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UNIVERSITIES

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Originally appearing in Volume V27, Page 769 of the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica.
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UNIVERSITIES.1 The medieval Latin term universitas (from which the English word " university " is derived) was originally employed to denote any community or corporation regarded under its collective aspect. When used in its modern sense, as denoting a body devoted to learning and education, it required the addition of other words in order to complete the definition—the most frequent form of expression being " universitas magistrorum et scholarium " (or " discipulorum "). In the course of time, probably towards the latter part of the 14th century, the term began to be used by itself, with the exclusive meaning of a community of teachers and scholars whose corporate existence had been recognized and sanctioned by civil or ecclesiastical authority or by both. But the more ancient and customary designation of such communities in medieval times (regarded as places of instruction) was " studium " (and subsequently "studium generale "), a term implying a centre of instruction for all.2 The expressions " universitas studii " and " universitatis collegium " are also occasionally to be met with in official documents. It is necessary, however, to bear in mind, on the one hand, that a university often had a vigorous virtual existence long before it obtained that legal recognition which entitled it, technically, to take rank as a " studium generale," and, on the other hand, that hostels, halls and colleges, together with complete courses in all the recognized branches of learning, were by no means necessarily involved in the earliest conception of a university. The university, in its earliest stage of development, appears to have been simply a scholastic gild—a spontaneous combination, that is to say, of teachers or scholars, or of both combined, and formed probably on the analogy of the trades gilds, and the gilds of aliens in foreign cities, which, in the course of the r3th and 14th centuries, are to be found springing up in most of the great European centres. The design of these organizations, in the first instance, was little more than that of securing mutual protection—for the craftsman, in the pursuit of his special calling; for the alien, as lacking the rights and privileges inherited by the citizen. And so the university, composed as it was to a great extent of students from foreign countries, was a combination formed for the protection of its members from the extortion of the townsmen and the other annoyances incident in medieval times to residence in a foreign state. It was a first stage of development in connexion with these primary organizations, when the chancellor of the cathedral, or some other authority, began, as we shall shortly see, to accord to other masters permission to open other schools than the cathedral school in the neighbourhood of his church; a further stage was reached when a licence .to teach—granted only after a formal examination—empowered a master to carry on his vocation at any similar centre that either already existed or might afterwards be formed throughout Europe—"facultas i It is the design of the present article to exhibit the universities in their general historical development ; more detailed information respecting the present condition of each will be found in the separate articles under topographical headings. 2 Denifle, Die Universitaten des Mittelalters, i. I-29. ubique docendi." It was a still further development when it began to be recognized that, without a licence from either pope, emperor or king, no " studium generale " could be formed possessing this right of conferring degrees, which originally meant nothing more than licences to teach. In the north of Europe such licences were granted by the Chancellor Scholasticus, or some other officer of a cathedral Meaning church; in the south it is probable that the gilds of of masters (when these came to be formed) were at first "studium free to grant their own licences, without any ecclesigenerate." astical or other supervision. But in all cases such per-missions were of a purely local character. Gradually, however, towards the end of the 12th century, a few great schools claimed from the excellence of their teaching to be of more than merely local importance. Practically a doctor of Paris or Bologna would be allowed to teach anywhere; while those great schools began to be known as studia generalia, i.e. places resorted to by scholars from all parts. Eventually the term came to have a more definite and technical signification. The emperor Frederick II. set the example of attempting to confer by an authoritative bull upon his new school at Naples the prestige which the earlier studia had acquired by reputation and general consent. In 1229 Gregory IX. did the same for Toulouse, and in 1233 added to its original privileges a bull by which any one who had been admitted to the doctorate or mastership in that university should have the right to teach anywhere without further examination. Other studia generalia were subsequently founded by papal or imperial bulls; and in 1292 even the oldest universities, Paris and Bologna, found it desirable to obtain similar bulls from Nicolas IV. From this time the notion began to prevail among the jurists that the essence of the studium generate was the privilege of conferring the jusubicunque docendi, and that no new studium could acquire that position without a papal or imperial bull. By this time, however, there were a few studia generalia (e.g. Oxford) whose position was too well established to be seriously questioned, although they had never obtained such a bull; these were held to be studia generalia ex consuetudine. A few Spanish universities founded by royal charter were held to be studia generalia respectu regni. The word Origin of universitas was originally applied only to the scholastic the term gild (or gilds) within the studium, and was at first not "univer- used absolutely; the phrase was always universitas sky... magistrorum, or scholarium or magistrorum et scholarium. By the close of the medieval period, however, the distinction between the terms studium generate and universitas was more or less lost sight of, and in Germany especially the term universitas began to be used alone.' In order, however, clearly to understand the conditions under which the earliest universities came into existence, it is necessary to take account, not only of their organization, but also empire, which had down to that time kept alive the traditions of pagan education, had been almost entirely swept away by the barbaric invasions. The latter century marks the period when the institutions which supplied their place—the episcopal schools attached to the cathedrals and the monastic schools—attained to their highest degree of influence and reputation. Between these and the schools of the empire there existed an essential difference, in that the theory of education by which they were pervaded was in complete contrast to the simply secular theory of the schools of paganism. The cathedral school taught only what was supposed to be necessary for the education of the priest; the monastic school taught only what was supposed to be in harmony with the aims of the monk. But between the pagan system and the Christian system by which it had been superseded there yet existed something that was common to both: the latter, even in the narrow and meagre instruction which it imparted, could not altogether dispense Denifle i. 34-39.with the ancient text-books, simply because there were no others in existence. Certain treatises of Aristotle, of Porphyry, of Martianus Capella and of Boetius continued consequently to be used and studied; and in the slender outlines of pagan learning thus still kept in view, and in the exposition which they necessitated, we recognize the main cause which prevented the thought and literature of classic antiquity from falling altogether into oblivion. Under the rule of the Merovingian dynasty even these scanty traditions of learning declined throughout the Frankish dominions; but in England the designs of Gregory Revival In the Great, as carried out by Theodorus, Bede and time of Alcuin, resulted in a great revival of education and Gharieletters. The influence of this revival extended in the magne. 8th and 9th centuries to Frankland, where Charlemagne, advised and aided by Alcuin, effected a memorable reformation, which included both the monastic and the cathedral schools; while the school attached to the imperial court, known as the Palace School, also became a famous centre of learned intercourse and instruction. But the activity thus generated, and the interest in learning which it served for a time to diffuse, well-nigh died out amid the anarchy which characterizes the loth century in Latin Christendom, and it is at least questionable whether any real connexion can be shown to have existed between this earlier revival and that remarkable movement in which the university of Paris had its origin. On the whole, however, a clearly traced, although imperfectly continuous, succession of distinguished teachers has inclined the majority of those who have studied this obscure period to conclude that a certain tradition of learning, handed down from the famous school over which Alcuin presided at the great abbey of St Martin at Tours, continued to survive, and became the nucleus of the teaching in General which the university took its rise. But, in order comes" adequately to explain the remarkable development formation and novel character which that teaching assumed in of first the course of the 12th and 13th centuries, it is neces- sary univershies. to take account of the operation of certain more general causes to which the origin of the great majority of the earlier universities may in common unhesitatingly be referred. These causes are—(1) the introduction of new subjects of study, as embodied in a new or revived literature; (2) the adoption of new methods of teaching which were rendered necessary by the new studies; (3) the growing tendency to organization which accompanied the development and consolidation of the European nationalities. That the earlier universities took their rise to a great extent in endeavours to obtain and provide instruction of a kind beyond the range of the monastic and cathedral schools Rose of appears to be very generally admitted, but with respect univerto the origin of the first European university—that of sit)' of Salerno in Italy, which became known as a school of Salerno. medicine as early as the 9th century—the circumstances are pronounced by a recent investigator to be " veiled in impenetrable obscurity." 2 One writer 3 derives its origin from an independent tradition of classical learning which continued to exist in Italy down to the loth century. Another writer' maintains that it had its beginning in the teaching at the famous Benedictine monastery of Monte Cassino, where the study of medicine was undoubtedly pursued. But the most authoritative researches point to the conclusion that the medical system of Salerno was originally an outcome of the Graeco-Roman tradition of the old Roman world, and the Arabic medicine was not introduced till the highest fame of the Civitas Hippocratica was passing away. It may have been influenced by the late survival of the Greek language in southern Italy, though this cannot be proved. In the first half of the 9th century the emperor at Constantinople sent to the Caliph 2 Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 76. ' De Renzi, Storia Documentata della Scuola Medica di Salerno (ed. 1857), p. 145. 4 Puccinotti, Storia della Medicina, i. 317-26. History of their studies, and to recognize the main influences of learning which, from the 6th to the 12th century, served to before the modify both the theory and the practice of education. univer- In the former century, the schools of the Roman shy era. Mamoun at Bagdad a considerable collection of Greek manuscripts, which seems to have given the earliest impulse to the study of the Hellenic pagan literature by the Saracens. The original texts were translated into Arabic by Syrian Christians, and these versions were, in turn, rendered into Latin for the use of teachers in the West. Of the existence of such versions we have evidence, according to Jourdain,1 long prior to the time when Constantine the African (d. 1087) began to deliver his lectures on the science at Salerno, although these early versions have since altogether disappeared. Under his teaching the fame of Salerno as a medical school became diffused all over Europe; it was distinguished also by its catholic spirit, and, at a time when Jews were the object of religious persecution throughout Europe, members of this nationality were to be found both as teachers and learners at Salerno. Ordericus Vitalis, who wrote in the first half of the 12th century, speaks of it as then long famous. In 1231 it was constituted by the emperor Frederick II. the only school of medicine in the kingdom of Naples. The great revival of legal studies which took place at Bologna about the year r000 had also been preceded"by a corresponding activity elsewhere—at Pavia by a famous school of Bologna. Lombard law, and at Ravenna by a yet more important school of Roman law. And in Bologna itself we have evidence that the Digest was known and studied before the time of Irnerius (11oo-3o), a certain Pepo being named as lecturing on the text about the year 1076. The traditional story about the " discovery " of the Pandects at Amalfi in 1135 was disproved even before the time of Savigny. Schulte has shown that the publication of the Decretum of Gratian must be placed earlier than the traditional date, i.e. not later than 1142. This instruc- tion again was of a kind which the monastic and cathedral schools could not supply, and it also contributed to meet a new and pressing demand. The neighbouring states of Lombardy were at this time increasing rapidly in population and in wealth; and the greater complexity of their political relations, their growing manufactures and commerce, demanded a more definite application of the principles embodied in the codes that had been handed down by Theodosius and Justinian. But the distinctly secular character of this new study, and its close connexion with the claims and prerogatives of the Western emperor, aroused at first the susceptibilities of the Roman see, and for a time Bologna and its civilians were regarded by the church with distrust and even with alarm. These sentiments were not, however, of long duration. In the year 1151 the appearance of the Decretum of Gratian, largely corn- 1e- piled from spurious documents, invested the studies tum of Gratian of the canonist with fresh importance; and numer- and the ous decrees of past and almost forgotten pontiffs canon now claimed to take their stand side by side with law. the enactments contained in the Corpus Juris Civilis. They constituted, in fact, the main basis of those new pretensions asserted with so much success by the popedom in the course of the 12th and 13th centuries. It was necessary, accordingly, that the Decretum should be known and studied beyond the walls of the monastery or the episcopal palace, and that its pages should receive authoritative exposition at some common centre of instruction. Such a centre was to be found in Bologna. The needs of the secular student and of the ecclesiastical student were thus brought for a time into accord, and from the days of Irnerius down to the close of the 13th century we have satisfactory evidence that Bologna was generally recognized as the chief school both of the civil and the canon law .2 It has, indeed, been asserted that university degrees were instituted there as early as the pontificate of Eugenius III. (1145-53), but the statement rests on no good authority, and is in every way improbable. There is, however, another tradition which is in better harmony with the known facts. When Barbarossa marched his forces into Italy on his memorable expedition of 1155, and reasserted those imperial claims which had so long 1 Sur l'dge et l'origine des traductions Wines, &c., p. 225. s Denifle, Die Universitdten, &c., i. 48.lain dormant, the professors of the civil law and their scholars, but more especially the foreign students, gathered Foreign round the Western representative of the Roman students Caesars, and besought his intervention in their favour at in their relations with the citizens of Bologna. A large Bologna proportion of the students were probably from Germany; and it did not escape Frederick's penetration that the civilian might prove an invaluable ally in the assertion of his imperial pretensions. He received the suppliants graciously, and, finding that their grievances were real, especially against the landlords in whose houses they were domiciled, he granted the foreign students substantial protection, by conferring on them certain special immunities and privileges (November 1158)? These privileges were embodied in the celebrated Authentica, Habita, in the Corpus Juris Civilis of the empire (bk. iv. tit. 13), and were eventually extended so as to include all the other universities of Italy. In them we may discern the precedent for that state protection of the university which, however essential at one time for the security and freedom of the teacher and the taught, has been far from proving an unmixed benefit—the influence which the civil power has thus been able to exert being too often wielded for the suppression of that very liberty of thought and inquiry from which the earlier universities derived in no small measure their importance and their fame. But, though there was a flourishing school of study, it is to be observed that Bologna did not possess a university so early as 1158. Its first university was not constituted until The «unlthe close of the 12th century. The " universities " at versifies" Bologna were, as Denifle has shown, really student gilds, at formed under influences quite distinct from the pro- Bologna. tecting clauses of the Authentica, and suggested, as already noted, by the precedent of those foreign gilds which, in the course of the z 2th century, began to rise throughout western Europe. These were originally only two in number, the Ultramontani and the Citramontani, and arose out of the absolute necessity, under which residents in a foreign city found themselves, of obtaining by combination that protection and those rights which they could not claim as citizens. These societies were modelled, Denifle considers, not on the trade gilds which rose in Bologna in the 13th century, but on the Teutonic gilds which arose nearly a century earlier in north-western Europe, being essentially " spontaneous confederations of aliens on a foreign soil." Originally, they did not include the native student element and were composed exclusively of students in law. The power resulting from this principle of combination, when superadded to the privileges conferred by Barbarossa, gave to the students of Bologna a superiority of which they were not slow to avail themselves. Under the leadership of their rector, they extorted from the citizens concessions which raised them from the condition of an oppressed to that of a specially privileged class. The same principle, when put in force against the professors, reduced the latter to a position of humble deference to the very body whom they were called upon to instruct, and imparted to the entire university that essentially democratic character by which it was afterwards distinguished. It is not surprising that such advantages should have led to an imitation and extension of the principle by which they were obtained. Denifle considers that the " universities " at Bologna were at one time certainly more than four in number, and we know that the Italian students alone were subdivided into two—the other Tuscans and the Lombards. In the centres formed by similar secession from the parent body a like subdivision took corn-place. At Vercelli there were four universitates, corn- menities posed respectively of Italians, English, Provencals and in Italy Germans; at Padua there were similar divisions into Italians, a See Savigny, Gesch. d. rom. Rechts, iii. 152, 491-92. See also Giesebrecht, Gesch. d. Kaiserzeit (ed. 1880), v. 51-52. The story is preserved in a recently discovered metrical composition descriptive of the history of Frederick I.; see Sitzungsberichte d. Bairisch. Akad. d. Wissenschaft, Phil.-Hist. Masse (1879), ii. 285. Its authenticity is called in question by Denifle, but it would seem to be quite in harmony with the known facts. Their democratic character. French (i.e. Francigenae, comprising both English and Nor-mans), Provencals (including Spaniards and Catalans). When, accordingly, we learn from Odofred that in the time of the eminent jurist Azo, who lectured at Bologna about 1200, the number of the students there amounted to some ten thousand, of whom the majority were foreigners, it seems reasonable to conclude that the number of these confederations of students (societates scholarium) at Bologna was yet greater. It is certain that they were not formed simultaneously, but, similarly to the free gilds, one after the other—the last in order being that of the Tuscans, which was composed of students from Tuscany, the Campagna and Rome. Nor are we, again, to look upon them as in any way the outcome of those democratic principles which found favour in Bologna, but rather as originating in the traditional home associations of the foreign students, fostered, how-ever, by the peculiar conditions of their university life. As the Tuscan division (the one least in sympathy, in most respects, with Teutonic institutions) was the last formed, so, Denifle conjectures, the German " university " may have introduced the conception which was successively adopted by the other nationalities. In marked resemblance to the gilds, these confederations were presided over by a common head, the " rector schola- rium," an obvious imitation of the " rector societatum " guished from the " rector scholarum " or director of the studies, with whose function the former officer had, at this time, nothing in common. Like the gilds, again, the different nations were represented by their " consiliarii," a deliberative assembly with whom the rector habitually took counsel. While recognizing the essentially democratic character of the constitution of these communities, it is to be remembered Mature that the students, unlike the majority at Paris and later age at the universities, were mostly at this time of mature years. students. As the civil law and the canon law were at first the only branches of study, the class whom they attracted were often men already filling office in some department of the church or state—archdeacons, the heads of schools, canons of cathedrals, and like functionaries forming a considerable element in the aggregate. It has been observed, indeed, that the permission accorded them by Frederick I. of choosing, in all cases of dispute, their own tribunal, thus constituting them, to a great extent, sui juris, seems to presuppose a certain maturity of judgment among those on whom this discretionary power was bestowed. Innocent IV., in according his sanction to the new statutes of the university in 1253, refers to them as drawn up by the " rectores et universitas scholarium Bononiensium." About the year 220o were formed the two faculties of medicine and philosophy (or " the arts " 1) , the former being somewhat the earlier. It was developed, as that of the civil law had been developed, by a succession of able teachers, among whom Thaddeus Alderottus was especially eminent. The faculty of arts, down to the 14th century, scarcely attained to equal eminence. The teaching of theology remained for a long time exclusively in the hands of the Dominicans; and it was not until the year 136o that Innocent VI. recognized Bologna as a " studium generale " in this branch—in other words, as a place of theological education for all students, with the power of conferring degrees of universal validity. In the year 1371 the cardinal legate, Anglicus, compiled, as chief director of ecclesiastical affairs in the city, an account Account of the university, which he presented to Urban V. of the The information it supplies is, however, defective, univen- owing to the fact that only the professors who were in shy by receipt of salaries from the municipality are mentioned. Anglkus.and notarial practice. The professors of theology, who, as members of the religious orders, received no state remuneration, are unmentioned. The significance of the term " college," as first employed at Bologna, differed, like that of " university," from that which it subsequently acquired. The collegia of the doctors no more connoted the idea of a place of residence than did the universitates of the students. There were the College of Doctors of Civil Law, the College of Doctors of Canon Law, the College of Doctors in Medicine and Arts and The (from 1352) the College of Doctors in Theology. univer-Though the professors were largely dependent upon sloes at the students, they had separate organizations of their Bologna. own; the college alone was concerned in the conferment of degrees. Each faculty was therefore at Bologna entirely independent of every other (except for the union of medicine and arts): the only connecting link between them was the necessity of obtaining their degrees (after 1219) from the same chancellor, the archdeacon of Bologna. The decline in the reputation of the studium from about 1250 was largely due to the successful efforts of the doctors to exclude all but Bolognese citizens from membership of the doctoral colleges (which alone possessed the valuable " right of promotion "), and from the more valuable salaried chairs. They even attempted and partially succeeded in restricting these privileges to members of their own families. Colleges as places of residence for students existed, however, at Bologna at a very early date, but it is not until the The 14th century that we find them possessing any earliest organization; and the humble domus, as it was termed, colleges. was at first designed solely for necessitous students, not being natives of Bologna. A separate house, with a certain fund for the maintenance of a specified number of scholars, was all that was originally contemplated. Such was the character of that founded by Zoen, bishop of Avignon, in February 1256 (O.S.), the same month and year, it is to be noted, in which the Sorbonne was founded in Paris. It was designed for the maintenance of eight scholars from the province of Avignon, under the supervision of three canons of the church, maintaining themselves in the university. Each scholar was to receive 24 Bolognese lire annually for five years. The college of Brescia was founded in 1326 by William of Brescia, archdeacon of Bologna, for poor foreign students without distinction as to nationality. The Spanish college, founded in 1364, for twenty-four Spanish scholars and two chaplains, is noted by Denifle as the one college founded in medieval times which still exists on the Continent. Of the general fact that the early universities rose in response to new wants the commencement of the university of Paris supplies us with a further illustration. The study origin of of logic, which, prior to the 12th century, was founded univer- exclusively on one or two meagre compends, received sity of about the year moo, on two occasions, a powerful Paris. stimulus—in the first instance, from the memorable controversy between Lanfranc and Berengar; in the second, from the no less famous controversy between Anselm and Roscellinus. A belief sprang up that an intelligent apprehension of spiritual truth depended on a correct use of prescribed methods of argumentation. Dialectic was looked upon as " the science of sciences"; and when, somewhere in the first decade of the 12th century, William of Champeaux opened in Paris a school for the more advanced study of dialectic as an art, his teaching was attended with marked success. Among his pupils was Abelard, in whose hands the study made a yet more notable advance; so that, by the middle of the century, we find John of Salisbury, on returning from the French capital to England, relating with astonishment, not unmingled with contempt, how all learned Paris had gone well-nigh mad in its pursuit and practice of the new dialectic. Abelard taught in the first instance at the cathedral school at Notre Dame, and subsequently at the schools on Teaching the Montagne Ste Genevieve, of which he was the of founder, and where he imparted to logic its new Abelarddevelopment. But in 1147 the secular canons of Ste Genevieve Tenor. or " artium " of the gild, but to be carefully distin- Formation of the universitates. Faculties instituted. Of these there were twelve of civil law and six of canon law; three of medicine, three of practical medicine and one of surgery; two of logic, and one each of astrology, rhetoric i The arts course of study was that represented by the ancient trivium (i.e. grammar, logic and rhetoric) and the quadrivium (i.e. arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy) as handed down from the schools of the Roman empire. See J. B. Mullinger's History of the University of Cambridge, i. 24-27. Study of logic. gave place to canons regular from St Victor; and henceforth the school on the former foundation was merely a study of school for the teaching of theology, and was attended theology. only by the members of the house.' The schools out of which the university arose were those attached to the cathedral on the Ile de la Cite, and presided over by the chancellor—a dignitary who must be carefully distinguished from the. later chancellor of the university. For a long time the teachers lived in separate houses on the island, and it was only by degrees that they combined themselves into a society, and that special buildings were constructed for their class-work. But the flame which Abelard's teaching had kindled was not destined to tom- expire. Among his pupils was Peter Lombard, who bard's was bishop of Paris in 1159, and widely known to "Sens posterity as the compiler of the famous volume of the fences." Sentences. The design of this work was to place before the student, in as strictly logical a form as practicable, the views (sententiae) of the fathers and all the great doctors of the church upon the chief and most difficult points in the Christian belief. Conceived with the purpose of allaying and preventing, it really stimulated, controversy. The logicians seized upon it as a great storehouse of indisputable major premises, on which they argued with renewed energy and with endless ingenuity of dialectical refinement; and upon this new compendium of theological doctrine, which became the text-book of the middle ages, the schoolmen, in their successive treatises Super sententias, expended a considerable share of that subtlety and labour which still excite the astonishment of the student of metaphysical literature. It is in these prominent features in the history of these early universities—the development of new methods of instruction Rise of concurrently with the appearance of new material other for their application—that we find the most probable early uni- solution of the question as to how the university, •ersities. as distinguished from the older cathedral or monastic schools, was first formed. In a similar manner, it seems probable, the majority of the earlier universities of Italy—Reggio, Modena, Vicenza, Padua and Vercelli—arose, for they had their origin independently alike of the civil and the papal authority. Instances, it is true, occur, which cannot be referred to this spontaneous mode of growth. The university of Naples, for example, was founded solely by the fiat of the emperor Frederick II. in the year 1224; and, if we may rely upon the documents cited by Denifle, Innocent IV. about the year 1245 founded in connexion with the curia a "studium generale," 2 which was attached to the papal court, and followed it when removed from Rome, very much as the Palace School of Charles the Great accompanied that monarch on his progresses. As the university of Paris became the model, not only for the universities of France north of the Loire, but also for the great majority of those of central Europe as well as Barg for Oxford and Cambridge, some account of its early organh a- tion of organization will here be indispensable. Such an univer- account is rendered still further necessary by the fact sity of that the recent and almost exhaustive researches of Paris. Denifle, the Dominican father, have led him to con- clusions which on some important points run altogether counter to those sanctioned by the high authority of Savigny The original university, as already stated, took its rise entirely out of the movement carried on by teachers on the island, who taught by virtue of the licence conferred by the chancellor of the cathedral. In the second decade of the 13th century, it is true, we find masters withdrawing themselves from his authority by repairing to the left bank of the Seine and placing them-selves under the jurisdiction of the abbot of the monastery of Ste Genevieve; and in 1255 this dignitary is to be found ' The view of Thurot (De l'organisation de l'enseignement Bans l'universite de Paris, pp. 4–7) that the university arose out of a combination of these several schools is rejected by Denifle (see Die Universitaten, &c., i. 653-94). 2 Where the words studium generale are placed within marks of quotation they occur in the original charter of foundation of the university referred to. appointing a chancellor whose duty it should be to confer licentia docendi on those candidates who were desirous of opening schools in that district. But it was around the bestowal of this licence by the chancellor of Notre Dame, on the Ile de la Cite, that the university of Paris grew up. It is in this licence that the whole significance of the master of arts degree is contained; for what is technically known as admission Inception. to that degree was really nothing more nor less than receiving the chancellor's permission to " incept," and by " inception " was implied the master's formal entrance upon, and commencement of, the functions of a duly licensed teacher, and his recognition as such by his brothers in the profession. The previous stage of his academic career, that of bachelordom, had been one of apprenticeship for the The mastership; and his emancipation from this state bachelor was symbolized by placing the magisterial cap (biretta) ofarrs. upon his head, a ceremony which, in imitation of the old Roman ceremony of manumission, was performed by his former instructor, " under whom " he was said to incept. He then gave a formal inaugural lecture, and, after this proof of magisterial capacity, was welcomed into the society of his professional brethren with set speeches, and took his seat in his master's chair. This community of teachers of recognized fitness did not in itself suffice to constitute a university, but some time between the years 115o and 1170, the period when the Sentences me uniof Peter Lombard were given to the world, the uni- verslty versity of Paris came formally into being. Its first forL,ed. written statutes were not, however, compiled until about the year 1208, and it was not until long after that date that it possessed a " rector." Its earliest recognition as. a legal corporation belongs to about the year 1211, when a brief of Innocent III. empowered it to elect a proctor to be its representative at the papal court. By this permission it obtained the right to sue or to be sued in a court of justice as a corporate body. This papal recognition was, however, very far from implying the episcopal recognition, and the earlier history of the new community exhibits it as in continual conflict alike Diffiwith the chancellor, the bishop and the cathedral conies of chapter of Paris, by all of whom it was regarded as a first centre of insubordination and doctrinal licence. Had develop-it not been, indeed, for the papal aid, the university meat. would probably not have survived the contest; but with that powerful assistance it came to be regarded as the great Transalpine centre of orthodox theological teaching. Successive pontiffs, down to the great schism of 1378, made it one of the foremost points of their policy to cultivate friendly and confidential relations with the authorities of the university of Paris, and systematically to discourage the formation of theological faculties at other centres. In 1231 Gregory IX., in the bull Parens Scientiarum, gave full recognition to the right of the several faculties to regulate and modify the constitution of the entire university—a formal sanction which, in Denifle's opinion, rendered the bull in question the Magna Charta of the university. In comparing the relative antiquity of the universities oS Paris and Bologna, it is difficult to give an unqualified decision. The university of masters at the former was probably slightly anterior to the university of students at the latter; but there is good reason for believing that Paris, in reducing its traditional customs to statutory form, largely availed itself of the precedents afforded by the already existing code of the Transalpine centre. The fully developed university was divided into four faculties—three " superior," viz. those of theology, canon law and medicine, and one " inferior," that of arts, which was divided into four " nations." These nations, which included both professors and scholars, were—(1) the French nation, composed, in addition to the native element, of Spaniards, Italians and Greeks; (2) the Picard nation, rePre- The '•nabons." senting the students from the north-east and from the Netherlands; (3) the Norman nation; (4) the English nation, comprising, besides students from the provinces under English rule, those from England, Ireland, Scotland and Germany. The head of each faculty was the dean; the head of each nation was the proctor. The rector, who in the first instance was head of the faculty of arts, by whom he was elected, was eventually head of the whole university. In congregations of the university matters were decided by a majority of faculties; the vote of the faculty of arts was determined by a majority of nations. The chancellor of Notre Dame, whose functions were now limited to the conferment of the licence, stood as such outside the university or gild altogether, though as a doctor of theology he was always a member of that faculty. Only " regents," that is, masters actually engaged in teaching, had any right to be present or to vote in congregations. Neither the entire university nor the separate faculties had thus, it will be seen, originally a common head, and it was not until the middle of the 14th century that the rector became the head of the collective university, by the incorporation under him, first, of the students of the canon law and of medicine (which took place about the end of the 13th century), and, secondly, of the theologians, which took place about half a century later. In the course of the 16th and 17th centuries this democratic constitution of the middle ages was largely superseded by the growth of a small oligarchy of officials. The tribunal of the university—the rector, deans and proctors—came to occupy a somewhat similar position to the old " Hebdomadal Board " of heads of colleges at Oxford and the Caput at Cambridge. Moreover, the teaching functions of the university, or rather of the faculty of arts, owing chiefly to the absence of any endowment for the regents or teaching graduates, practically passed to the colleges. Almost as much as the English universities, Paris came to be virtually reduced to a federation of colleges, though the colleges were at Paris less independent of university authority, while the smaller colleges sent their members to receive instruction in the larger ones (colleges de plein exercise), which received large numbers of non-foundation members. This state of things lasted till the French Revolution swept away the whole university system of the middle ages. It may be remarked that the famous Sorbonne was really the most celebrated college of Paris—founded by Robert de Sorbonne circa 1257—but as this college and the college of Navarre were the only college foundations which provided for students in theology, the close connexion of the former with the faculty and the use of its hall for the disputations of that body led to the word Sorbonne becoming a popular term for the theological faculty of Paris. Apart from the broad differences in their organization, the very conception of learning, it will be observed, was different Paris and at Bologna from what it was at Paris. In the former Bologna it was entirely professional—designed, that is to say, con- to prepare the student for a definite and practical masted. career in after life; in the latter it was sought to provide a general mental training, and to attract the learner to studies which were speculative rather than practical. In the sequel, the less mercenary spirit in which Paris cultivated knowledge added immensely to her influence and reputation, which about the middle of the 14th century may be said to have reached their apogee. It had forty colleges, governed either by secular or religious communities, and numbered among its students representatives of every country in Europe (Jourdain, Excursions historiques, c. xiv.). The university became known as the great school where theology was studied in its most scientific spirit; and the decisions of its great doctors upon those abstruse questions which absorbed so much of the highest intellectual activity of the middle ages were regarded as almost final. The popes themselves, although averse from Papal theological controversies, deemed it expedient to cultivate friendly relations with a centre of such im- policy. portance for the purpose of securing their influence in a yet wider field. Down therefore to the time of the great schism (1378), they at once conciliated the university of Paris and consulted what they deemed to be the interests of the Roman see, by discouraging the creation of faculties of theology elsewhere. The apparent exceptions to this policy are easily explained: the four faculties of theology which they sanctioned in Italy—Pisa (1343), Florence (1349), Bologna (1362) and Padua (1363)—were designed to benefit the Italian monasteries, by saving the monks the expense and dangers of a long journey beyond the Alps; while that at Toulouse (1229) took its rise under circumstances entirely exceptional, being designed as a bulwark against the heresy of the Albigenses. The popes, on the other hand, favoured the creation of new faculties of law, and especially of the canon law, as the latter represented the source from which Rome derived her most warmly contested powers and prerogatives. The effects of this twofold policy were sufficiently intelligible: the withholding of each charter which it was sought to obtain for a new school of theology only served to augment the numbers that flocked to Paris; the bestowal of each new charter for a faculty of law served in like manner to divert a certain proportionate number from Bologna. These facts enable us to understand how it is that, in the 13th and 14th centuries, we find, even in France, a larger number of universities created after the model of Bologna than after that of Paris. In their earliest stage, however, the importance of these new institutions was but imperfectly discerned alike by the civil and the ecclesiastical power, and the first four universities of Italy, after Bologna, rose into existence, like Bologna itself, without a charter from either pope or emperor. Of these the first were those of Reggio nell' Emilia and Modena, both of which are to be found mentioned as schools of civil law before the close of the 12th century. The latter, throughout the 13th century, appears to have been resorted to Reggio by teachers of sufficient eminence to form a flourish- and ing school, composed of students not only from the Modena. city itself, but also from a considerable distance. Both of them would seem to have been formed independently of Bologna, but the university of Vicenza was probably Vicenza. the outcome of a migration of the students from the former city, which took place in the year 1204. During the next fifty years Vicenza attained to considerable prosperity, and appears to have been recognized by Innocent III.; its students were divided into four nations, each with its own rector; and in 1264 it included in its professoriate teachers, not only of the civil law, but also of medicine, grammar and dialectic. The university of Padua was unquestion- padae. ably the direct result of the migration in 1222 of a considerable number of' students from Bologna. Some writers, indeed, have inferred that the " studium " in the latter city was transferred in its entirety, but the continued residence of a certain proportion in Bologna is proved by the fact that two years later we find them appealing to Honorius III. in a dispute with the civic authorities. In the year 1228 the students of Padua were compelled by circumstances to transfer their residence to Vercelli, and the latter city guaranteed them, besides other privileges, the right to rent no less than five hundred lodging-houses at a fixed rental for a period of eight years. At first Padua was a school only of the civil and canon law; and during the oppressive tyranny of Ezzelin (1237–60) the university maintained its existence with some difficulty. But in the latter part of the century it incorporated the faculties of grammar, rhetoric and medicine, and became known as one of the most flourishing schools of Italy, and a great centre of the Dominicans, at that time among the most active promoters of learning. The university of Naples was founded by the emperor Frederick II. in the year 1225, as a school of theology, jurisprudence, the arts and medicine—his design being Naples. that his subjects in the kingdom of Naples should find in the capital adequate instruction in every branch of learning, and " not be compelled in the pursuit of knowledge to have recourse to foreign nations or to beg in other lands." In the year 1231, however, he decreed that the faculty of medicine should cease to exist, and that the study should be pursued nowhere in the kingdom but at Salerno. The university never attained to much eminence, and after the death of Frederick came for a time altogether to an end, but was restored The Sorbonne. in 1258 by King Manfred. In 1266 its faculty of medicine was reconstituted, and from 1272–74 Thomas Aquinas was one of its teachers of theology. The commencement of the uni- versity of Vercelli belongs to about the year 1228; it pro- bably included, like Naples, all the faculties, but Vercelli. would seem to have been regarded with little favour by the Roman See, and by the year 1372 had ceased to exist, although mention of colleges of law and medicine is to be found after that date. The two universities of Piacenza and Pavia stand in close connexion with each other. The Piacenza. former is noted by Denifle as the earliest in Italy which_ was founded by virtue of a papal charter (6th February 1248), although the scheme remained for a long time inoperative. At length, in the year 1398, the university was reconstituted by Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, duke of Milan, who in the same year caused the university of Pavia to be transferred thither. Piacenza now became the scene of a sudden but short-lived academic prosperity. We are told of no less than twenty-seven professors of the civil law—among them the celebrated Baldus; of twenty-two professors of medicine; of professors of philosophy, astrology, grammar and rhetoric; and of lecturers on Seneca and Dante. The faculty of theology would appear, however, never to have been duly constituted, and but one lecturer in this faculty is mentioned. With the death of Galeazzo in 1402, this precarious activity came suddenly to an end; and in 1404 the university had ceased to exist. Its history is, indeed, unintelligible, unless taken in conjunction with that of Pavia. Even before Irnerius taught at Bologna, Pavia had been widely known as a seat of legal studies, Pavia. and more especially of the Lombard law, although the evidence is wanting which would serve to establish a direct connexion between this early school and the university which was founded there in 1361, by virtue of the charter granted by the emperor Charles IV. The new " studium " included faculties of jurisprudence, philosophy, medicine and the arts, and its students were formally taken under the imperial protection, and endowed with privileges identical with those which had been granted to Paris, Bologna, Oxford, Orleans and Montpellier; but its existence in Pavia was suddenly suspended by the removal, above noted, of its students to Piacenza. It shared again in the decline which overtook the university of Piacenza after the death of Giovanni Galeazzo, and during the period from 1404 to 1412 it altogether ceased to exist. But in October 1412 the lectures were recommenced, and the university entered upon the most brilliant period of its existence. Its professors throughout the 15th century were men of distinguished ability, attracted by munificent salaries such as but few other universities could offer, while in the number of students who resorted thither from other countries, and more especially for the study of the civil law, Pavia had no rival in Italy but Padua. Arezzo appears to have been Areszo. known as a centre of the same study so early as 1215, and its earliest statutes are assigned to the year 1255. By that time it had become a school of arts and medicine also; but for a considerable period after it was almost entirely deserted, and is almost unmentioned until the year 1338, when it acquired new importance by the accession of several eminent jurists from Bologna. In May 1355 it received its charter as a studium generale from Charles IV. After the year 1373 the school gradually dwindled, although it did not become altogether extinct until about the year 1470. The university of Rome (which is to be carefully distinguished from the Rome. school attached to the Curia) owed its foundation (1303) to Boniface VIII., and was especially designed by that pontiff for the benefit of the poor foreign students sojourning in the capital. It originally included all the faculties; but in 1318 John XXII. decreed that it should possess the power of conferring degrees only in tl}e canon and civil law. The university maintained its existence throughout the period of the residence of the popes of Avignon, and under the patron-age of Leo X. could boast in 1514 of no less than eighty professors. This imposing array would seem, however, to be but afallacious test of the prosperity of the academic community, for it is stated that many of the professors, owing to the imperfect manner in which they were protected in their privileges, were in the receipt of such insufficient fees that they were compelled to combine other employments with that of lecturing in order to support themselves. An appeal addressed to Leo X. in the year 1513 represents the number of students as so small as to be sometimes exceeded by that of the lecturers (" ut quandoque plures sint qui legant quam qui audiant "). Scarcely any of the universities in Italy in the 14th century attracted a larger concourse than that of Perugia, Perugia. where the study chiefly cultivated was that of the civil law. The university received its charter as a studium generale from Clement V. in the year 1308, but had already in 1306 been formally recognized by the civic authorities, by whom it was commended to the special care and protection of the podesta. In common with the rest of the Italian universities, it suffered severely from the great plague of 1348–49 but in 1355 it received new privileges from the emperor, and in 1362 its first college, dedicated to Gregory the Great, was founded by the bishop of Perugia. The university of Treviso, which received its charter from Frederick Treviso. the Fair in 1318, was of little celebrity and but short duration. The circumstances of the rise of the university of Florence. Florence are unknown, but the earliest evidence of academic instruction belongs to the year 1320. The dispersion of the university of Bologna, in the March and April of the following year, afforded a favourable opportunity for the creation of a studium generale, but the necessary measures were taken somewhat tardily, and in the meantime the. greater number of the Bolognese students had betaken themselves to Siena, where for the space of three years twenty-two professors gathered round them a body of enthusiastic students. Eventually the majority returned to Bologna, and when in 1338 that city was placed under an interdict by Benedict XII. another exodus of students repaired to Pisa, which in 1343 received from Clement VI. its charter as a studium generate. Closed in 1406, Pisa, aided by the powerful intervention of Lorenzo de' Medici, reopened in 1473, to undergo, however, a long series of vicissitudes which at last found a termination in 1850, when its fortunes were placed on a more stable basis, and it gradually acquired the reputation of ranking among the foremost universities of a reunited Italy. The charter of foundation for Florence, on the other hand, was not granted until May 31, 1349, when Clement VI. decreed that there should be instituted a studium generale in theology, jurisprudence, medicine and every other recognized faculty of learning, the teachers to be professors who had obtained the degree of doctor or master either at Bologna or Paris, or " some other studium generate of celebrity." On the and of January 1364 the university also obtained the grant of imperial privileges from Charles IV. On 14th February 1388 it adopted a body of statutes which are still extant, and afford an interesting study in connexion with the university history of the period. The university now entered upon that brilliant period in its history which was destined to so summary an extinction. " It is almost touching," says Denifle, " to note how untiringly Florence exerted her-self at this period to attract as teachers to her schools the great masters of the sciences and learning." In the year 1472, however, it was decided that Florence was not a convenient seat for a university, and its students joined the throngs which repaired to the reopened halls of Pisa. A special interest attaches to the rise of the university of Siena, Siena. as that of one which had made good its position prior to becoming recognized either by emperor or pope. Its be-ginning dates from about the year 1241, but its charter was first granted by the emperor Charles IV., at the petition of the citizens, in the year 1357. It was founded as a studium generate in jurisprudence, the arts and medicine. The imperial charter was confirmed by Gregory XII. in 1408, and the various bulls relating to the university which he subsequently issued afford a good illustration of the conditions of academic life in these times. Residence on the part of the students appears to have been sometimes dispensed with. The bishop of Siena was nominated chancellor of the university, just as, says the bull, he had been appointed to that office by the imperial authority. The graduates were to be admitted to the same privileges as those of Bologna or Paris; and a faculty of theology was added to the curriculum of studies. The uni-Ferrara. versity of Ferrara owes its foundation to the house of Este—Alberto, marquess of Este, having obtained from Boniface IX. in 1391 a charter couched in terms precisely similar to those of the charter for Pisa. In the first half of the 15th century the university was adorned by the presence of several distinguished humanists, but its fortunes were singularly chequered, and it would appear for a certain period to have been altogether extinct. It was, however, restored, and be-came in the latter part of the century one of the most celebrated of the universities of Italy. In the year 1474 its circle of studies comprised all the existing faculties, and it numbered no less than fifty-one professors or lecturers. In later times Ferrara has been noted chiefly as a school of medicine. Of the universities modelled on that of Paris, Oxford would appear to have been the earliest, and the manner of its develop-Oxford. ment was probably similar. Certain schools, opened within the precincts of the dissolved nunnery of St Frideswyde and of Oseney abbey, are supposed to have been the nucleus round which the university grew up. In the year 1133 one Robert Pullen, a theologian of considerable eminence (but whether an Englishman or a Breton is uncertain), arrived from Paris and delivered lectures on the Bible. It has been maintained, on the authority of Gervase of Canterbury, that Vacarius, a native of Lombardy, who, in the latter half of the 12th century, incurred the displeasure of King Stephen by lecturing in England on the civil law, delivered lectures at Oxford. H. S. Denifle, however (Die Enlstehung der Universitdten, p. 241), maintains that the naming of Oxford is a gratuitous assumption on the part of Gervase, and that we have, at best, only presumptive evidence of a studium generale there in the 12th century. Of this, Mr Rashdall inclines to find the beginning in a migration of English students from Paris about 1167 or 1168. In the first-mentioned year we are told by John of Salisbury that " France, the mildest and most civil of nations," has " expelled her foreign scholars " (Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, ed. Robertson, vi. pp. 235-36). At about the same time we hear of an edict of Henry II., during the quarrel with Becket, recalling all clerks holding benefices in England (as they loved their benefices), and forbidding all clerks in England to cross the Channel (ibid. i. pp. 53-54). The arch-bishop himself remarks that " The king wills that all scholars shall be compelled to return to their country or be deprived of their benefices " (ibid. vii. p. 146). Paris was at this time the great place of higher education for English students. No English school was a recognized studium generale. Immediately after 1168 allusions to Oxford as a studium and a studium generale begin to multiply. The natural inference is that the breaking off of relations between England and Paris in 1167 or 1168 led to the growth of a studium generale in Oxford, formed no doubt in the first instance of seceders from Paris. In the 13th century mention first occurs of university " chests," especially the Frideswyde chest, which were benefactions de-signed as funds for the assistance of poor students. Halls, or places of licensed residence for students, also began to be established. In the year 12J7, when the bishop of Lincoln, as diocesan, had trenched too closely on the liberties of the community, the deputies from Oxford, when preferring their appeal to the king at St Albans, could venture to speak of the university as " schola secunda ecclesiae," or second only to Paris. Its numbers about this time were probably some three thousand; but it was essentially a fluctuating body, and when-ever plague or tumult led to a temporary dispersion a serious diminution in its numerical strength generally ensued for some time after. Against such vicissitudes the foundation of colleges proved the most effectual remedy. Of these the threeearliest were University College, founded in 1249 by William of Durham; Balliol College, founded about 1263 by John Balliol, the father of the king of Scotland of the same name; and Merton College, founded in 1264. The last-named is especially notable as associated with a new conception of university education, namely, that of collegiate discipline for the secular clergy, instead of for any one of the religious orders, for whose sole benefit all similar foundations had hitherto been designed. The statutes given to the society by Walter de Merton are not less noteworthy, as characterized not only by breadth of conception, but also by a careful and discriminating attention to detail, which led to their adoption as the model for later colleges, not only at Oxford but at Cambridge. Of the service rendered by these foundations to the university at large we have significant proof in the fact that, although representing only a small numerical minority in the academic community at large, their members soon obtained a considerable preponderance in the administration of affairs. The university of Cambridge, although it rose into existence somewhat later than Oxford, may reasonably be held to have had its origin in the same century. There was probably a certain amount of educational work carried on by the canons of the church of St Giles, which gradually developed into the instruction belonging to a regular studium. In the year 1112 the canons crossed the river and took up their residence in the new priory in Barnwell, and their work of instruction acquired additional importance. In 1209 a body of students migrated thither from Oxford. Then, as early as the year 1224, the Franciscans established them-selves in the town, and, somewhat less than half a century later, were followed by the Dominicans. At both the English universities, as at Paris, the Mendicants and other religious orders were admitted to degrees, a privilege which, until the year 1337, was extended to them at no other university. Their interest in and influence at these three centres was consequently proportionably great. In the years 1231 and 1233 certain royal and papal letters afford satisfactory proof that by that time the university of Cambridge was already an organized body with a chancellor at its head—a dignitary appointed by the bishop of Ely for the express purpose of granting degrees and governing the studium. In 1229 and 1231 the numbers were largely augmented by migrations from Paris and from Oxford. Cambridge, however, in its turn suffered from emigration; while in the year 1261, and again in 1381, the records of the university were wantonly burnt by the townsmen. Throughout the 13th century, indeed, the university was still only a very slightly and imperfectly organized community. Its endowments were of the most slender kind; it had no systematic code for the government of its members; the supervision of the students was very imperfectly provided for. Although both' Oxford and Cambridge were modelled on Paris, their higher faculties never developed the same distinct organization; and while the two proctors at Cambridge originally represented " north " and " south," the " nations " are scarcely to be discerned. An important step in the direction of discipline was, however, made in the year 1276, when an ordinance was passed requiring that every one who claimed to be recognized as a scholar should have a fixed master within fifteen days after his entry into the university. The traditional constitution of the English universities was in its origin an imitation of the Parisian chancellor, modified by the absence of the cathedral chancellor. As Oxford was not in the 12th century a bishop's see, the bishop (in 1214, if not earlier) appointed a chancellor for the express purpose of granting degrees and governing the studium. But he was from the first elected by the masters, and early obtained recognition as the head of the university as well as the representative of the bishop. The procuratores (originally also rectores) remained representatives of the faculty of arts and (there being at Oxford no deans) of the whole university. But the feature which most served to give permanence and cohesion to the entire community was, as at Oxford, the institution of colleges. The earliest of these was Peterhouse, first founded as a separate Cam-bridge. institution by Hugh Balsham, bishop of Ely, in the year 1284, its earliest extant code being that given in 1344 by Simon de Montacute, which was little more than a transcript of that drawn up by Walter de Merton for his scholars at Oxford. In 1323 was founded Michaelhouse, and two years later, in 1326, Edward II. instituted his foundation of " king's scholars," afterwards forming the community of King's Hall. Both these societies in the 16th century were merged in Trinity College. To these succeeded Pembroke Hall (1347) and Gonville Hall (1348). All these colleges, although by no means conceived in a spirit of hostility to either the monastic or the mendicant orders, were expressly designed for the benefit of the secular clergy. The foundation of Trinity Hall (Aula)1 in 1350 by Bishop Bateman, on the other hand, as a school of civil and canon law, was probably designed to further ultramontane interests. That of Corpus Christi (1352), the outcome of the liberality of a gild of Cambridge townsmen, was conceived with the combined object of providing a house of education for the clergy, and at the same time securing the regular performance of masses for the benefit of the souls of departed members of the gild. 'But both Trinity Hall and Corpus Christi College, as well as Clare Hall, founded in 1359, were to a great extent indebted for their origin to the ravages caused among the clergy by the great plague of 1349. In the latter half of the same century, the coming change of feeling is shown by the fact that the chancellor was under the necessity of issuing a decree (1374) in order to protect the house of the Carmelites from molestation on the part of the students. Returning to France, or rather to the territory included within the boundaries of modern France, we find Montpellier a recognized school of medical science as early as the 12th century. William VIII., lord of Montpellier, in the year 1181 proclaimed it a school of free resort, where any teacher of medical science, from whatever country, might give instruction. Before the end of the century it pos- sessed also a faculty of jurisprudence, a branch of learning for which it afterwards became famed. The university of medicine and that of law continued, however, to be totally distinct bodies with different constitutions. Petrarch was sent by his father to Montpellier to study the civil law. On 26th October 1289 Montpellier was raised by Nicholas IV. to the rank of a " studium generale," a mark of favour which, in a region where papal influence was so potent, resulted in a considerable accession of prosperity. The university also now included a faculty of arts; and there is satisfactory evidence of the existence of a faculty of theology before the close of the 14th century, although not formally recognized by the pope before the year 1421. In the course of the same century several colleges for poor students were also founded. The university of Toulouse is to be Toulouse. noted as the first founded in any country by virtue of a papal charter. It took its rise in the efforts of Rome for the suppression of the Albigensian heresy, and its foundation formed one of the articles of the conditions of peace imposed by Louis IX. on Count Raymond of Toulouse. In the year 1233 it first acquired its full privileges as a " studium generale " by virtue of a charter given by Gregory IX. This pontiff watched over the university with especial solicitude, and through his exertions it soon became noted as a centre of that Dominican teaching which involved the ,extermination of the Catharists. As a school of arts, jurisprudence and medicine, although faculties of each existed, it never attained to any reputation. The university of Orleans had a virtual existence orleaas. as a studium generale as early as the first half of the 13th century, but in the year 1305 Clement V. endowed it with new privileges, and gave its teachers permission to form themselves into a corporation. The schools of the city had an existence long prior—as early, it is said, as the 6th century—and subsequently supplied the nucleus for the foundation of a university at Blois; but of this university no records are extant .2 Aula denoting the building which the " college " of scholars was to inhabit; the society continued to retain this designation in order to distinguish it from Trinity College, founded in 1546. ' See Ch. Desmaze, L' Universitk de Paris (1200-1875).Orleans, in its organization, was modelled mainly on Paris, but its studies were complementary rather than in rivalry to the older university. The absorbing character of the study of the civil law, and the mercenary spirit in which it was pursued, had led the authorities at Paris to refuse to recognize it as a faculty. The study found a home at Orleans, where it was cultivated with an energy which attracted numerous students. In January 1235 we find the bishop of Orleans soliciting the advice of Gregory IX. as to the expediency of countenancing a study which was prohibited in Paris. Gregory decided that the lectures might be continued; but he ordered that no beneficed ecclesiastic should be allowed to devote himself to so eminently secular a branch of learning., Orleans subsequently incorporated a faculty of arts, but its reputation from this period was always that of a school of legal studies, and in the 14th century its reputation in this respect was surpassed by no other university in Europe. Prior to the x3th century it had been famed for its classical learning; and Angers, which received its charter at the same time, also once enjoyed a• like reputation, which, in a similar manner, it exchanged Angers. for that of a school for civilians and canonists. The roll of the university forwarded in 1378 to Clement VII. contains the names of 8 professors utriusque juris, 2 of civil and 2 of canon law, 72 licentiates, 284 bachelors of both the legal, faculties, and 190 scholars. The university of Avignon was first recognized as a " studium generale " by Boniface VIII. Avignon. in the year 1303, with power to grant degrees in jurisprudence, arts and medicine. Its numbers declined somewhat during the residence of the popes, owing to the counter-attractions of the "studium " attached to the Curia; but after the return of the papal court to Rome it became one of the most frequented universities in France, and possessed at one time no less than seven colleges. The university of Cahors enjoyed the advantage of being regarded with especial favour by catrors. John XXII. In June 1332 he conferred upon it privileges identical with those already granted to the university of Toulouse. In the following October, again following the precedent established at Toulouse, he appointed the scholasticus of the cathedral chancellor of the university. In November of the same year a bull, couched in terms almost identical with those of the Magna Charta of Paris, assimilated the constitution of Cahors to that of the oldest university. The two schools in France which, down to the close of the 14th century, most closely resembled Paris were Orleans and Cahors. The civil immunities and privileges of the latter university were not, however, acquired until the year 1367, when Edward III. of England, in his capacity as duke of Aquitaine, not only exempted the scholars from the payment of all taxes and imposts, but bestowed upon them the peculiar privilege known as privilegi m fore. Cahors also received a licence for faculties of theology and medicine, but, like Orleans, it was chiefly known as a school of jurisprudence. It was as a " studium generale " in the same three faculties that Grenoble, in the year 1339, Grenoble. received its charter from Benedict XII. The university never attained to much importance, and its annals are for the most part involved in obscurity. At the commencement of the 16th century it had ceased altogether to exist, was reorganized by Francis of Bourbon in 1542, and in 1565 was united to the university of Valence. The university of Perpignan, perP18-founded, according to Denifle, in 1379 by Clement VII. nan, (although tradition had previously ascribed its origin Orange. to Pedro IV. of Aragon), and that of Orange, founded in 1365 by, Charles IV., were universities only by name and constitution, their names rarely appearing in contemporary chronicles, while their very existence becomes at times a matter for reasonable doubt. To some of the earlier Spanish universities—such as Palencia, founded about the year 1214 by Alphonso VIII.; Huesca, founded in 1354 by Pedro IV.; and Lerida, founded palenda, in 1300 by James II.—the same description is applic- Huesca, able; and their insignificance is probably indicated by Lerida. the fact that they entirely failed to attract foreign students. Mont-pellet. Valladolid, which received its charter from Pope Clement VI. in 1346, attained, however, to great celebrity; and the foreign teachers and students frequenting the university became so numerous that in 1373 King Enriquez II. caused an enactment to be passed for securing to them the same privileges as those already accorded to the native element. But the total number of the students in 1403 was only 116, and grammar and logic, along with jurisprudence (which was the principal study), constituted the sole curriculum. In 1418, however, at the council of Constance, Martin V. not only decreed that Valladolid should take rank as a stadium generale, but also as a " universitas theologiae," and that the new faculty should possess the same privileges as those of the same faculty in Paris. From this time accordingly the advance of the university in numbers was steady and continuous throughout the 15th century, and, along with Salamanca, it served as the model alcaa for Alcala in 1499. The university which rose on the banks of the Henares andbecame famous under the direction of the eminent Ximenes, was removed in 1623 to Madrid; and for the next century and a half the foremost place among the universities of Spain must be assigned to Salamanca, to which Seville, in the south, stood in the relation of a kind of subsidiary school, having been founded in 1254 by Alphonso the Wise, Seville simply for the study of Latin and of the Semitic and sea- languages, especially Arabic. Salamanca had been manca. founded in 1243 by Ferdinand III. of Castile as a studium generale in the three faculties of jurisprudence, the arts and medicine. The king also extended his special protection to the students, granting them numerous privileges and immunities. Under his son Alphonso (above named) the university acquired a further development, and eventually included all the faculties save that of theology. But the main stress of its activity, as was the case with all the earlier Spanish universities until the beginning of the 15th century, was laid on the civil and the canon law. The provision for the payment of its professors was, however, at first so inadequate and precarious that in 1298 they by common consent suspended their lectures, in consequence of their scanty remuneration. A permanent remedy for this difficulty was thereupon provided, by the appropriation of a certain portion of the ecclesiastical revenues of the diocese for the purpose of augmenting the professors' salaries, and the efforts of Martin V. established a school of theology which was afterwards regarded almost as an oracle by Catholic' Europe. About the year 160o the students are shown by the matriculation books to have numbered over 5000. According to Cervantes they were noted for their lawlessness. The earliest of the numerous colleges founded at Salamanca was that of St Bartholomew, long noted for its ancient library and valuable collection of manuscripts, which now form part of the royal library in Madrid. The one university possessed by Portugal had its seat in medieval times alternately in Lisbon and in Coimbra, until, in the year 1537, it was permanently attached to the latter city. Its formal foundation took place in 1309, when it received from King Diniz a charter, the provisions of which were mainly taken from those of the charter given to Salamanca. In 1772 the university was entirely reconstituted. Of the universities included in the present Austrian empire, Prague, which existed as a " studium " in the 13th century, was Prague. the earliest. It was at first frequented mainly by students from Styria and Austria, countries at that time ruled by the emperor Charles IV., who was also' king of Bohemia, and at whose request Pope Clement VI., on the 26th of January 1347, promulgated a bull authorizing the foundation of a " studium generale " in all the faculties. In the following year Charles himself issued a charter for the foundation. This document, which, if original in character, would have been of much interest, has but few distinctive features of its own, its provisions being throughout adapted from those contained in the charters given by Frederick II. for the university of Naples and by Conrad for Salerno—almost the only important feature of difference being that Charles bestows on the students of Prague all the civilprivileges and immunities which were enjoyed by the teachers of Paris and Bologna. Charles had himself been a student in Paris, and the organization of his new foundation was modelled on that university, a like division into four " nations " (although with different names) constituting one of the most marked features of imitation. The numerous students—and none of the medieval universities attracted in their earlier history a larger concourse—were drawn frdm a gradually widening area, which at length included, not only all parts of Germany, but also England, France, Lombardy, Hungary and Poland. Contemporary writers, with the exaggeration characteristic of medieval credulity, even speak of thirty thousand students as present in the university at one time—a statement for which Denifle pro-poses to substitute two thousand as a more probable estimate. It is certain, however, that Prague, prior to the foundation of Leipzig, was one of the most frequented centres of learning in Europe, and Paris suffered a considerable diminution in her numbers owing to the counter-attractions of the great studium of Slavonia. The university of Cracow in Poland was founded in May 1364, by virtue of a charter given by King Casimir the Great, who bestowed on it the same privileges as those possessed by the universities of Bologna and Padua. In the Cracow. following September Urban V., in consideration of the remoteness of the city from other centres of education, constituted it a " studium generale " in all the faculties save that of theology. It is, however, doubtful whether these designs were carried into actual realization, for it is certain that, for a long time after the death of Casimir, there was no university whatever. Its real commencement must accordingly be considered to belong to the year 1400, when it was reconstituted, and the papal sanction was given for the incorporation of a faculty of theology. From this time its growth and prosperity were continuous; and with the year 1416 it had so far acquired a European reputation as to venture upon forwarding an expression of its views in connexion with the deliberations of the council of Constance. Towards the close of the 15th century the university is said to have been in high repute as a school of both astronomical and humanistic studies. The Avignonese popes appear to have regarded the establishment of new faculties of theology with especial jealousy; and when, in 1364, Duke Rudolph IV. founded the university of Vienna, with the design of constituting it a " studium Vienna, generale " in all the faculties, Urban V. refused his asssent to the foundation of a theological school. Owing to the sudden death of Duke Rudolph, the university languished for the next twenty years, but after the accession of Duke Albert III., who may be regarded as its real founder, it acquired additional privileges, and its prosperity became marked and continuous. Like Prague, Vienna was for a long time distinguished by the comparatively little attention bestowed by its teachers on the study of the civil law. No country in the 14th century was looked upon with greater disfavour at Rome than Hungary. It was stigmatized as the land of heresy and schism. When, accordingly, in 1367 King Louis applied to Urban V. for his sanction of the scheme of founding a university at Fiinfkirchen, Urban would not Fiint- consent to the foundation of a faculty of theology, kirchen. although theological learning was in special need of encouragement in those regions; the pontiff even made it a condition of his sanction for a studium generale that King Louis should first undertake to provide for the payment of the professors. We hear but little concerning the university after its foundation, and it is doubtful whether it survived for any length of time the close of the century. " The extreme east of civilized continental Europe in medieval times," observes Denifle, " can be compared, so far as university education is concerned, only with the extreme west and the extreme south. In Hungary, as in Portugal and in Naples, there was constant fluctuation, but the west and the south, although troubled by yet greater commotions than Hungary, bore better fruit. Among all the countries possessed of universities in medieval Valladolid. Coimbra. times, Hungary occupies the lowest place—a state of affairs of which, however, the proximity of the Turk must be looked upon as a main cause." . The university of Heidelberg (the oldest of those of the German realm) received its charter (October 23, 1385) from Heide!. Urban VI. as a "studium generale " in all the re- berg cognized faculties save that of the civil law—the form and substance of the document being almost identical with those of the charter granted to Vienna. It was granted at the request of the elector palatine, Rupert I., who conferred on the teachers and students, at the same time, the same civil privileges as those which belonged to the university of Paris. In this case the functionary invested with the power of bestowing degrees was non-resident, the licences being conferred by the provost of the cathedral at Worms. But the real founder, as he was also the organizer and teacher, of the university was Marsilius of Inghen, to whose ability and energy Heidelberg was indebted for no little of its early reputation and success. The omission of the civil law from the studies licensed in the original charter would seem to show that the pontiff's compliance with the elector's request was merely formal, and Heidelberg, like Cologne, included the civil law among its faculties almost from its first creation. No medieval university achieved a more rapid and permanent success. Regarded with favour alike by the civil and ecclesiastical potentates, its early annals were singularly free from crises like those which characterize the history of many of the medieval universities. The number of those admitted to degrees from the commencement of the first session (19th October 1386 to 16th December 1387) amounted to 5791 Owing to the labours of the Dominicans, Cologne had gained a reputation as a seat of learning long before the founding of Cologne. its university; and it was through the advocacy of some leading members of the Mendicant orders that, at the desire of the city council, its charter as a " studium generale " (21st May 1388) was obtained from Urban VI. It was organized on the model of the university of Paris, as a school of theology and canon law, and " any other recognized faculty "—the civil law being incorporated as a faculty soon after the promulgation of the charter. In common with the other early ' universities of Germany—Prague, Vienna and Heidelberg—Cologne owed nothing to imperial patronage, while it would appear to have been, from the first, the object of special favour with Rome. This circumstance °serves to account for its distinctly ultramontane sympathies in medieval times and even far into the 16th century. In a report transmitted to Gregory XIIL in 1577, the university expressly derives both its first origin and its privileges from the Holy See, and professes to owe no allegiance save to the Roman pontiff. erfure. Erfurt, no less noted as a centre of Franciscan than was Cologne of Dominican influence, received its charter (16th September 1379) from the anti-pope Clement VII. as a " studium generale " in all the faculties. Ten years later (4th May 1389) it was founded afresh by Urban VI., without any recognition of the act of his pretended predecessor. In the 15th century the number of its students was larger than that at any other German university—a fact attributable partly to the reputation it had acquired as a school of jurisprudence, and partly to the ardour with which the nominalist and realist controversies of the time were debated in its midst; its readiness in according a hearing to novel theories causing it to be known as novorum omnium portus. The collegiate system is to be noted as a feature common to all these early German universities; and, in nearly all, the professors were partly remunerated by the appropriation of certain prebends, appertaining to some neighbouring church, to their maintenance. During the first half of the 15th century the relations of the Roman pontiffs to the universities continued much the se me, although the independent attitude assumed by the deputies 1 The statistics of Hautz (Gesch. d. Univ. Heidelberg, L177—178) are corrected by Denifle (Die Entstehung der Universitdten, p. 385).of those bodies at the great councils of Constance and Basel, and especially by those from Paris, could not fail to give rise to apprehensions. The papal bulls for each new founda- Relations tion begin to indicate a certain jealousy with respect to of the the appropriation of prebends by the founders. Where popes to such appropriations are recognized, and more particu- the untlarly in France, a formal sanction of the transfer gener- ally finds a place in the bull authorizing the foundation; but sometimes the founder or founders are themselves enjoined to provide the endowments requisite for the establishment and support of the university. In this manner the control of ,the pontiff over each newly created seat of learning assumed a more real character, from the fact that his assent was accompanied by conditions which rendered it no longer a mere formality. The imperial intervention, on the other hand, was rarely invoked in Germany—Greifswald, Freiburg and Tubingen being the only instances in which the emperor's confirmation of the foundation was solicited? The inadequacy of the traditional studies to meet the growing wants of civilization, and the consequent lack of sympathy on the part of each civic population in which a new studium was founded, now become frequently apparent. Of such conditions the fortunes of the studium at Wurzburg in Bavaria—founded in 1402 by a bishop, with a charter WLr`-burg. bestowed by Boniface IX.—illustrate the dangers. The students belonged chiefly to the faculties of law and theology, and the frequency of their conflicts with the citizens made it necessary before ten years had elapsed to close the university, which was not reopened until 1582. Under the patronage of the prince Bishop Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn, however, it soon became largely frequented by Catholic students. At the present time, under the patronage of the house of Wittelsbach, it is widely famed as a school of medicine. In Turin the university founded in 1412 ,by the counts of Savoy had to be refounded in 1431. The efforts of Parma in the 14th century to raise itself by papal aid to the dignity of a university proved altogether abortive, and it was not until 1422 that, under the protection of the dukes of Milan, its object was attained. In Sicily, Catania, the earliest of its high schools, was created a university by Alphonso CR~°fa' of Aragon in 1445. Five years later Barcelona Barce- received from Pope Nicholas V. the same privileges as tons. Toulouse had obtained from Gregory IX. Among the Spanish universities, however, none has had a more chequered history, although now taking rank with foremost. In Hungary, Mathias Corvinus obtained from Paul II. in 1465 permission to found a general studium where he thought best within his realms—a latitude of choice conceded probably in consequence of the dangers which menaced the kingdom alike from Bohemia and from the Turks; while the Budapest. fact that the university at Ofen (Hungarian Buda) was not actually founded until some ten years later, may have been owing to the resolute stand made by the youthful monarch against the claims to nominate bishops put forward not only by Pope Paul but by his successor Sixtus IV. (1471-84). After a series of eventful experiences, the university of Budapest remains, at the present time, almost exclusively Magyar. It has a school of law at Pressburg, which is all that remains of the university there founded by Mathias Corvinus in 1465. In northern Germany and in the Netherlands, on the other hand, the growing wealth and prosperity of the different states especially favoured the formation of new centres of Foundalearning. In the flourishing duchy of Brabant the tion of university of Louvain (1426) was to a great extent Louvain. controlled by the municipality; and their patronage, although ultimately attended with detrimental results, long enabled Louvain to outbid all the other universities of Europe in the munificence with which she rewarded her professors. In the course of the next century the " Belgian Athens," as she is styled by Lipsius, ranked second only to Paris in numbers and reputation. In its numerous separate foundations and general 2 Meiners, Gesch. d. hohen Schulen, i. 370. organization—it possessed no less than twenty-eight colleges —it closely resembled the English universities; while its active press afforded facilities to the author and the controversialist of which both Cambridge and Oxford were at that time almost destitute. It embraced all the faculties, and no degrees in Europe stood so high as guarantees of general acquirements. Erasmus records it as a common saying, that " no one could graduate at Louvain without knowledge, manners and age." Sir William Hamilton speaks of the examination at Louvain for a degree in arts as " the best example upon record of the true mode of such examination, and, until recent times, in fact, the only example in the history of universities worthy of consideration at all." He has translated from Vernulaeus the order and method of this examination.' In 1788 the faculties of jurisprudence, medicine and philosophy were removed to Brussels, and in 1797 the French suspended the university altogether. In Germany the conditions under which the new centres were created reflect and illustrate the history of the country in a Leipzig. remarkable manner. Those connected with the rise of the university of Leipzig are especially noteworthy, it having been the result of the migration of almost the entire German element from the university of Prague. This element comprised (1) Bavarians, (2) Saxons, (3) Poles (this last-named division being drawn from a wide area, which included Meissen, Lusatia, Silesia and Prussia), and, being represented by three votes in the assemblies of the university, while the Bohemians possessed but one, had acquired a preponderance in the direction of affairs which the latter could no longer submit to. Religious differences, again, evoked mainly by the preaching of John Huss, further intensified the existing disagreements; and eventually, in the year 1409, King Wenceslaus, at the prayer of his Bohemian subjects, issued a decree which exactly reversed the previous' distribution of votes,—three votes being assigned to the Bohemian nation and only one to all the rest. The Germans took deep umbrage, and seceded to Leipzig, where, a bull having been obtained from Alexander V. (September 9, 1409), a new " studium generale " was founded by the landgrave of Thuringia and the margraves of Meissen. The members were divided into four nations—composed of natives of Meissen,Saxony,Bavaria and Poland. Two colleges were founded, a greater and a smaller, but designed, not for poor students, but for masters of arts—twelve being admitted on the former and eight on the latter foundation. At Rostock, in the north, the dukes John and Albert of Mecklenburg conceived the design of founding a university Rostock. from which the faculty of theology should be excluded. Pope Martin V., to whom they applied for his sanction, was scarcely in a position to refuse it, absorbed as he was with the pacification of Italy, the consolidation of his own temporal power, and the restoration of his almost ruinous capital. The university was accordingly founded as proposed in 1419; but in 1431 Eugenius IV. instituted a faculty of theology, and two colleges were founded with the same design and on the same scale as at Leipzig. Six years later the whole academic community having incurred the papal ban was fain to migrate to Greifswald, returning, however, to Rostock in 1443, but with one important exception, that of a master of arts named Henry Rubenow, who remained to become burgomaster of the former city, and succeeded in persuading Duke Wratislaw of Pommern to make it the seat of a university. Calixtus III. granted a bull in 1456, but it was stipulated that the rector should be a bishop, and the professorial chairs were also made partially dependent for endowment on canonries. Greifswald thus became exposed to the full brunt of the struggle which had ensued when the endeavour to nationalize the German church was terminated by the Concordat of Vienna (1448). Of its original statutes only those of the arts faculty are extant. The universities of Freiburg in Baden and Tubingen in Wurttemberg, on the other hand, reflect the sympathies of Freiburg. the Catholic party under the Austrian rule. They alike owed their foundation to the countess Matilda, by whose persuasion her husband, the archduke of Austria, ' Dissertations and Discussions, Append. iii. known as Albrecht VI., was induced to found Freiburg in 1455, and Count Eberhard (her son by a former marriage) to found Tubingen in 1477. The first session at Freiburg opened auspiciously in 1460 under the supervision of its rector, Matthew Hummel of Villingen, an accomplished and learned man, and its numbers were soon largely augmented by migrations of students from Vienna and from Heidelberg, while its resources, which originally were chiefly an annual grant from the city council, were increased by the bestowal of canonries and prebends in the neighbouring parishes. Erasmus had made Freiburg his residence from 1529 to 1535, during which time he may have originated a tradition of liberal learning, but in 1620, under the rule of the archduke Maximilian, the control of the Humanistic studies and of the entire faculty of philosophy was handed over to the Jesuits, who also gained possession of two of the chairs of theology. Although Strassburg since 1872 has been able to offer considerable counter-attractions, Freiburg has held her own, and numbers over 160o students. The university of Tubingen was founded in 1477 with four faculties —those of theology, law, medicine and the arts—and numbered scholars such as John Reuchlin and Melanchthon Tubingen. among its teachers; while in the last century it was famous both for its school of medicine and that of theology (see TUBINGEN). Its general condition in the year 1541-1542, and the sources whence its revenues were derived, have been illustrated by Hoffmann in a short paper which shows the fluctuating nature of the resources of a university in the 16th century—liable to be affected as they were both by the seasons and the markets.2 The earliest 15th-century university in France was that of Aix in Provence. It had originally been nothing more than a school of theology and law, but in 1409 it was re-organized under the direction of the local count as a re- Aix studium generale on the model of Paris. The sphere of its activity is indicated by the fact that the students were divided into Burgundians, Provencals and Catalans. The next foundation, that of Poitiers, had a wider signi- poHiers. ficance as illustrating the struggle that was going on between the French crown and the Roman see. It was instituted by Charles VII. in 1431, almost immediately after his accession, with the special design of creating a centre of learning less favourable to English interests than Paris had at that time shown herself to be. Eugenius IV. could not refuse his sanction to the scheme, but he endeavoured partially to defeat Charles's design by conferring on the new " studium generale simply the same privileges as those possessed by Toulouse, and thus placing it at a disadvantage in comparison with Paris. Charles rejoined by an extraordinary exercise of his own prerogative, conferring on Poitiers all the privileges collectively possessed by Paris, Toulouse, Montpellier, Angers and Orleans, and at the same time placing the university under special royal protection. The foundation of the university of Caen, in the diocese of Bayeux, was attended by conditions almost exactly the reverse of those which belonged to the foundation of that at Poitiers. It was founded under Caen. English auspices during the short period of the supremacy of the English arms in Normandy in the 15th century. Its charter (May 1437) was given by Eugenius IV., and the bishop of Bayeux was appointed its chancellor. The university of Paris had by this time completely forfeited the favour of Eugenius by its attitude at the council of Basel, and Eugenius inserted in the charter for Caen a clause of an entirely novel character, requiring all those admitted to degrees to take an oath of fidelity to the see of Rome, and to bind themselves to attempt nothing prejudicial to her interests. To this proviso the famous Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges was Charles's rejoinder in the following year. On the 18th of May 1442 we find King Henry VI. writing to Eugenius, and dwelling with satisfaction on the rapid progress of the new university, to which, he says, students had flocked from all quarters, and were still daily 2 Okonomischer Zustand der Universitat Tubingen gegen die Mille des r6ten Jahrhunderts (1845). Creiiswaid. arriving.' Ten years later, when the English had been expelled, its charter was given afresh by Charles in terms which left the original charter unrecognized; both teachers and learners were subject to the civil authorities of the city, and all privileges made previously conferred in cases of legal disputes were abolished. From this time the university of Caen was distinguished by its loyal spirit and firm resistance to ultramontane pretensions; and, although swept away at the French Revolution, it was afterwards restored, owing to the sense of the services it had Bordeaux, thus once rendered to the national cause.2 No especi-Valence, ally notable circumstances characterize the foundation Nantes. of the university of Bordeaux (1441) or that of Valence (1452), but that of Nantes, which received its charter from Pius II. in 1463, is distinguished by the fact that it did not receive the ratification of the king of France, and the conditions under which its earlier traditions were formed thus closely resemble those of Poitiers. It seems also to have been regarded with particular favour by Pius II., a pontiff who was at once a ripe scholar and a writer upon education. He gave to Nantes a notable body of privileges, which not only represent an embodiment of all the various privileges granted to universities prior to that date, but afterwards became, with their copious and somewhat tautological phraseology, the accepted model for the great majority of university charters, whether issued by the pope or by the emperor, or by the civil authority. The bishop of Nantes was appointed head of the university, and was charged with the special protection of its privileges Bourges, against all interference from whatever quarter .3 The bull for the foundation of the university of Bourges was given in 1465 by Paul II. at the request of Louis XI. and his brother. It confers on the community the same privileges as those enjoyed by the other universities of France. The royal sanction was given at the petition of the citizens; but, from reasons which do not appear, they deemed it necessary further to petition that their charter might also be registered and enrolled by the parlement of Paris. Founded about the same time, and probably in a spirit of direct rivalry to Freiburg, the university of Basel was opened Basel. in 146o under the auspices of its own citizens. The cathedral school in that ancient city, together with others attached to the monasteries, afforded a sufficient nucleus for a studium, and Pius II., who, as Aeneas Sylvius, had been a resident in the city, was easily prevailed upon to grant the charter (November 12, 1459). During the first seventy years of its existence the university prospered, and its chairs were held by eminent professors, among them historical scholars, such as Sebastian Brant and Jacob Wimpheling. But with the Reformation, Basel became the arena of contests which menaced the very existence of the university itself, the professors being, for the most part, opposed to the new movement with which the burghers warmly sympathized. Eventually, the statutes were revised, and in the latter half of the 16th century the university may be said to have attained its apogee. Before he had signed the bull for the foundation of the university of Basel, Pope Pius, at the request of Duke William of Bavaria, had issued another bull for the foundation of a university at Ingol- stadt (7th April 1459). But it was not until 1472 Ingot- stadt. that the work of teaching was actually commenced stadt there. Some long-existing prebends, founded by former dukes of Bavaria, were appropriated to the endowment, and the chairs in the different faculties were distributed as follows: theology 2, jurisprudence 3, medicine 1, arts 6 —arts in conjunction with theology thus obtaining the preponderance. As at Caen, twenty-two years before, an oath of fidelity to the Roman pontiff was imposed on every student admitted to a degree.' That this proviso was not subsequently 1 Bekynton's Correspondence, i. 123. ' De la Rue, Essais hist. sur la Dille de Caen, ii. 137-140. ' Meiners i. 368. Paulsen, in speaking of this proviso as one " die weder vorher noch nachher sonst vorkommt,' would consequently seem to be not quite accurate. See Die Grandung der deutschen Universitaten, p. 277.abolished, as at Caen, is a feature in the history of the university of Ingolstadt which was attended by important results. No-where did the Reformation meet with more stubborn resistance, and it was at Ingolstadt that the Counter-Reformation was commenced. In 1556 the Jesuits made their first settlement in the university. The next two universities took their rise in the archiepiscopal seats of Treves and Mainz. That at Treves received its charter as early as 1450; but the first academical session did not Treves. commence until 1473. Here the ecclesiastical influences appear to have been unfavourable to the project. The arch-bishop demanded 2000 florins as the price of his sanction. The cathedral chapter threw difficulties in the way of the appropriation of certain livings and canonries to the university endowment; and so obstinate was their resistance that in 1655 they succeeded in altogether rescinding the gift on payment of a very inadequate sum. It was not until 1722 that the assembly of deputies, by a formal grant, relieved the university from the difficulties in which it had become involved. The university of Mainz, on the other hand, was almost entirely indebted to the archbishop Diether for its foundation. It was at his petition that Sixtus IV. granted the charter, 23rd November 1476; and Diether, being himself an enthusiastic humanist, thereupon circulated a letter, couched in elegant Latinity, addressed to students throughout his diocese, inviting them to repair to the new centre, and dilating on the advantages of academic studies and of learning. The rise of these two universities, however, neither of which attained to much distinction, represents little more than the incorporation of certain already existing institutions into a homogeneous whole, the power of conferring degrees being superadded. Nearly contemporaneous with these foundations were those of Upsala (1477) and Copenhagen (1479), which, 'although lying without the political boundaries of Germany, Upsaia reflected her influence. The charter for Copenhagen and was given by Sixtus IV. as early as 1475. The copen- students attracted to this new centre were mainly hagen. from within the radius of the university of Cologne, and its statutes were little more than a transcript of those of the latter foundation. The electorates of Wittenberg and Brandenburg were now the only two considerable German territories which did not possess a "studium generale," and the university founded at Wittenberg by Maximilian I. (6th July 1502) is notable as the first established in Germany by virtue of an imperial as distinguished from a papal decree. Its charter is, however, drawn up with the traditional phraseology of the pontifical bulls, and is evidently not conceived in any spirit of antagonism to Rome. Wittenberg is constituted a " studium generale " in all the four faculties—the right to confer degrees in theology and canon law having been sanctioned by the papal legate some months before, on the 2nd of February 1502. The endowment of the university with church revenues duly received the papal sanction—a bull of Alexander VI. authorizing the appropriation of twelve canonries attached to the castle church, as well as of eleven prebends in outlying districts—ut sic per omnem modum unum corpus ex studio et collegio prcedictis fiat et constituatur. No university in Germany attracted to itself a larger share of the attention of Europe at its commencement. And it was its distinguishing merit that it was the first academic centre north of the Alps where the antiquated methods and barbarous Latinity of the scholastic era were overthrown. prank_ The last university founded in Germany prior to the sort-on-Reformation was that of Frankfort-on-the-Oder. The the-wen design, first conceived by the elector John of Brandenburg, was carried into execution by his son Joachim, at whose request Pope Julius II. issued 'a bull for the foundation, 15th March 1506. An imperial charter, identical in its contents with the papal bull, followed on the 26th of October. The university received an endowment of canonries and livings similar to that of Wittenberg, and some houses in the city were assigned for its use by the elector. Mainz. Witten-berg. The first university in Scotland was that of St Andrews, founded in 1411 by Henry Wardlaw, bishop of that see, and st modelled chiefly on the constitution of the university Andrews. of Paris. It acquired all its three colleges—St - Salvator's, St Leonard's and St Mary's—before the Reformation—the first having been founded in 1456 by Bishop James Kennedy; the second in 1512 by the youthful Arch-bishop Alexander Stuart (natural son of James IV.), and John Hepburn, the prior of the monastery of St Andrews; and the third, also in 1512, by the Beatons, who in the year 1537 procured a bull from Pope Paul III. dedicating the college to the Blessed Virgin Mary of the Assumption, and adding further endowments. The most ancient of the universities of Scotland, with its three colleges, was thus reared in an atmosphere of medieval theology, and undoubtedly designed as a bulwark against heresy and schism. But " by a strange irony of fate," it has been observed, " two of these colleges became, almost from the first, the foremost agents in working the overthrow of that church which they were founded to defend." St Leonard's more especially, like St John's or Queens' at Cam-bridge, became a noted centre of intellectual life and Reformation principles. That he " had drunk at St Leonard's well " became a current expression for implying that a theologian had imbibed the doctrines of Protestantism. The university of Glasgow. Glasgow was founded as a " studium generale " in 1453, and possessed two colleges. Prior to the Reformation it acquired but little celebrity; its discipline was lax, and the number of the students but small, while the instruction was not only inefficient but irregularly given; no funds were provided for the maintenance of regular lectures in the higher faculties; and there was no adequate executive power for the maintenance of discipline. The university of Aberdeen, which was founded in 1494, at first possessed only one college, Aberdeen. namely, King's, which was coextensive with the university and conferred degrees. Marischal College, founded in 1593 by George Keith, fifth Earl Marischal, was constituted by its founder independent of the university in Old Aberdeen, being itself also a college and a university, with the power of conferring degrees. Bishop Elphinstone, the founder both of the university and of King's College (1505), had been educated at Glasgow, and had subsequently both studied and taught at Paris and at Orleans. To the wider experience which he had thus gained we may probably attribute the fact that the constitution of the university of Aberdeen was free from the glaring defects which then characterized that of the university of Glasgow.' But in all the medieval universities of Germany, England and Scotland, modelled as they were on a common type, the absence of adequate discipline was, in a greater or less degree, a common defect. In connexion with this feature we may note the comparatively small percentage of matriculated students proceeding to the degree of B.A. and M.A. when compared with later times. Of this disparity the table on next Degrees column, exhibiting the relative numbers in the unitaken at versity of Leipzig for every ten years from the year Leipzig. 1427 to 1552, probably affords a fair average illustration—the remarkable fluctuations probably depending quite as much upon the comparative healthiness of the period (in respect of freedom from epidemic) and the abundance of the harvests as upon any other cause. The German universities in these times seem to have admitted for the most part their inferiority in learning to older and more favoured centres; and their consciousness of the fact is aspectof shown by the efforts which they made to attract in- aerman structors from Italy, and by the frequent resort of the medieval more ambitious students to schools like Paris, Bologna, waver- Padua and Pavia. That the took their rise in any they S spirit of systematic opposition to the Roman see (as Meiners and others have contended), or that their organization was something external to and independent of the church, is an assertion somewhat qualified by the foregoing evidence. Generally speaking, they were eminently conservative bodies, 1 Fasti 4herdonenses. Pref. p. xvi. 761 Matricu- Percentage of Years. lations. Years. B.A. M.A. B.A's. -, M.A's. 1427-1430 737 1429-1432 151 28 20.4 3.8 1437-1440 715 1439-1442 199 50 27.8 6.9 1447-1450 8o8 1449-1452 274 (50) 33.9 •• 1457-1460 1,447 1459-1462 559 81 38.6 5.6 1467-1470 1,137 1469-1472 410 61 36.o 5.4 1477-1480 1,163 1479-1482 458 49 39.4 4.2 1487-1490 1,858 1489-1492 714 62 38.4 3.4 1497-1500 1,288 1499-1502 497 59 38.5 4.6 1507—1510 1,948 1509—1512 510 65 26.1 3.4 1517—1520 1,445 1519-1522 247 35 17.0 2.4 1527-1530 419 1529-1532 77 33 18.4 7.9 1537-1540 686 1539-1542 122 27 17.8 3.9 1547-1550 1,318 1549-1552 200 72 15.2 5.5 14,969 4418 672 29.5 4.5 High reputation of Italian profes- sors. and the new learning of the humanists and the new methods of instruction that now began to demand attention were alike for a long period unable to gain admission within academic circles. Reformers such as Hegius, John Wessel and Rudolphus Agricola carried on their work at places like Deventer remote from university influences. That there was a considerable amount of mental activity going on in the universities themselves is not to be denied; but it was mostly of that unprofitable kind which, while giving rise to endless controversy, turned upon questions in connexion with which the implied postulates and the terminology employed rendered all scientific investigation hopeless. At almost every university—Leipzig, Greifswald and Prague (after 1409) being the principal exceptions—the so-called Realists and Nominalists represented two great parties occupied with an internecine struggle. At Paris, owing to the overwhelming strength of the theologians, the Nominalists were indeed under a kind of ban; but at Heidelberg they had altogether expelled their antagonists. It was much the same at Vienna and at Erfurt —the latter, from the ready reception which it gave to new speculation, being styled by its enemies " novorum omnium portus." At Basel, under the leadership of the eminent Johannes a Lapide, the Realists with difficulty maintained their ground. Freiburg, Tubingen and Ingolstadt, in the hope of diminishing controversy, arrived at a kind of compromise, each party having its own professor, and representing a distinct " nation." At Mainz the authorities adopted a manual of logic which was essentially an embodiment of Nominalistic principles. In Italy, almost without exception, it was decided that these controversies were endless and that their effects were pernicious. It was resolved, accordingly, to expel logic, and allow Abandon-its place to be filled by rhetoric. It was by virtue of meat of this decision, which was of a tacit rather than a formal logical character, that the expounders of the new learning in studies the 15th century—men like Emmanuel Chrysoloras, in Italy. Guarino, Leonardo Bruni, Bessarion, Argyropulos and Vallacarried into effect that important revolution in academic studies which constitutes a new era in university learning, and largely helped to pave the way for the Reformation? This discouragement of the controversial spirit, continued as it was in relation to theological questions after the Reformation, obtained for the Italian universities a fortunate immunity from dissensions like those which, as we shall shortly see, distracted the centres of learning in Germany. The professorial body also attained to an almost unrivalled reputation. It was exceptionally select, only those who were in receipt of salaries being permitted, as a rule, to lecture; it was also famed for its ability, the institution of con- current chairs proving an excellent stimulus. These chairs were of two kinds—" ordinary " and " extraordinary "—the former being the more liberally endowed and fewer in number. For each subject of importance there were thus always two and sometimes three rival chairs, and a powerful and continuous emulation was thus maintained among the teachers. " From 2 For an excellent account of this movement, see Georg Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums (2nd ed., 2 vols., 188o). the integrity of their patrons, and the lofty standard by which they were judged," says Sir W. Hamilton, " the call to a Paduan or Pisan chair was deemed the highest of all literary honours. The status of professor was in Italy elevated to a dignity which in other countries it has never reached; and not a few of the most illustrious teachers in the Italian seminaries were of the proudest nobility of the land. While the universities of other countries had fallen from Christian and cosmopolite to sectarian and local schools, it is the peculiar glory of the Italian that, under the enlightened liberality of their patrons, they still continued to assert their European universality. Creed and country were in them no bar—the latter not even a reason of preference. Foreigners of every nation are to be found among their professors; and the most learned man in Scotland, Thomas Dempster, sought in a Pisan chair that theatre for his abilities which he could not find at home." 1 To such catholicity of sentiment the Spanish universities during the same period offer a complete contrast, their history being so strongly modified by political and religious movements valenca. that some reference to these becomes indispensable. Valencia, founded in 1501 as a school not only of theology and of civil and canon law, but also of the arts and of medicine, and sanctioned at the petition of its council by Alexander Seville. VI. (see Denifle, i. 645-46), and Seville, sanctioned by Julius II. in 1505, appear both to have been regarded without mistrust at Rome. But although the latter pontiff had approved the foundation of the university of Santiago as early as 1504, the bull for its creation was not granted by Clement VII. until 1526. While, again, the design of establishing a university at Granada had been approved by' Charles V. in the same year, it was not until 1531 that Clement gave his consent, and even then the work of preparation was deferred for another six years. Little indeed is to be learnt respecting the new society until the foundation of the liberally endowed College de Sacro Monte by the archbishop of the province in 1605. These delays are partly to be accounted for by the well-known political jealousies that existed between the monarch and the pontiff; but it is also to be noted that at precisely the same period a movement of no slight importance, whereby it was sought to gain the recognition by the church of the writings and teaching of Erasmus, had been going on in the universities of Spain, and had ultimately died out. It died out at the uncreating voice of the Dominican Melchior Cano, who revived the ancient scholasticism and the teaching of Aquinas. Then followed the Jesuits, whom Cano himself had once denounced as " precursors of Antichrist," and under their direction the scholastic philosophy, together with a certain attention to Greek and Hebrew, became the dominant study. And when the council of Trent had done its work, and doctrinal controversy seemed to have been finally laid to rest, Gregory XIII. in 1574 authorized the Oviedo. foundation of the university of Oviedo; but this was not opened until 1608, and then only with a faculty of law. After this time the universities in Spain shared in the general decline of the country; and even after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1769 no marked improvement is discernible in their schools. On the contrary, the departure of a body of very able instructors, who, whatever objections might be taken to their doctrinal teaching, were mostly good scholars and men in close touch with the outer world, distinctly favoured that tendency to lifeless routine and unreasoning tradition which characterizes the Spanish universities until the second half of the 19th century. The comparative unimportance of the universities founded during the same period in Italy is partially explained by the Italian number of those which previously existed. In the univer- papal states Macerata and Camerino were founded shies' at a wide interval; the former, according to tradition, Macerata. by a bull of Nicholas IV. as early as the 13th century, cameriao. the latter not until the year 1727 by a bull of Benedict the last century, retaining only a faculty of law, but contributing 1 Hamilton, Discussions, 2nd ed. p. 373. to the maintenance of the medical faculty at Camerino, which was constituted one of the newly created " free universities " (along with Urbino, Ferrara and Perugia) in 1890, but continued to exist only with the aid of contributions levied on the local parishes. Urbino, originally Urbino. opened as a studium under papal patronage in 1671, was also constituted a free university, its chief study being that of law. At Modena there had long existed a faculty of the same study which enjoyed a high repute, but it was Modena. not until 1683 that it received its charter from Duke Francis II. of Este as the university of his capital. Like Camerino, Modena had to rely chiefly on funds collected in the commune, but was able nevertheless to acquire some reputation as a school of law and medicine, declining, when the Jesuits were installed by the Austrian authorities, to revive again in the general recovery which took place among the seats of learning after the unification of Italy. In Sicily, Palermo (1779) originated Skily. in an earlier institution composed mainly of subjects of Ferdinand IV., who had followed him on his ex- Palermo. pulsion from the throne of the Two Sicilies at Naples towards the end of the 18th century. It was closed in 18os, but re-opened in 185o to become a school of considerable importance in all the faculties with over l000 students. The two universities of Sardinia—Sassari (1634 )and Cagliari (1596)— Sasser! were founded under the Spanish rule, and both died out cagna,I when that rule was exchanged for that of Austria. Under the auspices of the house of Savoy they were re-established, but neither can be said to have since achieved any marked success. For the most part, however, the Reformation represents the great boundary line in the history of the medieval universities, and long after Luther and Calvin had passed away was still the main influence in the history of those new foundations which arose in Protestant countries. Even in Catholic countries its secondary effects were scarcely less perceptible, as they found expression in connexion with the Counter-Reformation. In Germany the Thirty Years' War was attended by con-sequences which were felt long after the 17th century. In France the Revolution of 1789 resulted in the actual uprooting of the university system. The influence of the Humanists, and the special character which it assumed as it made its way in Germany in connexion with the labours of scholars like Erasmus, John Reuchlin and Melanchthon, augured well for the future. It was free from the frivolities, the pedantry, the immoralities and the scepticism which characterized so large a proportion of the corresponding culture in Italy. It gave promise of resulting at once in a critical and enlightened study of the masterpieces of classical antiquity, and in a reverent and yet rational interpretation of the Scriptures and the Fathers. The fierce bigotry and the ceaseless controversies evoked by the promulgation of Lutheran or Calvinistic doctrine dispelled, however, this hopeful prospect, and converted what might otherwise have become the tranquil abodes of the Muses into gloomy fortresses of sectarianism. Of the manner in which it affected the highest culture, the observation of Henke in his Life of Calixius (i. 8), that for a century after the Reformation the history of Lutheran theology becomes almost identified with that of the German universities, may serve as an illustration. The first Protestant university was that of Marburg, founded by Philip the Magnanimous, landgrave of Hesse, 3oth May 1527. Expressly designed as a bulwark of Lutheranism, it Marburg was mainly built up out of the confiscation of the property of the religious orders in the Hessian capital. The house of the Dominicans, who had fled on the first rumour of spoliation, was converted into lecture-rooms for the faculty of jurisprudence. The church and convent of the order known as the " Kugelherrn " was appropriated to the theological faculty. The friary of the Barefooted Friars was shared between the faculties of medicine and philosophy. The university, which was the object of the landgrave's peculiar care, rapidly rose to celebrity; it was resorted to by students from remote Granada. Pernkious influences of sectarianism. countries, even from Greece, and its professors were of distinguished ability. How much, however, of this popularity depended on its theological associations is to be seen in the fact that after the year 1605, when, by the decree of Count Maurice, its formulary of faith was changed from Lutheran to Calvinistic, its numbers greatly declined. This dictation of the temporal power now becomes one of the most notable features in academic history in Protestant Germany. The universities, having repudiated the papal authority, while that of the episcopal order was at an end, now began to pay especial court to the temporal ruler, and sought in every way to con-ciliate his goodwill, representing with peculiar distinctness the theory—cujus regio, ejus religio. This tendency was further strengthened by the fact that their colleges, bursaries and other similar foundations were no longer derived from or supported by ecclesiastical institutions, but were mainly dependent on the civil power. The Lutheran university of Konigsberg was founded 17th August 1544 by Albert III., margrave of Brandenburg, and the first duke of Prussia, and his wife Dorothea, a Kdnlgs- Danish princess. In this instance, the religious berg character of the foundation not having been determined at the commencement, the papal and the imperial sanction were both applied for, although not accorded. King Sigismund of Poland, however, which kingdom exercised at that time a protectorate over the Prussian duchy, ultimately gave the necessary charter (29th September 1561), at the same time ordaining that all students who graduated as masters in the faculty of philosophy should rank as nobles of the Polish kingdom. When Prussia was raised to the rank of a kingdom (1701) the university was made a royal foundation, and the " collegium Fridericianum," which was then erected, received corresponding privileges. In 1862 the university buildings were rebuilt, and the number of the students soon after rose to nearly a thousand. The Lutheran university of Jena had its origin in a gymnasium founded by John Frederick the Magnanimous, elector of /ena. Saxony, during his imprisonment, for the express purpose of promoting Evangelical doctrines and repairing the loss of Wittenberg, where the Philippists had gained the ascendancy. Its charter, which the emperor Charles V. had refused to grant, and which was obtained with some difficulty from his brother, Ferdinand I., enabled the authorities to open the university on the 2nd of February 1558. Distinguished for its vehement assertion of Lutheran doctrine, its hostility to the teaching of Wittenberg was hardly less pronounced than that with which both centres regard Roman Catholicism. For a long time it was chiefly noted as a school of medicine, and in the 17th and 18th centuries was in bad repute for the lawlessness of its students, among whom duelling prevailed to a scandalous extent. The beauty of its situation and the eminence of its professoriate have, however, generally attracted a considerable proportion of students from other countries. Its numbers in 1906 were 1281. The Lutheran university of Helmstedt, founded by Duke Julius (of the house of Brunswick-Wolfenbifttel), and designated after him in its official records as " Academia Julia," received its charter, 8th May 1575, from the emperor Maximilian II. No university in the 16th century commenced under more favourable auspices. It was munificently endowed by the founder and by his son; and its " Convictorium," or college for poor students, expended in the course of thirty years no less than roo,000 thalers, an extra-ordinary expenditure for an institution of such a character in those days. Beautifully and conveniently situated in what had now become the well-peopled region between the Weser and the lower Elbe, and distinguished by its comparatively temperate maintenance of the Lutheran tenets, it attracted a considerable concourse of students, especially from the upper classes, not a few being of princely rank. Throughout its history, until suppressed in 1809, Helmstedt enjoyed the special and powerful patronage of the dukes of Saxony. The " Gymnasium Aegidianum " of Nuremberg, founded in 1526, and removed in 1575 to Altdorf, represents the origin of the university of Altdorf. A charter was granted A[tdort in 1578 by the emperor Rudolph II., and the university . was formally opened in 1580. It was at first, however, em-powered only to grant degrees in arts; but in 1623 the emperor Ferdinand II. added the permission to create doctors of law and medicine, and also to confer crowns on poets; and in 1697 its faculties were completed by the permission given by the emperor Leopold I. to create doctors of theology. Like Louvain, Altdorf was nominally ruled by the municipality, but in the latter university this power of control remained practically inoperative, and the consequent freedom enjoyed by the community from evils like those which brought about the decline of Louvain is thus described by Hamilton: " The decline of that great and wealthy seminary (Louvain) was mainly determined by its vicious patronage, both as vested in the university and in the town. Altdorf, on the other hand, was about the poorest university in Germany, and long one of the most eminent. Its whole endowment never rose above £Soo a year; and, till the period of its declension, the professors of Altdorf make at least as distinguished a figure in the history of philosophy as those of all the eight universities of the British empire together. On looking closely into its constitution the anomaly is at once solved. The patrician senate of Nuremberg were too intelligent and patriotic to attempt the exercise of such a function. The nomination of professors, though formally ratified by the senate, was virtually made by a board of four curators; and what is worthy of remark, as long as curatorial patronage was a singularity in Germany, Altdorf maintained its relative pre-eminence, losing it only when a similar mean was adopted in the more favoured universities of the empire."' The conversion of Marburg into a school of Calvinistic doctrine gave occasion to the foundation of the universities of Giessen and of Rinteln. Of these the former, Giessen. founded by the margrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, Louis V., as a kind of refuge for the Lutheran professors from Marburg, received its charter from the emperor Rudolph II. (19th May 1607). When, however, the margraves of Darmstadt acquired possession of Marburg in 1625, the university was transferred thither; in 165o it was moved back again to Giessen. The number of matriculated students, which at the beginning of last century was about 250, had risen before its close to over Soo. In common with the other universities, of Germany, but with a facility which obtained for it a specially unenviable reputation, Giessen was for a long time wont to confer the degree of doctor in absentia in the different faculties without requiring adequate credentials. This practice drew forth an emphatic protest from the eminent historian Mommsen, and was abandoned long before his death. The university Rinteln. of Rinteln was founded 17th July 1621 by the emperor Ferdinand II. Almost immediately after its foundation it became the prey of contending parties in the Thirty Years' War, and its early development was thus materially hindered. It never, however, attained to much distinction, and in 1819 it was suppressed. The university of Strassburg was founded in 1621 on the basis of an already existing academy, strass- to which the celebrated John Sturm stood, during the burg. latter part of his life, in the relation of " rector perpetuus " and of which we are told that in 1578 it included more than a thousand scholars, among whom were 200 of the nobility, 24 counts and barons and three princes. It also attracted students from all parts of Europe, and especially from Portugal, Poland, Denmark, France and England. The method of Sturm's teaching became the basis of that of the Jesuits, and through them of the public school instruction in England. In 1621 Ferdinand II. conferred on this academy full privileges as a university; in the language of the charter, " in omnibus facultatibus, doctores, licentiatos, magistros, et baccalaureos, atque insuper poetas laureatos creandi et promovendi."2 In 1681 1 Discussions, &c., 2nd ed., pp. 388-89. z Promulg. Acad. Privil., &c. (Strassburg, 1628). Helmstedt. 764 Strassburg became French, and remained so until 1872, when it was refounded by the Emperor William I., and before the close of the century numbered over rroo students. At the beginning of last century Russia possessed but three universities—that of Moscow (1755), founded by the Empress Elizabeth; of Wilna (1578), which was Polish and chiefly in the hands of the Jesuits; and of Dorpat [Yuriev] in Livonia, which was virtually German. Under the enlightened policy of Alexander I. was founded the university of Charkow (1804) for New Russia, Charkow. that of Kazan (1804) for the countries about the Volga, but designed also for the populations of Fin- Kasan. land and Siberia, and that of St Petersburg (1819). se Each of the foregoing six universities had a definite Peters- district assigned to it, from whence it was entitled to burg' recruit students, and, as a further incentive to the pursuit of academic studies, a ukaz promulgated in 1809 proclaimed that in all appointments to official posts throughout the empire the holders of a university degree would receive the first consideration in the competition for vacancies. In 1826 the uni- versity at Abo in Finland was removed to Helsingfors, forssing_ and still preserves the charter whereby, in its original home, it had been constituted a university by Queen Christina and her chancellor Oxenstiern in the year 1640. In 1832 the foundation of the St Wladimir University of Kiev Kiev. absorbed both that at Wilna and the lyceum of Kre- odessa. menetz. Odessa, founded in 1865, was designed to represent the university of New Russia. Although at St Petersburg considerable attention was regularly given to the teaching of languages, especially those of Armenia, Georgia, and Tatary, the general status of the Russian universities continued throughout the greater part of last century exceptionally low; and in 1884 they were all reconstituted by the promulgation of a "universal code "; with this the statutes of the universities at Dorpat (1632) and Warsaw (,886) are essentially in agreement. The former, originally founded at the suggestion of the governor-general, with the design of bringing " martial Livonia into the path of virtue and morality," was at first almost exclusively taught by German professors, of whom, however, very few had retained their chairs at the conclusion of last century. The study of the Slavonic languages, on the other hand, received a considerable stimulus; and when, by a decree in May 1887, the use of the Russian language was made obligatory in all places of instruction throughout the Baltic provinces, Russian began to displace German as the language of the lecture-room, the only faculties in which the use of German continued to be permissible being Tomsk those of theology and medicine. The university of Tomsk in western Siberia, founded in 1888, recruited its numbers chiefly from students in the same faculties. It was, however, without endowment, and depended chiefly on a grant from the state aided by private liberality. During the ensuing twenty years the general influence of Dorpat rapidly spread far beyond the Baltic provinces, while the number of students, which in 1879 was 1106, rose influence of Dorpat. to nearly 2000.1 In 1889, however, the appointment of the university officials was taken from the Senatus Academicus and entrusted to the state minister, a change which went far to deprive the university of its claim to be considered German. A like contest between contending nationalities met with a final solution at Prague, where a Czech university having been established on an independent basis, the German university began its separate career in the winter session of 1882-83. The German foundation retains certain revenues accruing from special endowments, but the state subvention is divided between the two. The repudiation on the part of the Protestant universities of both papal and episcopal authority evoked a counter-demonstration among those centres which still adhered to Catholicism, while their theological intolerance gave rise to a great reaction, under the influence of which the medieval Catholic univer- 1 See Die deutsche Universit¢t Dor pat im Lichte der Geschichte, 1882.sities were reinvigorated and reorganized (although strictly on the traditional lines), while new and important centres were created. It was on the tide of this reaction, aided by their own skilful teaching and practical sagacity, that the Jesuits were borne to that commanding position which made them for a time the arbiters of education in Europe. The earliest university whose charter represented this reaction was that of Bamberg: Bamberg, founded by the prince-bishop Melchior Otto, after whom it was named " Academia Ottoniana." It was opened 1st September 1648, and received both from the emperor Frederick III. and Pope Innocent X. all the civil and ecclesiastical privileges of a medieval foundation. At first, however, it comprised only the faculties of arts and of theology; to these was added in 1729 that of jurisprudence, and in 1764 that of medicine. In this latter faculty Dr Ignatius Dollinger (the father of the historian) was for a long time a distinguished professor. The university library is of especial interest, as including that of an earlier Jesuit foundation and also valuable collections by private donors. Its collection of manuscripts in like manner includes those contained in some thirty suppressed monasteries, convents, and religious institutions at the time of the " secularization." The university of Innsbruck was founded in 1672 by the emperor Leopold I., from whom it received its name of " Academia Leopoldina." In the following century, under the patronage of the empress Maria Theresa, it made considerable progress, and received from her its ancient library and bookshelves in 1745. In 1782 the Innsbruck. university underwent a somewhat singular change, being reduced by the emperor Joseph II. from the status of a university to that of a lyceum, although retaining in the theological faculty the right of conferring degrees. In 1791 it was restored to its privileges by the emperor Leopold II., and since that time the faculties of philosophy, law and medicine have been represented in nearly equal proportions. The foundation of the university of Breslau was contemplated as early as the Breslau. year 1505, when Ladislaus, king of Hungary, gave his sanction to the project; but Pope Julius II., in the assumed interests of Cracow, withheld his assent. Nearly two centuries later, in 1702, under singularly altered conditions, the Jesuits prevailed upon the emperor Leopold I. to found a university without soliciting the papal The sanction. When Frederick the Great conquered Jesuits in Silesia in 1741, he took both the university and the the uni-Jesuits in Breslau under his protection, and when in versify. 1774 the order was suppressed by Clement XIV. he established 'them as priests in the Royal Scholastic Institute, at the same time giving new statutes to the university. In 1811- the university was considerably augmented by the incorporation of that at Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and was ultimately reconstituted on lines similar to those of the newly founded university of Berlin. In no country was the influence of the Jesuits on the universities more marked than in France. The civil wars in that country during the thirty years which preceded the close of the 16th century told with disastrous effects upon the condition of the university of Paris, and with the commencement of the ,7th century its collegiate life seemed at an end, and its forty colleges stood absolutely deserted. To this state of affairs the obstinate conservatism of the academic authorities not a little contributed. The statutes by which the university was still governed were those which had been given by the cardinal D'Estouteville, the papal legate, in 1452, and remained entirely unmodified by the influences of the Renaissance. In 1579 the edict of Blois promulgated a scheme of organization for all the universities of the realm (at that time twenty-one in number)—a measure which, though productive of unity of teaching, did nothing towards the advancement of the studies themselves. The theological instruction became largely absorbed by the episcopal colleges, and acquired, in the schools of the different orders, a narrower and more dogmatic character. The eminent lawyers of France, unable to find chairs in Paris, distributed themselves among the chief towns Moscow. {Vilna. Dorpat. Prague. Condition of the Univershy of Paris. of the provinces. The Jesuits did not fail to profit by this immobility and excessive conservatism on the part of the university, and during the second half of the 16th century and the whole of the 17th they had contrived to gain almost a complete monopoly of both the higher and the lower education of provincial France. Their schools rose at Toulouse and Bordeaux, at Auch, Agen, Rhodez, Perigueux, Limoges, Le Puy, Aubenas, colleges Beziers, Tournon, in the colleges of Flanders and Lorof the raine, Douai and Pont-a-Mousson—places beyond Jesuits in the jurisdiction of the parlement of Paris or even France. of the crown of France. Their banishment from Paris itself had been by the decree of the parlement alone, and had never been confirmed by the crown. " Lyons," says Pattison, " loudly demanded a Jesuit college, and even the Huguenot Lesdiguieres, almost king in Dauphine, was preparing to erect one at Grenoble. Amiens, Rheims, Rouen, Dijon, and Bourges were only waiting a favourable opportunity to introduce the Jesuits within their walls." 1 The university was rescued from the fate which seemed to threaten it only by the excellent statutes given by Richer in 1598, and by the discerning protection extended to it by Henry IV., while its higher culture was in some measure provided for by the establishment by Richelieu in 1635 of the Academie francaise. The " college of Edinburgh " was founded by charter of James VI., dated 14th April 1582. This document contains Edia- no reference to a studium generale, nor is there ground burgh, for supposing that the foundation of a university was at that time contemplated. In marked contrast to the three older centres in Scotland, the college rose comparatively untrammelled by the traditions of medievalism, and its creation was not effected without some jealousy and opposition on the part of its predecessors. Its first course of instruction was commenced in the Kirk of Field, under the direction of Robert Rollock, who had been educated at St Andrews under Andrew Melville, the eminent Covenanter. " He began to teach," says Craufurd, " in the lower hall of the great lodging, there being a great concourse of students allured with the great worth of the man; but diverse of them being not ripe enough in the Latin tongue, were in November next put under the charge of Mr Duncan Name, . . . who, upon Mr Rollock's recommendation, was chosen second master of the college."' In 1585 both Rollock and Nairne subscribed the National Covenant, and a like subscription was from that time required from all who were admitted to degrees in the college. Disastrous as were the effects of the Thirty Years' War upon the external condition of the German universities, resulting Results in not a few instances in the total dispersion of the of the students and the burning of the buildings and libraries, Thirty they were less detrimental and less permanent than Years' those which were discernible in the tone and temper of war. these communities. A formal pedan try and unintelligent method of study, combined with a passionate dogmatism in matters of religious belief and a rude contempt for the amenities of social intercourse, became the leading characteristics, and Bane, lasted throughout the 17th century. But in the year 1693 the foundation of the university of Halle opened up a career to two very eminent men, whose influence, widely different as was its character, may be compared for its effects with that of Luther and Melanchthon, and served to modify the whole current of German philosophy and German theology. Halle has indeed been described as " the first real modern university." It was really indebted for its origin to a spirit of rivalry between the conservatism of Saxony and the progressive tendencies of the house of Brandenburg, but the occasion of its rise was the removal of the ducal court from Halle to Magdeburg. The archbishopric of the latter city having passed into the possession of Brandenburg in 168o was changed into a dukedom, and the city itself was selected as the ducal residence. This change left unoccupied some commodious buildings in Halle, which it was decided to utilize for purposes of education. 1 Life of Casaubon, p. 181. 2 Craufurd, Hist. of the Univ. of Edinburgh, pp. 19-28.A " Ritterschule " for the sons of the nobility was opened, and in the course of a few years it was decided to found a university. Saxony endeavoured to thwart the scheme, urging the proximity of Leipzig; but her opposition was overruled by the emperor Leopold I., who granted (19th October 1693) the requisite charter, and in the following year the work of the university commenced. Frankfort-on-the-Oder had by this time become a centre of the Reformed party, and the primary object in founding a university in Halle was to create a centre for the Lutheran party; but its character, under the influence of its two most notable teachers, Christian Thomasius and A. H. Francke, soon expanded influence beyond the limits of this conception to assume a highly of Thom original form. Thomasius and Francke had both asius and been driven from Leipzig owing to the disfavour Franke. with which their liberal and progressive tendencies were there regarded by the academic authorities, and on many points the two teachers were in agreement. They both regarded with contempt alike the scholastic philosophy and the scholastic theology; they both desired to see the rule of the civil power superseding that of the ecclesiastical power in the seats of learning; they were both opposed to the ascendancy of classical studies as expounded by the humanists—Francke regarding the Greek and Roman pagan writers with the old traditional dislike, as immoral, while Thomasius looked upon them with con-tempt, as antiquated and representing only a standpoint which had been long left behind; both again agreed as to the desirability of including the elements of modern culture in the education of the young. But here their agreement ceased. It was the aim of Thomasius, as far as possible, to secularize education, and to introduce among his countrymen French habits and French modes of thought; his own attire was gay and fashionable, and he was in the habit of taking his seat in the professorial chair adorned with gold chain and rings, and with his dagger by his side. Francke, who became the leader of the Pietists, regarded all this with even greater aversion than he did the lifeless orthodoxy traditional in the universities, and was shocked at the worldly tone and disregard for sacred things which characterized his brother professor. Both, however, commanded a considerable following among the students. Thomasius was professor in the faculty of jurisprudence, Francke in that of theology. And it was a common prediction in those days with respect to a student who proposed to pursue his academic career at Halle, that he would infallibly become either an atheist or a Pietist. But the services rendered by Thomasius to learning were genuine and lasting. He was the first to set the example, soon after followed by all the universities of Germany, of lecturing in the vernacular instead of in the customary Latin; and the discourse in which he first departed from the traditional method was devoted to the consideration of how far the German nation might with advantage imitate the French in matters of social life and intercourse. His more general views, as a disciple of the Cartesian philosophy and founder of the modern Rationalismus, exposed him to incessant attacks; but by the establishment of a monthly journal (at that time an original idea) he obtained a channel for expounding his views and refuting his antagonists which gave him a great advantage. On the influence of Francke, as the founder of that Pietistic school with which the reputation of Halle afterwards became especially identified, it is unnecessary here to dilate.' Christian Wolf, who followed Thomasius as an assertor of the new culture, was driven from Halle by the accusations of the Pietists, who declared that his teaching was fraught with atheistical principles. In 1740, however, he was recalled by Frederick II., and reinstated in high office with every mark of consideration and respect. Throughout the whole of the 18th century Halle was the leader of academic thought and advanced theology in Protestant Germany, although sharing that leadership, after the middle of the century, with Gottingen. The university of Gottingen (named after its founder "Georgia Augusta ') g°a m was endowed with the amplest privileges as a university by George II. of England, elector of Hanover, 7th December ' See Paulsen, Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts, &c., pp. 348-58. 1736. The imperial sanction of the scheme had been given three years before (13th January 1733), and the university was formally opened 17th September 1737. The king himself assumed the office of " rector magnificentissimus," and the liberality of the royal endowments (doubling those of Halle), and the not less liberal character of the spirit that pervaded its organization, soon raised it to a foremost place among the schools of Germany. Halle had just expelled Wolf; and Gottingen, modelled on the same lines as Halle, but rejecting its Pietism and disclaiming its intolerance, appealed with remark-able success to the most enlightened feeling of the time. It included all the faculties, and two of its first professors—Mosheim, the eminent theologian, from Helmstedt, and G. L. Bohmer, the no less distinguished jurist from Halle—together with Gesner, the man of letters, at once established its reputation. Much of its early success was also due to the supervision of its chief curator (there were two)—Baron Munchhausen, himself a man of considerable attainments, who by his sagacious superintendence did much to promote the general efficiency of the whole professoriate. Not least among its attractions was also its splendid library, located in an ancient monastery, and now containing over 200,000 volumes and 5000 MSS. In addition to its general influence as a distinguished seat of learning, Gottingen may claim to have been mainly instrumental in diffusing a more adequate conception of the importance of the study of history. Before the latter half of the 18th century the mode of treatment adopted by university lecturers was singularly wanting in breadth of view. Profane history was held of but little account, excepting so far as it served to illustrate ecclesiastical and sacred history; while this, again, was invariably treated in the narrow spirit of the polemic, intent mainly on the defence of his own confession, according as he represented the Lutheran or the Reformed Church. The labours of the professors at Gottingen, especially Putter, Gatterer, Schlozer and Spittler, combined with those of Mascov at Leipzig, did much towards promoting both a more catholic treatment and a wider scope. Not less beneficial was the example set at Gottingen of securing the appointment of its professors by a less prejudiced and partial body than a university board is only too likely to become. " ` The Great Munchhausen,' says an illustrious professor of that seminary, ` allowed our university the right of presentation, of designation, or of recommendation, as little as the right of free election; for he was taught by experience that, although the faculties of universities may know the individuals best qualified to supply their vacant chairs, they are seldom or never disposed to propose for appointment the worthiest within their knowledge.'"1 The system of patronage adopted at Gottingen was, in fact, identical with that which had already been instituted in the universities of the Netherlands by Douza. The Erlangen university of Erlangen, a Lutheran centre, was founded by Frederick, margrave of Baireuth. Its charter was granted by the emperor Charles VII., 21st February 1743, and the university was formally constituted, 4th November. From its special guardian, Alexander, the last margrave of Ansbach, it was styled " Academia Alexandrina." In 1791, Ansbach and Baireuth having passed into the possession of Prussia, Erlangen also became subject to the Prussian government, and, as the 19th century advanced, her theological faculty became distinguished by the fervour and ability with which it championed the tenets of Lutheranism. On comparison with the great English universities, the universities of Germany must be pronounced inferior both in point The of discipline and of moral control over the students. Bog/1,h The superiority of the former in these respects is and Ger- partly to be attributed to the more systematic care man ual- which they took, from a very early date, for the super- verslties vision of each student, by requiring that within a compared. certain specified time after his entry into the university he should be registered as a pupil of some master of arts, who was responsible for his conduct, and represented him generally in his relations to the academic authorities. Mar- 1 Hamilton, Discussions, p. 381. burg in its earliest statutes (those of 1529) endeavoured to establish a similar rule, but without success .2 The development of the collegiate system at Oxford and Cambridge materially assisted the carrying out of this discipline. Although again, as in the German universities, feuds were not unfrequent, especially those between " north " and " south " (the natives of the northern and southern counties), the fact that in elections to fellowships and scholarships only a certain proportion were allowed to be taken from either of these divisions acted as a considerable check upon the possibility of any one college representing either element exclusively. In the German universities, on the other hand, the ancient division into nations, which died out with the 15th century, was revived under another form by the institution of national colleges, which largely served to foster the spirit of rivalry and contention. The demoralization induced by the Thirty Years' War and the increase of duelling intensified these tendencies, which, together with the tyranny of the older over the younger students, known as " Pennalismus," were evils against which the authorities con-tended, but ineffectually, by various ordinances. The institution of " Burschentum," having for its design the encouragement of good fellowship and social feeling irrespective of nationality, served only as a partial check upon these excesses, which again received fresh stimulus by the rival institution of " Landsmannschaften," or societies of the same nationality. The latter proved singularly provocative of duelling, while the arrogant and even tyrannical demeanour of their members towards the unassociated students gave rise to a general combination of the latter for the purposes of self-defence and organized resistance. The political storms which marked the close of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century gave the death-blow to not a few of the ancient universities of Germany. Extlnc-Mainz and Cologne ceased to exist in 1798; Bamberg, tion of Dillingen and Duisburg in 1804; Rinteln and Helm- Gemsman stedt in 1809; Salzburg in 1810; Erfurt in 1816. tiesV aur+ Altdorf was united to Erlangen in 1807, Frankfort- on- ing 1798-the-Oder to Breslau in 1809, and Wittenberg to Halle 1815. in 1815. The university of Ingolstadt was first moved in 1802 to Landshut, and from thence in 1826 to Munich, where it was united to the academy of sciences which was founded in the Bavarian capital in 1759. Munster in Prussia Munkh. was for the first time constituted a university in four faculties by Maximilian Frederick (elector and archbishop) in 1771. Its charter was confirmed by Clement XIV. in Munster. 1773, and again by the Emperor Joseph II. The university was abolished in the year 1818; but two faculties, those of theology and philosophy, continued to exist, and in 1843 it received the full privileges of a Prussian university together with the designation of a royal foundation. Of those of the above centres which altogether ceased to exist, but few were much missed or regretted —that at Mainz, which had numbered some six hundred students, being the one notable exception. The others had for the most part fallen into a perfunctory and lifeless mode of teaching, and, with wasted or diminished revenues and declining numbers, had long ceased worthily to represent the functions of a university, while the more studious in each centre were harassed by the frequency with which it was made an arena for political demonstrations. Whatever loss may have attended their suppression was more than compensated by the activity and influence of the three great German universities which rose in the last century. Munich, after having been completely reorganized, soon became a distinguished centre of study in all the faculties; and " Volumus neminem in hanc nostram Academiam admitti, aut per rectorem in album recipi, qui non habeat privatum atque domesticum praeceptorem, qui ejus discipulum agnoscat, ad cujus judicium quisque pro sua ingenii capacitate atque Marte lecturas et publicas et privatas audiat, a cujus latere aut raro aut nunquam discedat." Koch expressly compares this provision with the discipline of Oxford and Cambridge, which, down to the commencement of the present century, was very much of the same character (Koch, Gesch. des academischen Padagogiums in Marburg, p. 11). its numbers, allowing for two great wars, have been continuously on the increase, the eminence of its professoriate, among whom have been Dollinger, Liebig, Schelling, Zeuss and Giesebrecht, having attracted students from all parts of Europe. The university of Berlin, known as the Royal Friedrich Wilhelm University, was founded in 1809, immediately after the Bedln. peace of Tilsit, when Prussia had been reduced to the level of a third-rate Power. Under the guiding influence of Wilhelm von Humboldt, however, supported by the strong purpose of Frederick William III., the principles adopted in connexion with the new seat of learning not only raised it to a foremost place among the universities of Europe, but also largely conduced to the regeneration of Germany. It had not only incorporated at the time of its foundation the famous " Academy of Sciences " of the city, but expressly repudiated all attachment to any particular creed or school of thought, and professed subservience only to the interests of science and learning. " Each of the eminent teachers with whom the university began its life—F. A. Wolfe, Fichte, Savigny, Reil—represented only himself, the path of inquiry or the completed theory which he had himself propounded. Its subsequent growth was astonishing, and before the 19th century closed the number of its matriculated students exceeded that of every other university except Vienna." The university of Bonn, founded in 1818 and also by Friedrich Wilhelm III., thus became known as the Rhenish Friedrich Bonn Wilhelm University—it being the design of the founder to introduce into the Rhine provinces the classic literature and the newly developed scientific knowledge of Germany proper. With this aim he summoned to his aid the best available talent, among the earlier instructors being Niebuhr, A. W. von Schlegel, with C. F. Nasse in the faculty of medicine and G. Hermes in that of theology. In the last-named faculty it further became noted for the manner in which it combined the opposed schools of theological doctrine—that of the Evangelical (or Lutheran) Church and that of the Roman Catholic Church here standing side by side, and both adorned by eminent names. After the war with Austria in 1859 the German universities underwent a considerable change owing to the enforced military service required by the law of 1867; and the events of 187o were certainly not disconnected with the martial spirit which had been evoked in the student world, while in the universities themselves there had risen up a new and more lively interest in political affairs. In 1878 a comparison of the numbers of the students in the different faculties in the Prussian universities with those for the year 1867 showed a remarkable diminution in the faculty of theology, amounting in Lutheran centres to more than one-half, and in Catholic centres to nearly three-fourths. In jurisprudence there was an increase of nearly two-fifths, in medicine a decline of a third, and in philosophy an increase of one-fourth. The universities of the United Provinces, like those of Protestant Germany, were founded by the state as schools for the untver- maintenance of the principles of the Reformation and sitles of the education of the clergy, and afforded in the 16th United and 17th centuries a grateful refuge to not a few of Pro- those Huguenot erPort-Royalistscholars whompersecu- V1°Ce'' tion compelled to flee beyond the boundaries of France, as well as to the Puritan divines who were driven from England. The earliest, that of Leiden (in what was then the county Letden. of Holland), founded in 1575, commemorated the gallant and successful resistance of the citizens to the Spanish forces under Requesens. Throughout the 17th century Leiden was distinguished by its learning, the ability of its professors, and the shelter it afforded to the more liberal thought associated at that period with Arminianism. Much of its early success was owing to the wise provisions and the influence of the celebrated Janus Douza:— " Douza's principles," says Hamilton, " were those which ought to regulate the practice of all academical patrons; and they were those of his successors. He knew that at the rate learning was seen prized by the state inthe academy, would it be valued by the nation at large He knew that professors wrought more even by example and influence than by teaching, that it was theirs to pitch high or low the standard of learning in a country, and that, as it proved easy or arduous to come up with them, they awoke either a restless endeavour after an even loftier attainment, or lulled into a self-satisfied conceit." Douza was, for Leiden and the Dutch, what Munchhausen afterwards was for Gottingen and the German universities. " But with this difference: Leiden was the model on which the younger universities of the republic were constructed; Gottingen the model on which the older universities of the empire were reformed. Both Munchhausen and Douza proposed a high ideal for the schools founded under their auspices; and both, as first curators, laboured with paramount influence in realizing this ideal for the same long period of thirty-two years. Under their patronage Leiden and Gottingen took the highest place among the universities of Europe; and both have only lost their relative supremacy by the application in other seminaries of the same measures which had at first determined their superiority." The appointment of the professors at Leiden was vested in three (afterwards five) curators, one of whom was selected from the body of the nobles, while the other two were appointed by the states of the province—the office being held for nine years, and eventually for life. With these was associated the mayor of Leiden for the time being. The university of Franeker was Franeker. founded in 1585 on a somewhat less liberal basis than Leiden, the professors being required to declare their assent to the rule of faith embodied in the Heidelberg Catechism and the confession of the " Belgian Church." Its four faculties were those of theology, jurisprudence, medicine, and " the three languages and the liberal arts."' For a period of twelve years (c. 1610–22) the reputation of the university was enhanced by the able teaching of William Ames (" Amesius "), a Puritan divine and moralist who had been driven by Archbishop Bancroft from Cambridge and from England. His fame and ability are said to have attracted to Franeker students from Hungary, Poland and Russia. With similar organization were founded the universities of Harderwijk (i600), Groningen (1614) and Utrecht (1634), the last-named being much frequented in the 18th Harder century by both English and Scottish students who wl]k. repaired thither to obtain instruction of a kind that amnia-Oxford and Cambridge at that time failed altogether Se°' to impart—more than a fourth of the students of utrecht. Utrecht about the year 1736 being of those nationalities. In the 19th century, however, political considerations began seriously to diminish such intercourse between different centres, and during the first Napoleon's tenure of the imperial dignity the universities in both the "kingdom of Holland" and the Austrian Netherlands (as they were then termed) were in great peril. But on the settlement of Europe in 1814–15 the restoration of the house of Orange and consequent formation of the " kingdom of the Netherlands " brought both realms under a single rule. The universities of Franeker and Harderwijk were suppressed, and those of Ghent and Liege created, while a uniform constitution was given both to the Dutch and Belgian universities. It was also provided that there should be attached to each a board of curators, consisting of five persons, " distinguished by their love of literature and science and by their rank in society," to be nominated by the king, and at least three of them to be chosen from the province in which the university was situated, the other two from adjacent provinces. After the lapse of another fifteen years, however, the kingdom of the Netherlands having been reduced to its present limits and the kingdom of Belgium (identical for the most part with the Austrian Netherlands) newly created, an endeavour was made in dealing with the whole question of secondary education to give a fuller recognition to both traditional creeds and ethnic affinities. At Louvain, the chief Catholic centre, the faculties of law, medicine 1 Statuta et Leges (Franeker, 1647), p. 3. Fluctuations of numbers in the faculty of theology.. Ghent. Liege. Amster- the loss of Franeker and Harderwijk, and the progress dam. of this new centre during the first ten years of its existence was remarkably rapid. The higher education of women has made some progress in the Netherlands. In Sweden the foundation of the university of Upsala, sanctioned in 1477 by Sixtus IV. as a studium generale on the model of Bologna, was followed at a long interval by that of Lund (1666), which was created during the minority of Charles XI. with statutes and privileges almost identical with those of Upsala and with an endowment largely derived from the alienated revenues of the chapter of the cathedral. The students were recruited from Denmark, Germany and Sweden; and Puffendorf, the civilian, was one of its first professors. During Charles's reign its resources were in turn confiscated, and the university itself was closed in 1676 in consequence of the war with Denmark. When again opened it remained for a long time in a very depressed condition, from which it failed to rally until the 19th century, when it took a new departure, and the erection of its handsome new buildings (1882) invested it with additional attractions. The royal university of Upsala, roused to new life in the 17th century by the introduction of the Cartesian philosophy, has been throughout (notwithstanding its singularly chequered history), the chief home of the higher Swedish education. In the 18th century lectures began to be delivered in Swedish; while the medieval division of the students into " nations " continued, as at Lund, until the second quarter of the loth. The various changes and events during the interesting period 1872 to 1897 have been recorded at length in the national tongue by Reinhold Geijer in a hand- some quarto which appeared in 1897. Gothenburg, on the other hand, with its society of science and literature, dating from 1841, has represented rather a popular institution, existing independently of the state, maintained chiefly by private contributions, and governed by a board called the Curatorium. For a long time it was not empowered to hold examinations. Stockholm (1878) still remains a gymnasium, but its curriculum is to a certain extent supplemented by its connexion with Upsala, from which it is little more than forty miles distant by rail. The university of Christiania in Norway, founded in 1811, and the Swedish universities are strongly Lutheran Chris" in character; and all alike are closely associated Ganla' with the ecclesiastical institutions of the Scandinavian kingdoms. The same observation applies to Copenhagen—where, however, the labours of Rask and Madvig have done much to sustain the reputation of the university for learning. Kiel. The royal university of Kiel was founded in 1665 by Duke Christian Albrecht of Holstein (who himself assumed the office of rector) with faculties of theology, law, medicine and philosophy. It maintained its ground, although not without difficulty, amid the feuds that frequently arose between its dukes and the kings of Denmark, and under the rule of Catherine II. of Russia and after the incorporation of Schleswig-Holstein with the kingdom of Denmark made a marked advance. In the latter half of last century it acquired new buildings and rose into high reputation as a school of chemistry, physiology and anatomy, while its library in 1904 exceeded 250,000 volumes. The number of universities founded in the last century is in striking contrast to the paucity which characterizes the two preceding centuries, an increase largely resulting, however, from the needs of English colonies and dependencies. In the Mediterranean, Genoa (1812), Messina (1838) and Genoa. Marseilles (1854) were foundations which supplied a Messina. genuine want and have gradually attained to a fair Mar• measure of success. The first had previously existed series. as a school of law and medicine, but when, along with the rest of the Ligurian republic, it became incorporated in the empire under Napoleon I., the emperor, in order to conciliate the population, raised it to the rank of a university in 1812. The university subsequently fell into the hands of the Jesuits, who maintained their tenure of the principal chairs until the unification of the Italian kingdom under Victor Emmanuel, when Messina, which had been founded during the rule of the Bourbons over the Two Sicilies, became similarly included under Italian rule. Of Marseilles mention has above been made. In France the fortunes of academic learning were even less happy than in Germany. The university of Dole in Franche Comte had for two hundred years been a flourishing Dole. centre of higher education for the aristocracy, and was consequently regarded with envy by Besancon. In 1691, however, when the country had been finally ceded to France, and Savoy had been subjugated by the arms of Catina, Louis XIV. was induced, on the payment of a considerable sum, to transfer the university to Besancon. Here it forthwith acquired enhanced importance under the direction of the Jesuits. But in 1722, on the creation of a university at Dijon, the [von. faculty of law was removed to that city, where it continued to exist until the Revolution. The university of Paris indeed was distracted, throughout the 17th century, by theological dissensions—in the first instance owing to the struggle that ensued after the mover. Jesuits had effected a footing at the College de Clermont,and subsequently by the strife occasioned by Paris the teaching of the Jansenists. Its studies, discipline from the and numbers alike suffered. Towards the close of 17th the century a certain revival took place, and a suc- cenury. cession of illustrious names—Pourchot, Rollin, Grenai, Coffin, Demontempuys, Crevier, Lebeau—appear on the roll of its teachers. But this improvement was soon interrupted by the controversies excited by the promulgation of the bull Unigenitus in 1713, condemning the tenets of Quesnel, when Rollin himself, although a man of singularly pacific disposition, deemed it his duty to head the opposition to Clement XI. and the French episcopate. At last, in 1762, the parlement of Paris issued a decree (August 6) placing the colleges of the Jesuits at the disposal of the university, and this was immediately followed by another for the expulsion of the order from Paris, the university being installed in possession of their vacated premises. Concurrently with this measure, the curriculum of prescribed studies assumed a more hopeful character, and both history and natural science began to be cultivated with a certain success. These innovations, however, were soon lost sight of in the more sweeping changes which followed upon the Revolution. On the 15th of September 1793 the universities and colleges throughout France, together with the faculties of theology, medicine, jurisprudence and arts, were abolished by a decree of the convention, and the whole system of national education may be said to have remained in abeyance, until, in 1808, Napoleon I. promulgated the scheme which in its essential features is almost identical with that which at present obtains—the whole system of education, both secondary and primary, being made subject to the control and direction of the state. In pursuance of this conception, the " university of France," as it was henceforth styled, became little more and philosophy had already, in 1788, been removed to Brussels Brussels. —an ahnost unique example of a university which owed its origin neither to a temporal nor an ecclesi- astical authority—and in 1834 Brussels was constituted a free and independent university with a new fourth faculty of natural science, and supported mainly by contributions from the Liberal party. Having, however, no charter, it continued incapable by law of possessing property. While Louvain and Brussels thus represented to a great extent the two chief political parties in the realm, the universities of Ghent on the Scheldt and Liege on the Meuse recruited their students mainly from the two chief races—the Flemish and the Walloon. In Holland, on the other hand, where no such marked racial differences exist, the universities of Groningen, Leiden and Utrecht have been assimilated (1876) in constitution, each being administered by a consistory of five rectors with a senate composed of the professors in the respective faculties. The foundation of the university of Amsterdam (1877) more than repaired Universkies of Sweden and Norway. Lund. Upsala. than an abstract terms signifying collectively the various centres of professional education in their new relations to the state. All France was divided into seventeen districts, designated " academies," each administered by its own rector and council, but subject to the supreme authority of the minister of public instruction, and representing certain faculties which varied at different centres in conformity with the new scheme of distribution for the entire country. While, accordingly, three new " academies "—those of Lille, Lyons and Rennes—date their commencement from 1808, Ll/ie, many of the pre-existing centres were completely sup- Lyons pressed. In some cases, however, the effacement and of an ancient institution was avoided by investing Rennes. it with new importance, as at Grenoble; in others, the vacated premises were appropriated to new uses connected with the department, as at Avignon, Cahors and Perpignan. Each rector of an " academy " was also constituted president of a local conseil d'enseignement, in conjunction with which he nominated the professors of lycees and the communal schoolmasters,2 these appointments being subsequently ratified by a promotion committee sitting in Paris. In 1895, however, fnsatu- the government was prevailed upon to sanction the awl of institution of certain " free faculties," as they were "free termed, to be placed under the direction of the bishop, faculties." and depending for support upon voluntary contributions, and each including a faculty of theology. The faculty at Marseilles, on the other hand, which originated in an earlier " faculty of sciences " founded in 1854, was now called upon to share the governmental grant with Aix, and the two centres became known as the Academie d'Aix-Marseillethe faculties in the latter being restricted to mathematics and natural science (including a medical school), while faculties of law and philosophy were fixed at Aix, which possesses also the university library properly so termed. In the capital itself, the university of Paris and the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes carried on the work of higher instruction independently of each other—the former with faculties of Protestant theology, law, medicine, science, letters and chemistry distributed over the Quartier Latin; the latter with schools of mathematics, natural science, history, philology, and history of religions centred at the Sorbonne. The College de France, founded in the 16th century by Francis I., was from the first regarded with hostility both by the university and by the Sorbonne. It became, instruction in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, that it not only held its ground, but at the Revolution ultimately sur- vived alike the universities and their hostility. As reconstituted in 1831 it became chiefly known as an institution for the in- struction of adults, and its staff of professors, some fifty in number (including their deputies), has comprised from time to time the names of not a few of the most distinguished scholars and men of science in the country. The university of had been distinguished by an intellectual activity which became associated with the names of Goethe, Herder and others, was also swept away by the Revolution. It was revived in 1804 as a Protestant " academy," but four years later incorporated in the newly created " academy " of Nancy, with a faculty of Protestant theology which lasted only until 1818. In Switzerland the universities shared in the conflicts handed down from the days when the Helvetic republic had been first created, and each with somewhat similar ex- Band or League of the Catholic Cantons, the Con-federates divided the canton into two, and agreed to raise the 2It retains a certain professional meaning, in that a student studying for the " university " is understood to be one who is himself aiming at the profession of a teacher in a lycee. 2 The prefet of the department has since taken the place of the rector with regard to nominations.
End of Article: UNIVERSITIES
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