1833—1908)
• LIE, MARIUS SOPHUS (1842–1899)

lie at the root "—of the present Arunta system by which persons may marry others of " the right " division, but of " the wrong " totem . That system is strictly confined to the See also:

• GROUP

group of tribes (Ilpirra, Loritja, Unmaterja, Kaitish, Arunta) which constitute " the Arunta nation." Elsewhere the belief in spiritual conception widely prevails, but not the belief in the connexion of spirits of individuals with the stone churinga of individuals . Consequently the Arunta system of marriage within the totem exists nowhere, and the non-exogamous non-hereditary totem exists nowhere, except in the Arunta region . Everywhere else hereditary totems are exogamous.' Thus the practice of acquiring the totem by local accident is absolutely confined to five tribes where the churinga doctrine coexists with it . That the churinga belief, coexistent with the spiritual theory of conception, is of relatively See also:

• RECENT

recent origin is a demonstrable fact . Had it always been present among the Arunta the inevitable result, in the course of ages, would be the scattering of the totems almost equally, as See also:

• CHANCE (through the O. Fr. cheance, from the Late Lat. cadentia, things happening, from cadere, to fall out, happen; cf. " case ")

chance would scatter them among the eight exogamous divisions . This can be tested by experiment . Take eight men, to represent the eight exogamous divisions, and set them apart in two groups of four . Take four packs of See also:

• CARDS, PLAYING

cards, 208 cards, to represent the Arunta totems, which are over 200 in number .

Deal the cards See also:

• ROUND (O. Fr. rond, Lat. rotundus, the Fr. is the source also of Du. rond; Ger., Swed., Dan. and Nor. rond)

round in the usual way to each of the eight men; each will receive 26 cards . It will not be found that group A has " the great majority " of spades and clubs, while group B has " the great majority " of diamonds and See also:

• HEARTS

hearts, and neither group will have " the great majority " of See also:

• COURT
• COURT (from the O. Fr. court, Late Lat. cortis, curtis, a popular form of class. Lat. cohors, gen. cohortis; the mod. Fr. form tour is due to the influence of the Lat. curia, the word used in medieval documents to translate " court " in the feudal sense)
• COURT, ANTOINE (1696-176o)

court cards . Accident does not work in that way . But while accident alone now determines the totem to which an Arunta shall belong, nevertheless " in the Arunta, as a general rule, the great majority of the members of any one totemic group belong to one moiety of the tribe; but this is by no means universal . . . "—that is, of the totems the great majority in each case, as a rule, belongs to one or the other set of four exogamous sub-classes.2 The inference is obvious . While chance has now placed only the small minority of each totem in all or several of the eight exogamous divisions, the great majority of totems is in one or another of the divisions . This great majority cannot come by chance, as Arunta totems now come; consequently it is but lately that chance has determined the totem of each individual . Had chance from the first been the determining cause, each totem ' N.T.C.A. p . 257; cf . Frazer, Totemism, i . 200-201 .

2 Northern Tribes, pp . 151 sqq . recognized as " the right," the original divisions, as elsewhere universally . Arunta myth sometimes supports, sometimes contradicts, the belief that the totems were originally limited, in each case, to one or other division only, and, being self-contradictory, has no historic value . A further See also:

• PROOF (in M. Eng. preove, proeve, preve, &°c., from O. Fr . prueve, proeve, &c., mod. preuve, Late. Lat. proba, probate, to prove, to test the goodness of anything, probus, good)

proof of our point is that the northern neighbours of the Arunta, the Kaitish, have only partially accepted Arunta ideas, religious and social . Unlike the Arunta they have a creative being, Atnatu, from whom See also:

• HALF

half of the See also:

• POPULATION (Lat. populus, people; populare, to populate)

population descend; the other half were evolved out of totemic forms ? In the same way the Kaitish totems " are more strictly divided between the two moieties " (main exogamous divisions) " of the tribe."4 Consequently a man may marry a woman of his own totem if she be in the right exogamous division . " She is not actually forbidden to him, as a wife becomes of this identity and totem, as she would be in the Warramunga neighbouring tribe . . ." " It is a very rare thing for a man to marry a woman of the same totem as himself," 5 naturally, for the old rule holds, in sentiment, and a totem is still very rarely in the wrong division . The Arunta system of accidental determination of the totem has as yet scarcely produced among the Kaitish any of its natural and important effects . This view of the case seems logical: Arunta non-exogamous non-hereditary totemism is the result, as Messrs Spencer and Gillen show, of the theory of spiritual conception and the theory of the relation of the spirit See also:

• PART

part of each individual to his churinga . These two beliefs have already caused a minority of Arunta totems to get out of the original and into the wrong exogamous Arunta divisions .

The See also:

• PROCESS

process is not of old See also:

• STANDING

standing; if it were, all totems would now be fairly distributed among the divisions by the See also:

• LAWS

laws of chance . In the Kaitish tribe, on the other See also:

• HAND
• HAND (a word common to Teutonic languages; cf. Ger. Hand, Goth. handus)
• HAND, FERDINAND GOTTHELF (1786-185r)

hand, the processes must be of very recent operation, for they have only begun to produce their necessary effects . The totemism of the Arunta is thus the See also:

• REVERSE

reverse of " primitive," and has but slightly affected the Kaitish . Precisely the opposite view of the facts is taken by Mr Frazer in his erudite and exhaustive work Totemism . In the Kaitish, he writes, " we may detect the first See also:

• STAGE (Fr. 6/age; from Lat. stare, to stand)

stage in the transition from promiscuous marriage and fortuitous descent of the totem to strict exogamy of the totem clans and strict See also:

• HEREDITY

heredity of the totems in the paternal line.'" By " promiscuous marriage," marriage within or without the totem, at See also:

• PLEASURE (through Fr. plaisir from Lat. placere, to please; Gr. rlbovii)

pleasure, is obviously intended, for the Arunta do not marry " promiscuously "—do not marry their nearest kin . How, on Mr Frazer's theory, was the transition from the condition of the Arunta to that of the Kaitish made ? If the Kaitish were once in the actual Arunta stage of totemism, how did their totems come now to be much more strictly divided between the two moieties, though " the division is not so See also:

• ABSOLUTE (Lat. absolvere, to loose, set free)

absolute as amongst the Urabunna in the south and the tribes farther north . . ." ? How did this occur ? The Kaitish have not made totems hereditary by law; they are acquired by local accident . They have not made a rule that all totems should, as among the more northern neighbours of the Arunta, be regimented so that no totem occurs in more than one division: to this rule there are exceptions . A man " is not actually forbidden " to marry a woman of his own totem provided she be of " the right division," but it is clear that he " does not usually do so." This we can explain as the result of a survival in See also:

• MANNERS, CHARLES (1857– )

manners of the old absolute universal See also:

• PROHIBITION (Lat. prohibere, to prevent)

prohibition .

Meanwhile our view of the facts makes all the phenomena seem natural and intelligible in accordance with the statement of the observers, Messrs Spencer and Gillen, that the cause of the unique non-hereditary non-exogamous totems of the Arunta is the combination of the churinga spiritual belief with the belief in spiritual conception . This cause, though now present among ' Northern Tribes, pp . 153, 154, 175 . ° Tbid. p . 152 . 6 Ibid. p . 175 . 6 Totennsm, i . 244 . the Kaitish, has, so far, operated but faintly . We have been explicit on these points because on them the whole problem of the original form of totemism hinges . In our view, for the reasons stated, the Arunta system of non-exogamous non-hereditary totemism is a peculiarity of comparatively recent institution .

But Mr Frazer, and the See also:

• CHIEF (from Fr. chef, head, Lat. caput)

chief observer of the phenomena, Mr Spencer, consider the Arunta system, non-exogamous and non-hereditary, to be the most archaic form of totemism extant . As to non-hereditary, we find another See also:

• REPORT (O.Fr. report or raport, modern rapport, from O.Fr. reporter, mod. rap porter, Lat. reportare, to bring back, in poetical use only, of bringing back an account, news, &c.)

report of the facts in Die Aranda and Loritja Stamme, by the Rev . Mr Strehlow, who has a colloquial and philological knowledge of the language of these tribes . As he reports, among other things, that the Aranda (Arunta) in his See also:

• DISTRICT

district inherit their mother's totems, in addition to their " local totems," they appear to retain an archaic feature from which their local totem system and marriage rules are a departure.' The hereditary maternal totem is, in Mr Strehlow's region, the protective being (alijira) of each Arunta individual . Are the Arunta " Primitive " or not ?—In the whole totemic controversy the question as to whether the non-exogamous non-hereditary totemism of the Arunta or the hereditary and exogamous totemism of the rest of Australia and of totemic mankind, be the earlier, is See also:

• CRUCIAL (from Lat. crux, a cross)

crucial . That Arunta totemism is a freak or " See also:

• SPORT (a contracted or shortened form of "disport," to amuse, divert oneself, O. Fr. se dis porter or deporter, to leave off work, hence to play, Lat. dis-, away, and portare, to carry; the origin of the meaning lies in the notion of turning away from ser

sport," it is argued, is made probable first by the fact that the Arunta inherit all things heredital le in the male line, whereas See also:

• INHERITANCE

inheritance in the female descent is earlier . (To this question we return; see below, Male and Female Lines of Descent.) M . See also:

• VAN

Van Gennep argues that tribes in contact, one set having female, the other male, descent, " like the Arunta have combined the systems."' But several northern tribes with male descent of the totem which are not in contact with tribes of female descent show much stronger traces of the " combination " than the Arunta, who intermarry freely with a tribe of female descent, the Urabunna; while the Urabunna, though intermarrying with the Arunta who inherit See also:

• PROPERTY

property and tribal See also:

• OFFICE (from Lat. officium, " duty," " service," a shortened form of opifacium, from facere, " to do," and either the stem of opes, " wealth," " aid," or opus, " work ")

office in the male line, show no traces of " combination." Thus the effects occur where the alleged causes are not present; and the alleged causes, in the case of the Urabunna and Arunta, do not produce the effects . Next the Arunta have no names for their main exogamous divisions, these names being a very archaic feature which in many tribes with sub-classes tend to disappear . In See also:

• ABSENCE (Lat. absentia)

absence of phratry names the Arunta are remote from the primitive . M . Van Gennep replies that perhaps the Arunta have not yet made the names, or have not yet borrowed them .

This is also the view of Mr Frazer . As he says, the Southern Arunta lived under the rule of eight classes, but of these four were See also:

• ANONYMOUS

anonymous, till the names for them were borrowed from the north . The people can thus have anonymous exogamous divisions; the two main divisions, or phratries, of the Arunta may, therefore, from the first, have been anonymous . To this the reply is that people See also:

• BORROW, GEORGE HENRY (18o3-1881)

borrow, if they can, what they need . The Arunta found names for their four hitherto anonymous classes to be convenient, so they borrowed them . But when once class-names did, as they do, all that is necessary, the Arunta had no longer any use for the names of the two See also:

• PRIMARY

primary main divisions: these were forgotten; there is nothing to be got by borrowing that; while four Arunta " sub-classes " are gaining their names, the " classes " (phratries or main divisions) have lost them . It is perfectly logical to hold that while things useful, but hitherto anonymous, are gaining names, other things, now totally useless, are losing their names . One process is as natural as the other . In all Australia tribes with two main divisions and no sub-classes, the names of the two main divisions are found, because the names are useful . In several tribes with named sub-classes, which now do the work previously thrown on the main divisions, the names of the main divisions are unknown: the main divisions being now useless, and superseded by the sub-classes . The absence of names of the two main divisions in the Arunta is merely a result, often found, of the rise of the sub- ' Strehlow, ii . 57 (1908) .

Mythes et legendes d'Australie, p. xxxii.classes, which, as Mr Frazer declares, are not primitive, but the result of successive later legislative acts of division.' Manifestly on this point the Arunta are at the farthest point from the earliest organization: their loss of phratry names is the consequence of this great advance from the " primitive." All Arunta society rests on a theory of reincarnated spirits, a theory minutely elaborated . M Van Gennep asks " why. should this belief not be primitive ? " Surely neither the belief in spirits, nor the elaborate working out of the belief connecting spirits with manufactured stone amulets, can have been primitive . Nobody will say that peculiar stone amulets and the Arunta belief about spirits associated with them are primitive . To this M Van Gennep makes no reply.4 The Arunta belief that children are spirit-children (ratapa) incarnated is very common in the other central and northern tribes, and, according to Mrs Bates, in Western Australia; Dr See also:

• ROTH, JUSTUS LUDWIG ADOLF (1818-1892)

Roth reports the same for parts of See also:

• QUEENSLAND

Queensland . It is alleged by Messrs Spencer and Gillen that the tribes holding this belief deny any connexion between sexual unions and procreation . Mr Strehlow, on the other hand, says that in his region the older Arunta men understand the part of the male in procreation; and that even the children of the Loritja and Arunta understand, in the case of animals.' (Here corroboration is desirable and European influence may be asserted.) Dr Roth says that the Tully River blacks of Queensland admit procreation for all other animals, which have no Koi or soul, but not for men, who have souls . (Their theory of human birth, therefore, merely aims primarily at accounting for the spiritual part of man.)' According to Mrs Bates, some tribes in the north of South Australia, tribes with the same " class names as the Arunta, hold that to have children a man must possess two spirits (ranee) . If he has but one, he remains childless . If he has two., he can dream of an animal, or other object, which then passes into his wife, and is born as a child, the animal thus becoming the child's totem . This belief does not appear to apply to See also:

• REPRODUCTION

reproduction in the See also:

• LOWER

lower animals . It is a spiritual theory of the begetting of a soul incarnated .

If a man has but one spirit, he cannot give one to a child, therefore he is childless . It is clear that this, and all other systems in which reproduction is explained in spiritual terms, can only arise among peoples whose whole mode of thinking is intensely " animistic." It is also See also:

• PLAIN (O. Fr. plain, from Lat. plenum)

plain that all such myths See also:

• ANSWER (derived from and, against, and the same root as swear)

answer two questions—(r) How does a being of flesh and spirit acquire its spiritual part?—(2) How is it that every human being is in mystical ropport with an animal, plant, or other object, the totem ? Manifestly the second question could not arise and need answer before mankind were actually totemists . It may be added that in the south of Western Australia the name for the mythical " Father of All " (a being not there worshipped, though images of him are made and receive some cult at certain, licentious festivals) and the name for " father-stock " is maman, which Mrs Bates finds to be the native term for membrum virile . All this appears to be proof of understanding of the male part in reproduction,, though that understanding is now obscured by See also:

• SPECULATION

speculation about spirits . The question arises then, is the See also:

• IGNORANCE (Lat. ignorantia, from ignorare, not to know); want of knowledge, a state of mind which in law has important consequences. A well-known legal maxim runs: ignorantia juris non excusat ("ignorance of the law does not excuse")

ignorance of procreation, where that ignorance exists, " primitive," and is the Arunta totemism also " primitive," being conditioned, as we are told it is, by the unique belief in some churinga ? Or is the ignorance due to attempts of native thinkers to account for the spirit in man as a pre-existing entity that has been from the beginning ? The former view is that of Messrs Spencer and Gillen, and Mr Frazer . For the latter see Lang, Anthropological Essays presented to E . B . See also:

• TYLER
• TYLER, JOHN (1790—1862)
• TYLER, MOSES COIT (1835—1900)
• TYLER, WAT [or WALTER] (d. 1381)

Tyler, pp . 210-218 .

We can hardly call people primitive because they have struggled with the prob